Skip to main content

Full text of "History of the 103d regiment, Pennsylvania veteran volunteer infantry, 1861-1865, by Luther S. Dickey .."

See other formats



I  if  nr 

I  11  I 

i]Z  CIVIL  War.  Pennsylvania  103rd  Regiment  In- 
fantry. History  of.  By  Luther  S.  Dickey.  Portraits,  maps 
and  illustrations.    Royal  8°  cloth.  Chicago,  1910 


Asserting  that  iyro  Confederate  regiments  which  at- 
taclted  Casey's  Division  at  Seven  Pines,  May  31,  1862, 
lost  more  men  than  any  other  Southern  regiments  in  the 
Civil  War  with  one  exception,  Corpl.  L.  S.  Dickey, 
collaborating  with  Sergt.  Samuel  M.  Evans,  seeks  to 
vindicate  Casey's  Division  in  a  volume  just  from  the 
press  entitled,  "A  History  of  the  103d  Regiment,  Penn- 
sylvania Veteran  Volunteer  Infantry."  /in  addition  to  a 
chronological  historical  narrative  of  the  reginient,  which 
covers  all  its  activities  during  its/nearly  four  years' 
continuous  service,  a  sketch  of  each  company  of  the 
regiment,  numerous  personal  sketches  embracing  several ' 
daring  escapes  from  Confederate  prisons,  three  compre- 
hensive articles  appear  in  tUs  volume,  viz.,  "Casey's 
Division  at  Seven  Pines,"  "The  Battle  of  Plymouth"  and 
"Life  in  Andersonvill^  and  Florence  Confederate  Military 
Prisonsj"  The  comjiifation  from  the  official  records 
bearing  on  the  events  treated  in  these  articles  makes  each' 
valuable  as  an  authoritative  reference  work.  Especially : 
is  this  true  of  the  article  on  "Casey's  Division  at  Seven' 
Pines."  The  author  says  that  had  it  not  been  for  the' 
valiant  action  of  the  weakest  and  "rawest"  division  of 
the  Army,  "led  and  ^encouraged  by  the  white-haired- old 
Mexican  War  hero.  General  Casey,  in  advance  of  Seven 
Pines  on  May  31,  1862,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  would 
have  been  disastrously  defeated,  and  the  commanding! 
generals  responsible  for  the  calumnies  on  Casey's  Division 
utterly  discredited .  as  inefficient  commanders."  General 
McClellan's  despatch  to  the  Secretary  of  War  censuring 
Casey's  Division  lauded  the  conduct  of  all  the  other 
troops  engaged  in  the  battle. 

By  producing  the  official  reports  Mr.  Dickey  has  made 
it  possible  for  the  reader  to  judge  of  the  conduct  of  the 
troops  of  the  other  divisions  engaged,  without  himself 
reflecting  on  them.  The  despatches  sent  by  General 
Heintzelman  to  General  McClellan  during  and  immediately 
following  the  battle  caused  him  to  censure  Casey's  troops, 
and  the  Jfaet  that  the  left  wing  of  the  Army  of  the 
PotomacJi'^as,;  driven  back  from  its  first  two  lines  has  been  i 
generally:  attributed  to  Casey's  Division,  which  held  the ! 
first  line,  in  not  making  proper  resistance.  Ignoring 
the  official  reports  of  General  Casey  and  his  brigade 
generals  eptirely,  a  careful  reading  oiE  the  official  reports 
and  testimony  before  the  Joint  Congressional  Committee  | 
on  the  conduct  of  the  war  of  Generals  Keyes  and  Heint- 
zelmah  and  the  official  reports  of  Generals  Couch.  Peck 
atid  Kearny  show,  in  the  author's  opinion,  that  Casey's 
Division  held  its  position  longer  than  Couch  and  Kearny, 
and,  while  it  was  the  weakest  division  numerically,  it 
sustained  a  greater  loss  than  any  other  dvision  engaged 
iU  W.^^pn.  In  support  of  his  contention  as  to  Casey's 
^if^JBlOll,'  Corporal  Dickey  quotes  from  a  statement  by 
the  Confederate  Gen.  D.  H.  Hill,  whose  division  attacked 
Casey.  l'-U^,^,  ,j  )  -"-;  ,,'"'- "^V    -  '''  ^j  : '^      _ 

Battle-Torn  B|nner,     - 
to  Be  Presented  Today 

'Flag  With  a  War  History  to  Be 

Placed  in  the  Soldiers' 

Memorial  Hall, 

.  H*' 


\  The  company  flag  of  the  One  Hundred 
j  and  Third  Regiment,  Pennsylvania' Volun- 
i  teers,  that  was  carried  through  Anderson- 
I  yille  prison  by  Private  Conrad  Petsinger 
I  of  that  regiment,  will  be  presented  to 
I  the  Memorial  Hall  Committee  today  at 
1 1:30  p.  m.  An  opportunity  will  be  given 
I  the  public  to  hear  Raymond  Bobins  in 
[the  Memorial  Hall  auditorium. 
I  The  committee  of  the  regtaental  "asso^ 
I  ctation  requests  the  presenc^'of  the  mem- 
i  bers  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  liepublic, 
I  the   Union  Veteran   Legion   ai^d   afSjiated 

societies.      An    invitation    i.?    extended    to 

the  faculty  and  students  of  the  University  i 
I  of  Pittsburgh,  of  the  Carnegie'  Technical 
j  and  Margaret  Morrison  schools,  liie 
I  teachers  and  pupils-.of  the  public  schools 
I  generally  and  the  public  at  large.  The 
I  program  follows"; 
'  Prayer. 

Preeentation   ,Speech .[ ■ 

)    '  Hon.  Thomas  Hays,  Butler    Pa.* 

UnveJllng  of  the  Flag '. 

I  Miss  Carrie  Petshiger,   BJanddaughter "oi  "con- 
'  rad  Petsinger. 

"Star  Spangled  Banner" 

I     Forbes  School  Orchestra  and  pupils,"  led  iiy 
I  .  Prof.  McDerpiott. 

j  PLeoeptlon  of  the  flag'  on  behalf  of  the  Sol- 
diers' Memorial  Hall  Committee....; 
I     Comrade    Charles    O.    Smith,    Patriotic    In- 
I'        structor,  G.  A.  R..  Department  of  Penn- 
1  sylvania. 

!YVI''=    • Orchestra 

Address     ., Raymond    Robins 

Soloist  ..     Mrs.  J.  Sharp  McDonald 

Amsrica Orchestra  arid  Audience 



Major  W,.^|*»B(ly; 

Historic  Banner  Went  Through  Bat- 
tles and  Andersonvile. 

On  January  30  the  Memorial  HaU  As- 


'  Major  Watson  ^iXmikir.  69  years  old, 
ia  dead  in  hlg  home.  In  Copelaud  ave- 
nue, Bast  End.  "He  had  been  injured 
in  a  .street  car  accident  about  a  year 
<igo,  from  which  he  never  fully  recov- 
ered. He  was  a  veteran  of  the  Civil 
war,  flavins  been  a  mem'ber  of  the  One 
Hundred  and  Third  volunteer  regiment. 
Before  the  close  of  the  war  he  was  aft- 
fvanccd  to  the  rank  of  major.  After  the 
War  he  came; to  Pittsburgh  and  devoted' 
his  ;entlre  tlnie  to  railroad  construction 
woi-(it.  He  waSL  chief  engineer  of  the 
con.'ftruction  woSk  on  the  Pittsburgh  & 
Western  rallroa^)  sifterwards  becoming 
Its  superintenden't  I^ter  he  was  en- 
gineer of  cjnStrucnpn  of  the  Pltiaburgi) 
Ballvvays  Company. %  He  was  a  member 
Of  the  Union  Veteran  Legion.  Major 
Mobley  l8  survived  By  his  widow,  ■  Mrs. 
fifiSBabeth   Parker  Mobley;  a  son,   B.   V. 

(_Mi)bley,  and  two  dausfhters,  Mlnni*,  at 
hopie,  and  Mrs,  W.  B.  ^,  Pearsall,  of  this 

Kflty.  A'  sister,  Mrs.  M'artha  Frampton, 
of  Tai'entum,  and  a  brWher,  J.  P.  D. 
i^i3bley,  of  Parker,  Pa.,"  also  survlV*. 


— a__ 











^^                      M 






^^            S> 









°  c  2 

t  1^    u. 

'iiil       /     ^ 


V9%          /           ,^4 




■u  "J    S 





I  >  < 






















this  volume  was  taken. 

To  renew  this  book  copy  the  call  No.  and  give  to 
the  hbrarian. 

^  ^  '     All  Books  subject  to  Recall 

1  All  borrowers  must  re£;is- 

„„. «„..„....,.A ter  in  the  library  to  b(»row 

books  for  home  use. 

"- " — All  books  must  be  re- 
turned   at    end  of    college 

year    for     inspection    and 


Limited  books  must  be  re- 

;. I  turned  within  the  four  week 

limit  and  not  renewed. 

— — - """— Students  must  return  all 

books  before  leaving  town. 

*™ ' Officers  should  arrange  for 

the  return  of  books  wanted 

*"*" " during  their  absence  from 

^,^ ^ ^ town. 

Volumes    of    periodicals 

and  of  pamphlets  are  held 

in  the  library  as  much  as 

" possible.  For  special  pur- 
poses they  are  given  out  for 
a  limited  time. 

Borrowers  should  not  use 

their  library  privileges  for 

the  benefit  of  other  persons. 

Books  of  special  value 
and  gift  books,  when  the 
giver  wishes  it,  are  not 
allowed  to  circulate. 

•M Readers  are  asked  tore- 
port    all    cases    of     books 

— marked  or  mutilated. 

Do  not  deface  books  by  marks  and  writing. 

Cornell  University  Library 
E527.5   103d   .D55 
History  of  the  103d  regiment,  Pennsylvan 


EMLHNTON,  Pa,,  March  24. — (SP*- 
cla4.)— Isaac  Sha^kely,  a  lone  time  and 
respected  resident  of  Emlentqti,  died  at 
his  home  in  this  place  at  1  o'clock  "Wed- 
nesday morning.  He  was  born  in  But- 
ler county,  near  Petrolia,  August  21, 
1842.  He  oame  to  Bmlentpn  In  Ootoper, 
1865,  and  began  woric  at  his  trade,  that 
of  blacksmith,  and  had  been  a  resident' 
of  Bmlenton  contlnuotiBly^ 
time.  He  was  united  In  [ 
Miss  Sarah  ShouP, 
burg,  February  14,  1867. ! 
ren  wiere  born  to  them,  nine  of 
surviy*,  as  follows:  C.  A.  A.  j^ 
of  Oil  Cltv.  Mrs.  R.  .T.  Todd  and! 
P.  ToAd;  of  New  Bethlehem,  Pa  ,  Wa 
B.,  Waynesboro,  Pa.;  Clyde  I.,  Savanah, 
G-a.;  Fred  M.,  Frafik,  Z.,  Meade  K.  and 
iRuth  N.,  at  home.  One  sister,  Mrm.  S. 
J.   Redd,  of  Butler,  also  survlv«B. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  Civjl  war  Mr. 
Shakely  enlisted  in  Company  B,  One 
Hundred  and  Three  t>.  V.  I.,  and  served 
throughout  the  war.  He  was  a  member 
of  thte  celebrated  Wessel's  brigade  and 
was  a  corporal  from  1863  to  1865.  Ha 
was  one  of  the.  unfortunates  who  were 
confined'  In  Andarsonville  prison,  nlns 
months  of  the  war  time  being  spent  In^ 
that  place.  Disease  contracted  thera,,'( 
which  would  have  killed  a  man  of,  less 
rpgged  constitution,  remained  with  him 
to  the  end  of  his  dais. 

3   1924  030  914  471 
olin  Overs 

Watson  C.  Mohley.Ay, 

'  Walton  C.  ,Mobley,  aged  69,  a  veteraR 
'of  the  Civil  War,  died  at  his  home,  722 
Copeland  street,  Shadyside,  late  lasit 
night.  Mr  Mobley  had  never  recovered 
from  injuries'  he '  received  a  year  ago. 
He  served  through  the  Cival  War  in 
the  One  Hundred  and  Third  Pennsylvania 
"Volunteers.  Since  the  war  he  h^d  de- 
voted himself  princiipally ,  to  railroad  con- 
struction work.  "He  was  the  chief  en- 
gineer in  charge  of  the  construction  of 
ithe  Pittsburgh  &  "W^estern  Railroad  and, 
(later  became  its  superintendent.  Latter- 
'ly  he  has  been  connected  with  the  Pitts- 
burgh Railways  Company.  Mr.  Mobley 
iwas  a  Mason  and  a  member  'Of  the  Union 
Veteran  Legion.  He  leaves  a  widow, 
Mrs.  Elizabeth  Parker  Mobley;  bne  son, 
;E.  P.  Mobley,  and  two  daughters.  Miss 
Minnie  C.  Mobley  at  home  and  Mrs.  "W". 
D.  Pearsall.  He  also  leaves  one  brothjH 
and  one  sister.  -H 



Cornell  University 

The  original  of  this  book  is  in 
the  Cornell  University  Library. 

There  are  no  known  copyright  restrictions  in 
the  United  States  on  the  use  of  the  text. 



103d   Regiment 

Pennsylvania  Veteran 
Volunteer  Infantry 



Corporal  of  Company  C, 

With  Sergeant  Samuel  M.  Evans  as  Collaborator. 





L.  S.  DICKEY. 

Photo-engraving  by 

Electro  Light  engraving  Co 

New  York. 

cojAt  100 


TN  memory  of  the  heroic  dead 
of  Casey's  division  who  fell 
in  advance  of  Seven  Pines,  and  of 
the  gallant  comrades  who  suffered 
martyrdom  in  the  Confederate 
Military  Prisons  of  Andersonville 
and  Florence  to  preserve  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  Union,  this  volume 
is   most   affectionately   dedicated. 

Pittsburg,  Pa.,  January  7,  1909. 

At  a  regularly  called  meeting  of  the  One  Hundred  and  Third 
Pennsylvania  Regimental  Association,  held  in  Union  Veteran  Legion 
Hall,  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  January  4,  5  and  6,  1909,  to  consider  the  manu- 
script of  the  Regimental  History  in  preparation  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Association,  the  following  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted : 

Whereas,  the  draft  of  manuscript  of  the  Regimental  History  sub- 
mitted to  the  Regimental  Association  by  Comrade  L.  S.  Dickey,  gives 
evidence  of  wide  research  and  painstaking  care  in  preparation,  and 

Whereas,  Comrade  Dickey  has  demonstrated  most  satisfactorily 
by  his  work  that  he  is  thoroughly  competent  to  prepare  a  trustworthy 
and  authentic  history  of  the  Regiment,  and  that  he  also  possesses  the 
requisite  zeal  and  enthusiasm  in  his  work,  essential  to  bring  it  to  a 
successful  completion,  therefore  be  it 

Resolved,  that  the  One  Hundred  and  Third  Pennsylvania  Regi- 
mental Association  most  heartily  approves  the  manuscript  as  presented, 
and  does  hereby  authorize  and  instruct  L.  S.  Dickey  to  complete  and 
publish  the  Regimental  History  without  further  delay  along  the  lines 
indicated  by  him,  and  be  it  further 

Resolved,  that  it  is  the  sense  of  the  Regimental  Association,  that 
every  surviving  member  of  the  One  Hundred  and  Third  Regiment, 
Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  and  the  friends  and  relatives  of  deceased 
members  thereof,  should  co-operate  and  assist  Comrade  Dickey  in  his 
laudable  efforts,  to  the  end  that  a  faithful  record  of  the  activities  of 
the  One  Hundred  and  Third  Regiment  may  be  preserved  to  posterity. 
John  A.  Kelley,  W.    C.    Mobley, 

Chairman.  Secretary. 


When  the  writer  accepted  the  honor  as  historian  of  his  Regiment  he  had  no 
reaHzation  of  the  task  involved.  After  more  than  forty  years  since  the  final 
events  of  the  Civil  War,  he  expected  to  use  the  compilations  of  others  who  had 
carefully  examined  everything  bearing  on  the  most  important  events  in  which 
his  Regiment  had  participated.  Instead,  however,  of  receiving  assistance  from 
this  source  he  found  the  task  made  doubly  difficult  by  the  fact  that  most  of  the 
writers  on  these  events  have  accepted  the  gossip  of  the  camps,  evidently  with- 
out confirmation  or  research,  even  when  censuring  their  comrades  in  arms.  At- 
tention is  called  to  this  at  some  length  in  numerous  extracts  from  historical  nar- 
ratives and  in  a  personal  sketch. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  work  an  earnest  endeavor  has  been  made  to  pre- 
sent everything  pertaining  to  the  Regiment  which  would  be  of  interest  to  surviv- 
ing members,  and  care  has  been  exercised  to  avoid  undue  exaggeration.  In  pre- 
paring the  regimental  narrative  constant  reference  has  been  made  to  the  diary  of 
Sergt.  S.  M.  Evans,  the  "Army  Experience"  of  Capt.  John  Donaghy,  and  the 
Official  Reports  of  the  War  Department.  Sergt.  Evans  kept  a  daily  record 
of  the  events  of  the  Regiment  during  the  first  three  years  of  the  war ;  Capt.  Don- 
aghy prepared  his  "Army  Experiences"  from  his  diary  a  few  years  subsequent 
to  the  war,  and  any  additions  made  were  when  his  memory  of  the  most  vivid  inci- 
dents must  have  been  clear.  The  well  known  character  of  both  gives  assurance 
to  their  surviving  comrades  that  any  positive  statement  by  either  can  be  regarded 
as  trustworthy. 

For  the  early  history  of  the  Regiment  the  correspondence  filed  in  the  archives 
of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  from  the  promoters,  organizers  and  officers  of  the 
Regiment  to  the  state  officials  have  been  carefully  examined.  So  far  as  the  com- 
pany and  individual  records  are  incomplete  the  writer  asks  to  be  absolved  from 
blame.  He  has  spent  much  time  both  at  the  capital  of  the  state  and  the  capital  of 
the  nation  examining  the  official  records  and  has  presented  here  everything  per- 
tinent to  which  he  had  access  at  either  place.  He  is  under  special  obligations  to 
the  Auditor  for  the  War  Department,  B.  F.  Harper,  and  to  Comrade  S.  E.  Faunce, 
Chief  of  Records  Division,  in  the  Auditor's  office,  and  to  Hon.  Thos.  J.  Stewart, 
Adjutant  General  of  Pennsylvania,  and  his  clerk.  Comrade  J.  B.  Stauffer;  to 
James  C.  Deininger,  of  the  State  Department;  also  to  the  Commissioners  of  Pen- 
sion, Hon.  Vespasian  Warner  and  Hon.  J.  L.  Davenport,  for  valuable  and  cour- 
teous service  in  an  endeavor  to  complete  the  individual  records  of  the  members 
of  the  Regiment. 

The  writer  is  under  obligations  to  so  many  for  cheerful  and  helpful  aid  in 
the  preparation  of  this  work,  that  it  may  be  unjust  discrimination  to  make  personal 
acknowledgment  here  without  including  all ;  and  yet  not  to  mention  some  would  be 
verging  on  ingratitude.  Among  those  who  have  extended  unusual  courtesies  and 
substantial  assistance  are  Comrade  Millard  F.  Bingham  (12th  New  York  Volun- 


teers)  whose  choice  selection  of  war  Hterature  in  his  extensive  and  well  selected 
library  was  freely  proffered;  Mr.  Frank  Pierce  Hill,  Chief  Librarian,  Brooklyn 
Public  Library,  who  placed  the  Halliday  Library  at  his  disposal  while  being  cata- 
logued ;  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Athenaeum  Library,  Boston ;  to  the  Chicago  Public 
Library;  especially  to  Miss  Caroline  L.  Elliott,  Reference  Librarian,  and  Mr. 
Charles  A.  Larson,  Assistant  Reference  Librarian,  the  great  assistance  rendered 
by  them  being  invaluable.  More  than  ordinary  courtesies  have  been  extended 
by  the  Pratt  Institute  Library,  Brooklyn;  the  Astor  and  Lenox  Libraries,  New 
York ;  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  Philadelphia ;  The  Philadelphia  Public 
Library ;  the  Carnegie  Libraries  of  Pittsburgh  and  Allegheny ;  the  State  Library, 
Harrisburg ;  the  Cleveland  Public  Library ;  the  Case  Library,  Cleveland,  and  the 
Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C,  and  to  the  Century  Company,  New  York. 
The  writer  is  under  especial  obligations  to  Hon.  Walter  Clark,  Chief  Jus- 
tice of  North  Carolina;  to  the  Adjutant  General  of  Connecticut;  to  Comrade 
George  Q.  Whitney  (i6th  Conn.  Vols.),  Hartford;  to  two  daughters  of  the  Con- 
federacy, Drs.  Florence  Leigh-Jones  and  Elizabeth  J.  Hatton,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. ; 
both  of  whom  suffered  the  privations  of  the  Civil  War  in  their  childhood ;  the 
former  in  Charleston  during  the  bombardment,  while  her  father  was  serving  in 
a  Palmetto  regiment;  the  latter  in  Georgia,  while  her  father,  (who  was  a  per- 
sonal friend  of  Dr.  Isaiah  White,  Chief  Surgeon  of  Andersonville  Military 
Prison)  was  serving  as  a  surgeon  in  a  Georgia  regiment.  Substantial  aid  and 
cheerful  assistance  has  also  come  from  Mr.  Charles  H.  IngersoU,  South  Orange, 
N.  J. ;  from  Thomas  Lynch,  Esq.,  Greensburg,  Pa. ;  and  from  Comrades  John  A. 
Kelley,  Baptist  H.  Scott,  Thomas  Hays  and  Norval  D.  Goe. 

With  few  exceptions  no  Pennsylvania  regiments  have  records  less  complete 
than  the  One  Hundred  and  Third.  Its  regimental  and  company  records  were  twice 
completely  lost  in  battle,  and  under  circumstances  that  made  it  impossible  to  have 
them  fully  replaced.  The  writer  has  spared  no  pains  to  get  authentic  histories 
of  the  various  companies  of  the  Regiment  by  correspondence  with  surviving  mem- 
bers, writing  to  every  one  whose  address  he  had. 

In  addition  to  the  chronological  narrative,  the  company  histories,  and  the 
roster  which  embraces  every  name  in  the  ten  original  companies,  and  also  the 
eight  unassigned  companies  which  came  to  the  Regiment  a  few  weeks  before  it 
was  mustered  out,  three  comprehensive  articles  (one  critical)  are  presented 
namely:  "Casey's  Division  at  the  Battle  of  Seven  Pines,"  "The  Battle  of  Plym- 
outh," and  "Life  in  Andersonville  and  Florence  Confederate  Military  Prisons," 
It  is  necessary  to  cover  these  three  events  comprehensively  to  give  a  complete  his- 
tory of  the  Regiment.  The  company  sketches  embrace  some  things  already  cov- 
ered in  the  regimental  narrative,  and  some  personal  notes  are  made  that  may  not 
be  of  general  interest,  except  to  surviving  members  and  friends  of  that  particu- 
lar company.  The  personal  reminiscences  that  comrades  have  sent  have  been 
carefully  read,  and  as  nearly  all  of  them  were  of  a  similar  nature,  and  covered  the 
same  grounds,  or  the  main  features  were  already  narrated  in  the  regimental  narra- 
tive, they  have  been  used  to  amplify  the  company  sketches.  As  Capt.  Mackey 
was  the  only  one  of  the  original  company  commanders  to  retain  that  position, 
and  to  be  constantly  and  continuously  with  the  Regiment  from  the  time  it  went 


to  the  front  until  it  was  captured,  his  daily  record  of  events  in  Confederate  prisons 
is  published  without  amplification,  elimination,  or  editorial  revision.  The  fact 
that  these  events  were  not  recorded  for  publication  makes  them  the  more  inter- 
esting. It  may  be  said  that  many  little  personal  details  in  his  diary  might  have 
been  omitted ;  this  may  be  true ;  but  the  writer  thinks  the  reader  can  readily  cull 
all  the  essential  matter. 

The  aspersion  cast  on  Casey's  division,  in  the  first  dispatch  from  the  com- 
manding general  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  announcing  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks 
was  finally  shifted  in  his  official  report  to  two  brigades  of  the  division,  especially 
robbing  the  Regiment's  brigade  of  its  heroic  defense  of  the  intrenchments,  and 
giving  the  credit  to  a  brigade  commanded  by  a  favorite  of  the  commanding  gen- 
eral. It  is  especially  fitting  that  Casey's  division  be  vindicated  in  the  history  of 
the  One  Hundred  and  Third  Regiment,  as  this  Regiment  was  an  integral  part  of 
his  division  until  it  was  separated  into  other  commands.  One  of  the  principal 
reflections  upon  this  division  in  the  histories  of  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  is  that  it 
was  taken  by  surprise.  This  reflects  especially  upon  its  pickets  and  their  supports. 
As  it  was  the  commanding  officer  of  the  pickets  from  the  Regiment  who  apprised 
Gen.  Casey  of  the  presence  of  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  in  front  of  the  division, 
and  as  it  was  the  Regiment  that  opened  the  battle,  and  was  the  first  regiment  of 
the  division  to  be  routed,  it  is  especially  appropriate  and  essential  that  the  truth 
as  to  the  whole  matter  should  appear  with  a  history  of  the  Regiment.  The  dead 
and  maimed  of  the  Regiment  who  fell  in  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  and  also  all  those 
who  did  their  full  duty  must  be  vindicated. 

In  criticising  those  responsible  for  the  injustice  done  to  Casey's  division  no 
statement  has  been  made  that  is  not  substantiated  by  the  official  records.  The 
evidence  presented  is  not  one-sided,  but  an  earnest  effort  has  been  made  to  pre- 
sent everything  pertaining  to  the  subject,  and  if  possible  find  some  extenuating 
circumstances  for  those  culpable.  Justice  to  the  dead,  who  can  only  reply  through 
the  official  records,  made  this  obligatory. 

The  capture  of  the  Regiment  at  Plymouth  makes  it  necessary  to  give  a  de- 
tailed account  of  the  battle  in  order  to  show  whether  the  Regiment  was  in  any 
measure  responsible  for  the  capitulation  of  the  garrison,  or  if  the  proper  resist- 
ance was  made  even  when  there  was  no  hope  of  succor. 

The  long  confinement  of  nine  companies  of  the  Regiment  at  Andersonville 
and  Florence,  and  the  terrible  mortality  in  those  pestilential  spots  make  it  im- 
perative to  tell  the  repulsive  story  in  this  volume.  The  evidence  presented  here, 
is  chiefly  the  official  reports  of  the  Confederate  surgeons  and  inspector  generals 
to  the  Confederate  authorities.  These  reports  give  evidence  of  having  been  writ- 
ten by  men  of  humane  impulses,  who  had  no  motive  for  exaggerating  the 
horrible  conditions  prevailing  there.  Reference  is  made  to  prison  life  with  no 
intention  to  reflect  on  the  Southern  people  or  the  Confederate  authorities.  It  is 
necessarily  a  part  of  the  story  of  the  103d  Regiment,  in  order  that  posterity  may 
know  how  much  it  is  indebted  to  this  organization  for  the  heritage  of  a  free  Re- 
public. The  evidence  presented  here  proves  beyond  question  that  thei  Federal 
authorities  could  have  readily  exchanged  prisoners,  when  the  suffering  and  mor- 
tality was  the  most  appalling  at  Andersonville  and  Florence  prisons,   without 

viii  PREFACE 

relinquishing  any  just  position  they  had  been  contending  for,  and  without  any 
further  jeopardy  to  the  officers  and  enlisted  men  of  negro  regiments ;  the  evidence 
proves  conclusively  that  the  exchange  was  not  made,  because  an  exchange  at 
that  time  would  have  imperiled  the  safety  of  both  armies,  under  Grant  and  Sher- 

Although  severe  criticisms  have  been  made  in  this  volume,  and  expressions 
made  that  may  seem  vituperative,  they  have  been  honestly  made,  and  the  writer 
believes,  truthfully  made.  The  "midnight  oil"  has  burned  many  weeks  in  an 
earnest,  sincere  desire  to  find  evidence  in  extenuation  of  the  action  of  the  men 
criticised.  And  although  with  a  full  knowledge  of  the  grievous  wrong  done  to 
his  division  and  to  the  comrades  who  sealed  their  devotion  to  the  Nation  by  giving 
their  lives  in  advance  of  Seven  Pines,  not  a  line  has  been  written  in  malice,  or 
even  with  animus.  What  is  written  is  now  beyond  recall.  But,  as  the  writer 
reviews  his  words,  calmly  and  dispassionately,  as  they  appear  in  print  before 
him — the  words  in  criticism  of  those  who  wronged  his  division  and  his  dead 
comrades — he  sees  nothing  to  modify ;  nothing  to  qualify ;  nothing  to  retract. 
And  these  last  words  are  written  under  the  influence — the  spell — of  those  won- 
derful sentences  of  the  greatest  character  evolved  by  the  Civil  War,  written  and 
uttered,  when  the  fate  of  the  nation  was  yet  trembling  in  the  balance ;  words  that 
are  imperishable,  and  that  should  forever  silence  those  who  would  engender  sec- 
tional strife,  and  those  who  take  delight  in  continuously  harping  over  the  wrongs 
perpetrated  by  some  of  the  people  of  the  South  during  the  days  of  the  Civil  War 

Both  parties  deprecated  war,  but  one  of  them  would  make  war  rather  than 
let  it  [the  Union]  perish,  and  war  came.  Neither  party  expected  the  magnitude 
or  duration  which  it  has  attained ;  neither  anticipated  that  the  cause  of  the  conflict 
might  cease  even  before  the  conflict  itself  should  cease.  Each  looked  for  an 
easier  triumph  and  a  result  less  fundamental  and  astonishing.  Both  read  the 
same  Bible  and  prayed  to  the  same  God.  Each  invoked  his  aid  against  the  other. 
It  may  seem  strange  that  any  man  should  dare  to  ask  a  just  God's  assistance  in 
wringing  bread  from  the  sweat  of  any  other  men's  faces ;  but  let  us  judge  not, 
that  we  be  not  judged.  The  prayer  of  both  should  not  be  answered ;  that  of 
neither  has  been  answered  fully  for  the  Almighty  has  His  own  purposes.  "Woe 
unto  the  world  because  of  offenses,  for  it  must  needs  be  that  offense  come ;  but 
woe  unto  that  man  by  whom  the  offense  cometh."  If  we  shall  suppose  American 
slavery  one  of  those  offenses  which,  in  the  providence  of  God,  must  needs  come, 
but  which,  having  continued  through  His  appointed  time.  He  now  wills  to  re- 
move, and  that  He  gives  to  both  North  and  South  this  terrible  war,  as  was  due  to 
those  by  whom  the  offense  came,  shall  we  discern  that  there  is  any  departure 
from  those  divine  attributes  which  believers  in  the  living  God  always  ascribe  to 
him?  Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray,  that  this  mighty  scourge  of 
war  may  speedily  pass  away ;  yet  if  it  be  God's  will  that  it  continue  until  the 
wealth  piled  by  bondsmen  by  two  hundred  and  fifty  years'  unrequited  toil  shall  be 
sunk,  and  until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  by  another 
drawn  with  the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so  still  it  must 
be  said  that  the  judgments  of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous  altogether.  With 
malice  towards  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness  in  the  right,  as  God  gives 
us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the 
nation's  wounds,  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and  for  his 
widow  and  orphans;  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  lasting- 
peace  among  ourselves  and  with  all  nations. 



Camp  Orr — Kittanning — The  Organization  of  the  Regiment 1 

(From  August,  1861  to  Febraury  24,  1862.) 


From    Kittanning   to    Yorktown 6 

(From  February  24,  to  May  4,  1862.) 


The   Battle   of   Williamsburg 10 

(From  May  4,  to  May  7,  1862.) 


The  Battle  of  Seven  Pines,  or  Fair  Oaks ! 13 

(From   May  7,  to  June  7,   1862.) 


The  Seven  Days'  Battles — From  White  Oak  Swamp  to  Harrison's  Landing 22 

(From  June  4,  to  July  31,  1862.) 


From  Harrison's  Landing  to  Suffolk — Blackwater  Reconnoissances 30 

(From  July  31,  to  December  4,  1862.) 


From  Suffolk  to  New  Bern— Battles  of  Kinston,  Whitehall  and  Goldsboro 34 

(From  December  4,  to  December  28,  1862.) 


New   Bern — Hyde   County   Raid 41 

(From  December  28,  1862,  to  March  13,   1863.) 


New  Bern — Spinola  Expedition — Reconnaissance  to  Washington,  N.  C 45 

(From   March   13,  1863,   to   May  2,   1863.) 


From   New   Bern   to   Plymouth — Reconnaissances   to   Jamesville,   Williamston,   Edenton, 

Windsor,    etc 47 

(From  May  2,  1863,  to  January  31,  1864.) 



Garrison  Life  at  Plymouth  as  Seen  by  Capt.  Donaghy  and  Corp.  Rupert 52 

(From  May  2,  1863,  to  April  17,  1864.) 


The  Battle  and  Capture  of  Plymouth 59 

(From   April    17,   to  April   20,    1864.) 


From   Plymouth  to  Andersonville  Military  Prison 61 

(From   April   20,  to  May  2,   1864.) 


From  the  Capture  of  the  Regiment  to  the  Final  Discharge 64 

(From  April  20,  1864,  to  July  13,  1865.) 


Field   and   StafT 67 

Company    A 75 

Company  B 77 

Company  C 79 

Company  D 85 

Company  E 86 

Company  F 88 

Company  G 91 

Company  H     92 

Company  1 94 

Sketch  of  Corp.  John  A.  Kelly — The  Youngest  Member  of  Co.  1 101 

Company  K 102 


By  Private  R.  P.  Black  (Co.  E.) 104 

By  Corp.  R.  J.  Thompson — Color-bearer  of  the  Regiment 106 


Capt.  Alvin  H.  Alexander  and  Lieut,  Wm.  H.  H.  Kiester 107 

Corp.  Robert  R.  Reardon,  Privates  Peter  Klingler,  Samuel  Rupert  and  Daniel  Huddle- 
son  (Co.  H.),  and  Sergt.  Daniel  Krug  (Co.  K.) 108 

Norval  D.  Goe,  John  F.  Rupert,  Reed  G.  Beggs  and  James  S.  Cooper  (Co.  A.) 110 

Capt.  John  Donaghy,  Lieut.  David  M.  Spence  and  Lieut.  Robert  R.  Bryson HI 

Lieutenants  Alfred  L.  Fluke,  John  M.  Laughlin  and  Capt.  Donaghy 115 


Color-bearer   Robert   J.    Thompson 118 

Hon.  Thomas  Hays 119 

The  Most  Daring  Exploit  of  the  War— Lieut.  William  Barker  Gushing 120 

Diary  of  Marches  of  Wessells  Brigade — Author  Unknown 122 



Dedication   of  the   Monument  Erected  by  the   State  of   Pennsylvania   in   the   National 

Cemetery,   Andersonville,   Ga 130 


A  Personal  Sketch  by  the  Author  Touching  on  Events  in  Which  He  Was  an  Active 

Participant     131 


A    Foreword 143 

Casey's  Division  at  the  Battle  of  Seven  Pines 145 

Extracts  from  the  Report  and  Testimony  of  Gen.  McClellan 156 

Report  and  Testimony  of  Gen.  Heintzelman 158 

Report  and  Testimony  of  Gen.  Keyes 160 

Report  and  Testimony  of  Gen.  Casey 168 

Report  of  Gen.  Wessells 166 

Report  of   Maj.   Gozzara 167 

Report   of    Gen.   Naglee 167 

Report  of   Col.   Davis    (104th   Penna.  Regt.) 169 

Report  of  Col.  Plaisted   (11th  Maine  Regt.) 170 

Report  of  Gen.  Palmer  (Third  Brigade) 170 

Report  of  Capt.   Raulston    (81st  N.  Y.   Regt.) 171 

Report  of  Col.  Belknap  (85th  N.  Y.  Regt.) 172 

Report  of  Lieut.   Col   Durkee   (98th   N.  Y.  Regt.) 172 

Report  of  Capt.  Regan   (7th  N.  Y.  Battery) 172 

Reports  of  Couch's  Division   (Keyes'  Corps) 173 

Reports  of  Kearny's  Division   (Heintzelraan's  Corps) 175 

Reports  of  Gen.  Hooker's  Division  (Heintzelman's  Corps) 177 

Report  and   Testimony   of   Gen.   Sumner 181 

Reports  of  Gen.  Sedgwick's  Division   (Sumner's  Corps) 182 

Reports  of  Gen.  Richardson's  Division   (Sumner's  Corps) 184 

Dispatches   of    Gen.    McQellan 189 

Gen.    Heintzelman 193 

Excerpts   from    Confederate   Reports 202 

Major  General  Silas  Casey 234 

Newspaper  Comments  on   Casey's  Division 286 

Criticisms  in   Histories 238 

Regimental    Histories 244 

Favorable    Comments 246 

Confederate  Comments  on  the  Battle  of  Seven  Pines 248 


A    Detailed    Description    of    the    Battle    from    the    First    Attack    Until    the    Garrison 

Surrendered    255 

Lieutenant-Commander    Charles    W.    Flusser 270 

Brigadier-General   Henry   W.    Wessells 272 

Gen.  Wessells'  Report  of  the  Battle 275 


The  Point  of  View 280 

A  Graphic  Description  of  Conditions  in  Andersonville  Prison 281 

Appeals  Made  to  the  Federal  Authorities  for  an  Ejcchange 284 


Why   the   Exchange   Was    Not    Made 287 

Official   Reports   of    Confederate    Surgeons,   Inspector-Generals,    etc.,   of    Conditions    at 

Andersonville  Prison    289 

Official  Report  of  Interments  in  the  National  Cemetery  at  Andersonville 302 

Confederate  Official  Reports  on  Conditions  at  Florence  Military  Prison 303 

Appeal  for  an  Exchange  by  Gen.  Wessells  and  Others 307 


Reunion  of  the  101st  and  103d  Regimental  Associations  at  Foxburg,  Pa 308 

Address  of   Welcome  by  Joseph  M.   Fox 309 

Members    Present 310 

Regimental    Badge 313 


A   Daily   Record    From   Jan.    1.    1864,   to    March    14,    1865— Embracing    More   than    10 

Months  of  Life  in  Confederate  Prisons 314 


Battle    of    Williamsburg 341 

Seven    Days    Battles 343 

Goldsboro    Expedition 345 

Hyde   County    Raid 350 

Spinola    Expedition 352 

Expeditions    from    Plymouth 356 

Regimental    Roster 361 


Brig.  Gen.  H.  W.  Wessells Frontispiece 

Col.  Theo.  F.  Lehmann,  and  Group  of  15  Officers 1 

Lieut.  Col.  W.  C.  Maxwell,  Maj.  A.  W.  Gazzam,  Quar.  Mas.  O.  R.  McNary,  Capt.  E.  G. 

Cratty,  Capt.  T.  A.  Cochran,  Lieut.  Z.  M.  Cline  and  Sergt.  Maj.  W.  C.  Mobley 6 

Maj.   J.   F.   Mackey,   Adjt.   Wm.   H.   Irwin,   Capt.   F.   Smullin,   Lieut.    S.   D.   Burns   and 

Lieut.  W.  B.  Kroesen 10 

Capt.  R.  Laughlin,  Capt.  A.  H.  Alexander,  Lieut.  W.  H.  H.  Kiester,  Lieut.  J.  M.  Laugh- 

lin,  Lieut.  O.  McCall,  Corp.  John  A.  Kelley,  Corp.  Thos.  Hays  and  Priv.  S.  Kelley.  13 
Capt.  S.  P.  Townsend,  Capt.  A.  Fahnestock,  Lieut.  B.  H.  Scott,  1st  Sergt.  W.  S.  Cochran, 

Sergt.   R.    M.   Dunn,   Sergt.    S.   M.    Evans,   Corp.   G.    W.    Pifer   and   Corp.   L.    S. 

Dickey     22 

Capt.  J.  Donaghy,  Lieut.  J.  H,  Chambers,  Capts.  Donaghy  and  Fahnestock,  Sergt.  J.  H. 

White,  Priv.  T.  G.  Sloan,  Sutler  A.  Krebs  and  C.  L.  Straub 30 

Reunion  Group — Companies  A,  F,  D,  and  1 34 

Reunion  Group — Companies  B,  E,  and  K 41 

Reunion  Group — Companies  C  and  H 45 

Map   of   North   Carolina   Coast 47 

Map  of  Country  West  of   Plymouth 52 

Map  of  Roanoke  Island   64 

Pennsylvania  Monument,  National  Cemetery,  Andersonville,  G'a.,  1st  Sergt.  J.  F.  Shields, 

Corp.  J.  S.  Cooper  and  Corp.  G.  W.  K.  Stover 75 

Company  B's  Flag,  Mrs.  Thomas  Hays,  and  Conrad  Petsinger 79 

Capt.  John  M.  Cochran ;  Privates  Geo.  W.  Cochran,  Wm.  W.  Cochran,  L.  H.  Slagle  and 

Corp.  J.  F.  Rupert 82 

Sergt.  J.  S.  Hodil,    Sergt.  J.  S.  Moorhead,  Corp.  R.  J.  Thompson;  Privates  John  Adams, 

and  J.  D.  Taggart 91 

Corp.   John   A.    Kelley,    Maj.   John    E.   Kelley,   Sergt.   Maj.    Norval   D.    Goe   and   Hon. 

Thomas  Hays   101 

Donaghy,  Spence  and  Bryson  Escaping  from   Prison Ill 

Commander  William  Barker  Gushing 120 

Barracks  of   Co.   C,  near  Fort  Reno,  Roanoke   Island;   Sergt.   J.   A.  Gwinn  and  Corp. 

Thomas   J.   McKee 124 

Pennsylvania  Monument,  Andersonville  National  Cemetery 130 

Capt.  John  Donaghy,  Lieut.  B.  H.  Scott,  Sergt.  S.  M.  Evans,  and  Corp.  L.  S.  Dickey 135 

Group   from  War   Photographs 142 

Major  General  Silas  Casey 145 

Map  of  Seven  Pines — Century  War  Series,  No.  1 158 


Map  of  Seven  Pines — Century  War  Series  No.  2 166 

Map  of  Seven  Pines,  by  Capt.  John  Donaghy 174 

Burying  the  Dead  at  the  Twin  Houses 182 

The  Twin  Farm  Houses,  two  Views 190 

Map  of  Plymouth   and  Defenses 256 

Group  of   Confederate   Officers 266 

Lieut.  Com.  C.  W.  Flusser — The  Confederate  ram  "Albemarle" 270 

Plan  of  Andersonville  Military  Prison 280 

National  Cemetery,  Andersonville,  Ga.,  View  No.  1 288 

National  Cemetery,   Andersonville,  View   No.  2 292 

Providence    Spring,    Andersonville,    Ga 300 

Reunion  Group,   Foxburg,   Pa.,   Sept.   16,   1909 310 

Map  of  North  Carolina Inside  Back  Cover 

Col.  Theodore   F.    Lehmann. 

1.  Lieut.  J.  M.  Alexander  (Co.  H). 

2.  Lieut.  W.  H.  H.  Kiester  (Co.  I). 

3.  Lieut.   G.   K.   M.    Crawford   (Co.   II. 

4.  Lieut.   R.    R.   Bryson   (Co.   E). 
.1.  Capt.  John  M.  Cochran  (Co.  C). 
n.  Capt.   John   Stuchell   (Co.  G). 

7.  Lieut.  A.   L.   Fluke  (Co.   D). 

S.  Lieut.  Col.  W.  C.  Maxwell. 

9.  Capt.    Josiah    Zink    (Co.    F). 

in.  Capt.   E.   G.  Cratty   (Co.   E). 

11.  Capt.  T.  A.  Cochran  (Co.  C). 

12.  Surg.  J.   Q.  A.   Meredith. 

13.  Capt.  Jas.  J.  Morrow  (Co.  G). 

14.  Lieut.  G.  W.  Stoke  (Co.  D). 

15.  Capt.  D.   L.  Coe  (Co.  B). 

The  One  Hundred  and  Third  Regiment, 
Pennsylvania  Volunteer  Infantry. 

A  Chronological  Historical  Narrative  from  tlie  Organization  of  the   Regi= 

ment  in    1861   Until  it  was  Mustered 

Out  in   1865. 


Camp  Orr — Kittanning — The  Organization  of  the  Regiment. 

(From  August,  1861,  to  February  24,  1862.) 

The  103d  Regiment,  Penna.  VoUinteer  Infantry,  was  recruited  from  the 
counties  of  Allegheny,  Armstrong,  Butler,  Qarion,  Indiana,  Mercer,  Venango  and 
Westmoreland.  Its  rank  and  file  were  typical  representatives  of  the  citizenship 
of  Western  Penna.  Seventy-five  per  cent  of  its  membership,  at  least,  were  bom 
and  reared  in  the  counties  from  which  they  enlisted,  although  in  every  company 
there  were  some  who  were  natives  of  Erin  and  Germany.  They  came  from  every 
walk  of  life,  the  farmer  and  mechanic,  the  common  laborer  and  clerk,  the  teacher 
and  pupil,  all  being  represented.  Many  of  them  had  lived  in  ignorance  of  the 
world  outside  of  their  home  and  adjoining  counties,  except  as  they  had  acquired 
knowledge  from  the  weekly  newspaper  and  books.  Some  of  them,  before  their 
arrival  at  the  rendezvous  camp,  had  never  seen  a  locomotive  or  train  of  cars. 
In  age  and  physique  the  great  body  of  the  Regiment  met  all  the  requisites  for  mili- 
tary service.  In  every  company  there  were  a  few  representing  the  extremes  in 
age — some  old  enough  to  be  exempt  from  military  duty,  while  at  the  other  extreme 
there  was  a  number  of  boys,  varying  in  age  from  fourteen  to  eighteen — but,  on 
the  whole,  the  average  age  was  about  twenty-three  years.  Physically  and  morally 
they  left  their  homes  with  all  the  qualities  necessary  to  make  ideal  soldiers.  They 
represented,  at  least,  the  average  citizenship  of  the  communities  from  which  they 
came  in  intelligence,  moral  qualities  and  religious  consecration.  Every  company 
had  representatives  of  the  Catholic  Church,  while  the  various  Protestant  denomina- 
tions of  Western  Penna.  were  represented  by  men  who  at  the  time  of  enlistment 
held  official  relations,  such  as  elder,  deacon,  trustee,  class  leader  or  theological 
student.  In  the  rendezvous  camp,  and  for  a  time  after  the  Regiment  joined  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  evening  worship  was  conducted  in  some  companies  by  men 
holding  official  relations  with  their  churches  at  home.  The  Regiment  was  recruited 
during  the  autumn  months  of  1861,  rendezvousing  at  Camp  Orr,  Kittanning,  Arm- 
strong County,  Penna. 

The  recruiting  of  the  103d  covered  several  months  and  was  made  under  no 
formal  call.  Following  the  surrender  of  Fort  Sumter,  April  13,  1861,  the  patriot- 
ism of  the  loyal  people  was  aroused  to  the  highest  pitch  and  an  intensely  warlike 
spirit  was  kindled  aJl  over  the  North.  On  April  15,  President  Lincoln  issued  a 
call  for  75,000  men  to  serve  three  months,  and  such  a  universal  desire  to  enter  the 
service  of  the  Government  had  been  manifested  that  more  offers  of  men  were 
made  than  could  be  accepted.  On  May  3,  1861,  the  President  made  a  call  for  39 
regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry  for  three  years  unless  sooner  discharged. 
Before  July  ist  this  call  was  more  than  filled,  71  regiments  of  volunteer  infantry, 
one  regiment  of  volunteer  heavy  artillery    and  ten  batteries  of  volunteer  light 


artillery  having  been  accepted  and  mustered  into  the  service.  This  call  was 
legalized  during  the  extra  session  of  Congress  convened  July  4,  1861,  and  the 
President  was  authorized  to  accept  the  services  of  volunteers  either  as  cavalry, 
infantry  or  artillery  in  such  numbers,  not  exceeding  500,000  men,  as  he  might 
deem  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  repelling  invasion  and  suppressing  insurrection, 
and  directing  that  the  volunteers  thus  accepted  should  serve  for  not  exceeding 
three  years  nor  less  than  six  months.  These  acts  of  Congress  were  published  in 
general  orders  from  the  Adjutant-General's  office.  The  people  responded  so 
readily  and  enthusiastically  to  the  appeals  of  Congress  and  the  executive  that  no 
formal  call  was  issued.  It  was  under  this  act  that  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  was 
recruiting  regiments  by  the  authority  of  the  War  Department  during  the  fall  and 
winter  of  1861.  Very  few  of  the  enlistments  to  the  103d  were  made  under  the 
excitement  of  "Public  War  Meetings."  It  was  an  almost  everyday  occurrence 
at  Camp  Orr  for  men  to  enter  the  grounds  alone  or  in  groups  of  two  or  three, 
take  a  survey  of  the  camp,  make  inquiries  of  the  men  and  officers,  and  arrange 
for  a  furlough  before  enlisting  in  order  to  return  home  to  harvest  the  crops  or 
complete  some  other  line  of  work. 

Through  the  efforts  of  J.  B.  Finlay,  of  Kittanning,  the  Secretary  of  War 
authorized  the  selection  of  a  rendezvous  camp  at  or  near  Kittanning.  As  the 
organization  of  the  103d  Regiment,  as  it  was  constituted,  was  in  a  large  measure 
due  to  the  activity  and  enterprise  of  Mr.  Finlay,  a  brief  sketch  of  him  will  be  of 
interestest  as  well  as  relevant  here. 

Col.  John  Borland  Finlay  was  bom  in  Moneyneagh,  Ireland,  Feby.  13,  1826. 
He  was  educated  at  the  Classical  Academy  of  Coleraine,  Royal  College  of  Belfast 
and  the  University  of  Leipzig,  graduating  from  the  latter  place  at  the  age  of  20 
with  the  degrees  of  A.  M.  and  Ph.  D.  He  emigrated  to  the  U.  S.  in  1847.  I" 
1850  he  was  ordained  as  pastor  in  the  Reformed  Presbyterian  church.  On  March 
20,  1856,  he  married  the  only  daughter  of  James  E.  Brown,  Esq.,  of  Kittanning, 
and  on  the  following  June  resigned  his  pastoral  charge  and  on  Oct.  15  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar,  and  made  his  permanent  residence  at  Kittanning.  On  motion 
of  Hon.  E.  M.  Stanton,  in  i860,  he  was  admitted  as  an  attorney  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  U.  S.  Although  Col.  Finlay  had  the  sanction  of  the  Secretary  of 
War  and  also  of  Gov.  Curtin,  in  recruiting  troops,  there  is  no  official  record  that 
he  was  commissioned,  but  the  title  of  colonel  was  assumed  by  him  and  no  one 
ever  questioned  his  right  to  use  it.  Col.  Finlay  was  not  only  a  cultured  gentleman 
and  a  forceful  personality,  but  his  alliance  with  James  E.  Brown  at  once  gave  him 
great  prestige,  for  the  latter  was  one  of  the  wealthiest  and  most  public  spirited 
citizens  of  the  State,  and  was  held  in  the  highest  esteem  by  citizens  of  all  classes. 
Mr.  Brown  was  in  thorough  sympathy  with  Col.  Finlay's  patriotic  work  and  per- 
mitted him  to  draw  on  his  exchequer  without  limit.  While  Col.  Finlay  was  an  am- 
bitious personage  and  evidently  aspired  to  military  distinction  he  at  no  time  gave 
evidence  that  he  desired  to  take  troops  into  the  field.  He  was  very  active  in  re 
cruiting  Capt.  Beck's  company,  which  joined  the  62d  and  was  also  one  of  the  most 
active  spirits  in  recruiting  and  organizing  the  78th  Regiment,  and  responsible  for 
having  it  rendezvous  at  Camp  Orr. 

The  site  of  the  camp  was  then  known  as  the  Armstrong  County  Fair  Grounds, 
situated  about  a  mile  north  of  the  town  limits,  but  now  a  residential  part  of  the 
upper  suburb  of  Kittanning.  Several  of  the  companies  while  recruiting  rendez- 
voused at  Camp  Orr  with  the  expectation  of  joining  the  78th  Regiment.  The 
nucleus  of  the  first  company  of  the  103d  to  enter  the  rendezvous  camp  was  Co. 
A,  recruited  by  Capt.  Reynolds  Laughlin,  who  arrived  at  Camp  Orr  on  Aug.  30 
with  fifteen  men,  most  of  whom  were  enlisted  at  Callensburg,  Clarion  County, 
quickly  followed  by  the  nucleus  of  Companies  B,  C  and  D.  The  Pittsburgh 
Dispatch,  Sept.  28,  1861,  reports  among  the  companies  rendezvousing  at  Camp 
Orr  the  Constitution  Guards,  Reynolds  Laughlin;  Curry  Rifles,  G.  W.  Gillespie; 


Howe  Cadets,  A.  H.  Fahnestock;  Finlay  Rifles,  Joseph  K.  Hamilton;  McClellan 
Guards,  John  M.  Cochran.  At  this  time  the  ten  companies  comprising  the  78th 
Penna.,  and  the  James  E.  Brown  Dragoons,  Capt.  J.  W.  Steele,  subsequently 
attached  to  the  2d  Penna.  Cavalry  (Co.  M),  were  in  Camp  Orr;  the  former 
leaving  for  the  seat  of  war  Oct.  14,  1861.  Two  days  after  the  departure  of  the 
78th  the  officers  of  the  103d,  then  in  camp,  held  a  conference  with  Gov.  J.  B. 
Finlay,  when  it  was  agreed  between  the  officers  present  and  Col.  Finlay,  that  the 
latter  should  have  the  right  to  nominate  the  colonel  of  the  Regiment,  subject, 
however,  to  confirmation  by  a  majority  vote  of  the  officers  of  the  Regiment.  The 
lieutenant  colonel  and  major  were  to  be  chosen  from  the  other  commissioned  of- 
ficers of  the  Regiment  and  the  other  appointments  were  to  be  made  in  harmony 
with  this  agreement.  Subsequently  it  was  agreed  upon  between  the  officers  of  the 
Regiment  and  Col.  Finlay  to  tender  the  colonelcy  to  Lieut.  Col.  Theodore  F.  Leh- 
mann,  of  the  62d  Penn.  Regiment,  then  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  The  tender 
was  made  as  follows : 

Headquarters  103  Regiment,   Penna.  Vols.,  Camp  Orr, 

Klttanning,  Pa.,  21  Oct.,  1861. 
To  Lieut. -Col.  T.  F.  Lehmann,  62d  Eeeiment,  Pa.  Vols. 

Dear  Sir: — Tou  are  herewith  tendered  the  colonelcy  of  the  103d  Regriment  now  being 
recruited  In  Camp  Orr  under  my  care.  It  is  not  yet  full,  although  sufficient  companies  are 
promised  to  fill  it.  The  lieutenant  colonel  and  major  are  to  be  selected  by  and  from  the  other 
commissioned  officers,  the  rest  of  the  ofHcers  are  to  be  appointed.  Pew  appointments  have  been 
made — and  whatever  have  been  I  would  request  you,  on  taking  command,  would  confirm — and 
that  all  other  appointments  should  be  made  after  a  mutual  consultation  between  you  and  myself. 
If  you  deem  it  not  too  great  a  risk  come  on  immediately  and  assume  coramand. 

The  regiment  will  increase  if  it  is  known  'that  you  are  to  drill  its  members.  I  have  sent 
you  a  telegram  and  desire  a  reply.  The  regiment  may  or  may  not  fill  up  to  1,000  men.  This 
will  much  depend  upon  yourself.  I  believe  Gov.  Curiin  will  favor  us  and  fill  our  number  if 
required.    Under  all  these  circumstances  judge  for  yourself. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

J.   B.   FINLAY,    Colonel. 

About  the  same  date  Col.  Finlay  wrote  to  the  war  department  saying  it  was 
the  wish  of  the  officers  of  the  Regiment  that  Lieut.  Col.  Lehmann  be  appointed 
colonel  of  the  103d.    The  War  Dept.  replied  to  his  communication  as  follows : 

If  Gov.  Curtin  will  commission  Lieut.  Col.  Lehmann  as  colonel,  he  will  be  mustered  out 
of  his  old  regiment  to  accept  promotion  in  the  103d  Regiment. 

In  the  communication  to  Gov.  Curtin  asking  for  the  transfer  of  Lieut.  Col. 
Lehmann,  Col.  Finlay  says : 

Now,  as  Col.  Lehmann  is  well  known  to  many  of  our  officers  and  greatly  beloved  by  them, 
under  him  the  regiment  will  grow  to  be  a  superior  body  of  men.  He  is  also  my  friend,  having 
known  him  both  in  civil  and  military  life  to  be  a  superior  gentleman.  Will  you  do  me  the  honor 
of  therefore  granting  him  his  commission  as  colonel  of  the  103d  Regiment,  Penna.  Volunteers? 

Col.  Lehmann  severed  his  relations  with  the  62d  Regiment  and  arrived  at 
Camp  Orr,  Nov.  4.  He  received  a  hearty  welcome  from  Col.  Finlay  and  all  the 
officers,  and  with  the  full  sanction  of  all  assumed  command  of  the  Regiment.  In 
physique  and  deportment  Col.  Lehmann  was  superlatively  the  beau  ideal  of  a 
military  officer.  With  the  prestige  of  not  only  having  held  a  commission  in  the 
German  army,  but  coming  direct  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  assume  com- 
mand, it  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of  both  officers  and  men  that  the  Regiment 
was  peculiarly  fortunate  in  the  selection  of  its  commanding  officer.  No  officer 
assumed  command  of  a  regiment  more  propitiously  than  did  Col.  Lehmann  when 
he  took  charge  of  the  103d.  Whether  he  had  a  promise  from  Gov.  Curtin  that 
he  would  receive  a  commission  as  colonel  of  the  103d  Regiment  the  record  does 
not  say.  However,  it  is  probable  the  terms  of  the  tender  of  the  command  of  the 
Regiment  from  Col.  Finlay  and  the  communication  from  the  War  Department, 
in  which  it  was  stipulated  that  his  discharge  from  the  62d  was  conditioned  on  his 
receiving  the  promotion  to  the  colonelcy  of  the  103d,  made  him  feel  it  unnecessary 
to  exact  a  promise  from  the  Governor.  When  he  assumed  command  of  the 
Regiment  he  had  received  no  commission  but  neither  had  the  other  officers  of  the 
Regiment.  Col.  Lehmann  was  by  nature  a  dominating  and  arrogant  spirit,  and 
coming  into  supreme  authority  over  a  body  of  men,  whose  officers,  with  few 


exceptions,  had  little  knowledge  of  military  affairs,  it  was  not  long  until  these 
dominating  traits  became  apparent.  He  made  subordinate  appointnients  in  an 
arbitrary  manner  without  consulting  Col.  Finlay,  from  men  outside  of  the 
Regiment,  contrary  to  the  terms  in  which  the  colonelcy  of  the  Regiment  had  been 
tendered  him.  This  naturally  aroused  the  ire  of  Col.  Finlay  and  some  of  the 
officers,  and  when  a  protest  was  made,  he  asserted  his  right  to  name  whom  he 
pleased  without  interference  from  any  one,  subject  only  to  the  approval  of  the 
Governor.  On  account  of  his  military  prestige  many  of  the  officers  coincided  with 
his  views.  This  led  to  dissensions  among  the  officers,  and  two  factions  were 
formed,  one  championing  the  cause  of  Col.  Lehmann,  and  the  other  opposing  him. 
led  by  Col.  Finlay. 

Col.  Finlay,  not  only  assumed  a  fostering  care  over  the  Regiment  after  Col. 
Lehmann  had  taken  command,  but  continued  to  sign  his  name  as  colonel  com- 
manding, without  protest  from  Col.  Lehmann.  During  the  second  week  of 
December  the  following  articles  appeared  in  a  Kittanning  paper : 

THE  103d  REGIMENT  P.  V. 

The  103d  Regiment,  now  at  Camp  Orr,  is  filling  its  ranlts  rapidly.  Col.  Finlay  has 
obtained  for  the  men  1,000  blankets,  thus  rendering  them  very  comfortable.  He  has  also 
secured  their  other  clothing — having  sent  Capt.  G.  W.  Gillespie  with  his  requisition  therefor 
to  Philadelphia.  Having  now  entire  uniform  and  equipments,  there  is  every  inducement 
offered  to  young  men  to  enlist,  as  all  recruits  on  coming  into  camp  will  be  properly  clothed 
and  cared  for.  Shall  patriotism  not  therefore  call  many  more  of  our  young  men  to  the 
standard  of  the  103d  Regiment?  Col.  Lehmann,  the  acting  commander  of  the  cajnp,  is  a 
gentleman  of  kind  and  urbane  manners,  and  will  act  the  part  of  a  father  to  all  under  his  care. 
Come  then,  fellow  citizens,  obey  your  country's  call — sink  or  swim,  live  or  die,  survive  or 
perish,  arise.     Let  us  be  for  our  country  now  and  forever. 


Headquarters  103d  Regiment,  9th  Dec.,  1861. 
All  persons  having  furnished  any  article  of  subsistence,  or  wood,  coal,  lumber,  medicines, 
medical  aid,  or  any  other  necessary  matter  to,  or  having  claims  therefor  against  the  103d 
Regiment  P.  V.,  at  Camp  Orr,  since  the  14th  of  October,  1861,  are  hereby  required  to  make 
out  in  duplicate  a  verified  account  thereof,  stating  the  articles  furnished,  when  furnished,  and 
the  true  value  of  the  same  or  the  amount  to  be  paid  therefor,  which  must  be  filed  for  me 
with  T.  M.  Laughlin,  A.  Q.  M.,  of  said  regiment,  on  or  before  3  o'clock  P.  M.  of  Thursday,  the 
12th  inst.  And  all  other  orders,  by  whomsoever  issued,  relative  thereto,  are  hereby  reversed 
and  declared  null  and  void.     By  order  of  J.  B.  Finlay,  Colonel  Commanding. 

On  Dec.  14,  Col.  Finlay  assumed  control  of  the  Regiment,  notifying  Col. 
Lehmann  that  he  was  a  subordinate  officer.  On  the  following  day  a  stormy 
meeting  was  held  at  headquarters  in  Camp  Orr  between  the  dual  commanders  in 
the  presence  of  the  line  officers  of  the  Regiment.  From  this  time  on  these  two 
men  were  implacable,  irreconcilable  foes. 

As  if  in  anticipation  of  this  rupture  Col.  Finlay  wrote  Gov.  Curtin  under 
date  of  Dec.  12,  1861,  as  follows : 

Having  to  assume  the  entire  responsibility  of  subsisting;  this  regiment  as  well  as  to 
provide;  and  pay  Its  recruiting  expenses — no  other  person  being  responsible  for  one  dollar 
thereof,  and  no  other  having  contributed  therefor,  I  therefore  respectfully  request  that  the 
chief  command  of  the  regiment  shall  continue  to  remain  and  be  vested  in  me  until  the 
regiment  is  fully  organized  and  ordered  from  this  encampment. 

On  Dec.  16,  Col.  Lehmann  dispatched  Dr.  Staveley,  Regimental  surgeon,  to 
Harrisburg  to  explain  matters  to  Gov.  Curtin,  sending  with  him  a  written  com- 
munication in  which  he  referred  to  Col.  Finlay  in  the  following  terms : 

His  presumption  and  arrogance  have  assumed  a  shape  that  cannot  be  tolerated,  and  I 
wish  to  know  whether  your  excellency  has  given  to  Col.  Finlay  any,  or  what  authority,  to  inter- 
fere with  or  control  my  actions,  as  he  alleges  you  have.  Not  wishing  to  disobey  your  order, 
I  respectfully  request  that  such  authority,  if  it  ever  existed,  be  withdrawn,  as  I  cannot  submit 
to  the  orders  of  a  civilian  or  person  not  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  U.  S. 

Immediately  following  this  rupture  Gov.  Curtin  was  petitioned  by  the  re- 
spective factions  of  officers,  one  faction  claiming  "We  cannot  submit  to  the  tyranny 
and  abuse  of  Col.  Lehmann,"  and  asking  for  his  removal  and  the  appointment  of 
another  in  his  place,  while  the  other  faction  declared: 

We,  officers  and  the  soldiers,  have  learned  to  love  Col.  Lehmann  as  a  commander,  as  a 
friend,  and  a  true  gentleman  to  such  extent  that  we  feel  we  could  not  be  led  into  the  field 
of  active  service  by  any  other  man.  .  .  We  would  therefore  most  earnestly  pray  your 
excellency  to  commission  Col.  T.  F.  Lehmann,  If  possible,  at  once  and  have  the  regiment  moved 
to  the  field  of  active  service. 


The  mission  of  Dr.  Staveley  resulted  in  a  compromise  by  the  Governor 
authorizing  Col.  Lehmann  to  command  the  Regiment  and  Col.  Finlay  to  act  as 
commander  of  Camp  Orr ;  all  requisitions  for  subsistence  of  the  Regiment  were  to 
be  made  by  Col.  Lehmann  upon  Col.  Finlay  as  commander  of  the  post.  This 
settlement  by  the  Governor,  which  in  a  measure,  made  Col.  Lehmann  subordinate 
to  Col.  Finlay,  was  galling  to  both,  and  while  complying  with  the  decisi'-jj  of  the 
Governor  Col.  Finlay,  although  the  commander  of  the  camp,  refused  to  enter  it, 
while  Col.  Lehmann  remained  with  the  Regiment.  The  latter,  in  order  to  become 
entirely  free  from  the  dominion  of  Col.  Finlay,  made  strenuous  efforts  to  have  the 
Regiment  moved  to  Camp  Wright,  in  Allegheny  County.  The  quarrel  between 
Col.  Finlay  and  Col.  Lehmann  had  a  most  baneful  effect  on  the  Regiment,  causing 
animosities  that  lasted  until  long  after  the  Regiment  had  gone  to  the  front. 

Notwithstanding  Col.  Finlay's  statement  in  his  letter  of  Dec.  12  to  Gov. 
Curtin,  saying,  that  he  had  to  assume  the  entire  responsibility  of  subsisting  the 
Regiment  and  to  provide  for  its  recruiting  expenses — "no  other  person  being  re- 
sponsible for  one  dollar  thereof,  and  no  other  having  contributed  therefor,"  the 
entire  financial  burden  of  this  work  virtually  devolved  upon  James  E.  Brown, 
Esq.,  of  Kittanning,  the  father-in-law  of  Col.  Finlay.  In  a  subsequent  letter  to 
Gov.  Curtin,  under  date  of  Jan.  24,  1861,  Col.  Finlay  admits  this,  saying: 

If,  after  sacrificing  much  valuable  time — a  large  amount  of  money — contributed  more  to- 
wards promoting  the  welfare  of  the  country  and  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war  than 
perhaps  was  or  is  known  in  any  other  part  of  the  state,  all  my  father-in-laws,  in  this  noble 
cause  and  all  my  labors  are  to  be  overlooked,  it  will  be  rather  a  poor  recompense,  not  that  either 
of  us  desired  any  pecuniary  reimbursement.     .     . 

This  unostentatious  patriotic  action  of  James  E.  Brown  is  highly  illustrative 
of  his  character.  As  the  103d  Regiment  was  largely  indebted  to  him  a  brief 
sketch  of  his  career  will  not  only  be  interesting  to  the  surviving  members,  but 
also  relevant  here. 

James  E.  Brown  was  born  May  5,  1799,  in  Canoe  Township,  Indiana  County, 
Penna.  When  a  child  he  moved  with  his  parents  to  Kittanning,  Penna.,  during 
the  first  decade  of  the  19th  century  and  died  there  Nov.  27,  1880,  on  the  fifteenth 
anniversary  of  his  second  marriage.  He  was  one  of  the  most  enterprising,  suc- 
cessful business  men  of  Western  Pennsylvania  and  was  the  most  prominent 
financier  of  Kittanning  and  the  senior  member  of  Brown  and  Musgrove,  proprie- 
tors of  Pine  Creek  Iron  Furnace. 

The  treatment  accorded  Col.  Finlay  and  his  esteemed  father-in-law,  James  E. 
Brown,  the  parties  most  responsible  for  recruiting  and  organizing  the  103d  Regi- 
ment at  Kittanning,  had  a  tendency  to  arouse  a  spirit  of  indifference,  if  not 
resentment,  towards  the  Regiment  among  the  citizens  of  Kittanning,  and  from  the 
time  it  left  Camp  Orr  for  active  service,  no  apparent  interest  in  its  welfare  was 
ever  exhibited  by  them.  This  was  most  unfortunate,  for  the  Regiment  had  no 
influential  friends  at  home,  and  those  who  would  have  delighted  to  have  looked 
after  its  welfare  were  forced  to  regard  it  with  more  or  less  antipathy.  Even  after 
its  return,  the  surviving  members,  having  a  filial  affection  for  their  military  alma 
mater,  held  their  first  reunion  at  Kittanning  and  met  with  a  chilling  reception  from 
the  citizens,  and  while  on  a  subsequent  occasion  the  annual  regimental  reunion 
was  held  there  as  a  convenient  point  to  reach  for  many  of  the  comrades,  the 
citizens  of  Kittanning  manifested  not  half  as  much  interest  as  they  would  have 
accorded  to  a  company  of  militia  on  parade  day  in  ante  bellum  times.  Other 
communities  have  vied  with  each  other  to  have  these  anniversary  reunions,  at 
times  extending  free  entertainment,  yet  no  request  or  interest  has  been  evinced 
by  the  citizens  of  the  town  which  did  the  most  to  recruit  the  Regiment.  This  is 
not  referred  to  here  in  a  complaining  spirit,  but  merely  to  show  that  the  most  loyal 
people  of  Kittanning  bore  resentment  for  the  treatment  accorded  to  two  of  its 
most  influential  citizens.  And  yet  until  they  have  read  the  foregoing  account  of 
Col.  Finlay's  activity  and  Mr.  Brown's  generous  contribution  towards  maintaining 


the  Regiment  in  its  embryotic  days,  few,  if  any,  of  the  enlisted  men  were  aware 
of  their  patriotism  or  generosity.  When  the  break  came  between  Col.  Finlay  and 
Col.  Lehmann,  the  general  understanding  in  the  ranks  was  that  Col.  Finlay  desired 
to  take  the  Regiment  into  the  field,  and  for  that  reason  endeavored  to  supplant 
Col.  Lehmann. 

Camp  Orr  was  inclosed  by  a  high,  tight  board  fence,  and  no  one  was  per- 
mitted to  leave,  night  or  day,  without  a  pass  issued  from  Regimental  headquarters. 
However,  by  collusion  with  the  guards,  it  was  very  easy  to  get  out  after  dark. 
The  boys  carried  this  to  the  extreme  and  a  patrol  was  placed  between  the  camp 
and  town  and  many  "daring  experiences"  occurred  before  confronting  the  enemy 
in  the  field.  In  one  of  these  encounters  the  writer,  much  to  his  chagrin,  was 
landed  in  the  guard  house,  where  he  had  to  remain  during  the  night,  and  listen 
to  a  serious  lecture  from  his  captain,  when  he  was  liberated  before  breakfast. 
None  of  the  duties  of  camp  were  onerous,  and  the  drill,  guard  mount,  and  dress 
parade  served  to  break  the  monotony  of  camp  life  and  "kill  time,"  preventing  the 
men  from  becoming  dissatisfied  through  ennui. 

Before  Col.  Lehmann  assumed  command  of  the  Regiment  the  daily  routine 
of  the  men  in  camp  was  confined  to  squad  and  company  drill,  but  under  the  new 
commander  regimental  drill  and  dress  parade  were  added  to  the  itinerary  and 
both  officers  and  men  were  of  the  opinion  that  they  had  an  efficient  drillmaster  in 
the  new  commander.  Uniforms  were  received  early  in  December  and  the  camp 
then  assumed  a  martial  appearance. 

On  Saturday,  Feb.  22d,  the  Regiment  was  marched  to  Kittanning  and  partici- 
pated in  patriotic  services,  held  in  front  of  the  Reynolds  Hotel,  in  honor  of  the 
"Father  of  his  Country."  At  this  meeting  arrangements  were  effected  to  add 
another  company  to  the  Regiment,  which  made  its  quota  practically  full.  James 
F.  Mackey,  George  W.  Kelley  and  J.  Milton  Alexander,  who  had  been  actively 
engaged  in  recruiting  a  company  in  Clarion  County  for  the  99th  Penna.  Regiment, 
were  present,  and  being  favorably  impressed  with  the  appearance  of  the  103d 
Regiment,  decided  to  renounce  allegiance  to  the  99th  and  cast  their  fortunes  with 
a  regiment  already  to  proceed  to  the  seat  of  war.  An  agreement  was  entered  into 
between  Messrs.  Mackey,  Kelley  and  Alexander  and  the  officers  of  the  103d  that 
the  new  company  was  to  be  assigned  the  position  of  Co.  H,  and  would  join  the 
Regiment  without  delay.  However,  before  they  had  time  to  get  the  company 
together,  the  nine  companies  in  Camp  Orr  had  started  for  Harrisburg,  where 
Co.  H,  uniformed  as  zouaves  (the  uniform  of  the  99th  Penna.),  joined  it  at  Camp 
Curtin  a  few  days  later. 


From  Kittanning  to  Yorktown. 

(From  February  24  to  May  4,  1862.) 

At  ten  o'clock  a.  m.,  Monday,  Feb.  24,  1862,  the  Regiment  left  Camp  Orr, 
marching  through  Kittanning  to  the  Allegheny  Valley  Railway  (now  River  Divi- 
sion of  the  Pennsylvania)  station,  at  that  time  the  northern  terminus  of  the  road, 
boarded  a  train  of  freight  cars  and  started  for  the  seat  of  war  via  Pittsburgh.  It 
was  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  when  the  smoky  city  was  reached.  The 
Regiment  marched  to  the  old  City  Hall,  where  an  excellent  supper  was  served. 
From  here  the  Regiment  marched  to  the  Penna.  Railway  station  and  boarded  a 
train  of  passenger  cars,  which  arrived  at  Camp  Curtin,  Harrisburg,  the  next  day. 
The  first  fatal  accident  of  the  Regiment  occurred  between  Pittsburgh  and  Harris- 
burg ;  Adam  H.  Marsh,  private  of  Co.  F,  fell  from  the  train  and  was  killed. 

Here  was  first  established  that  fraternity  and  comradeship  between  the  loist 
and  103d  Penna.  Regiments,  which  was  afterwards  cemented  on  many  a  march 

Capt.   T.    A.    Cochran 
(Co.    C). 

(Commanded  regiment  for 
several  months  after  the 
capitulation    of   Plymouth.) 

Capt.    E.    G.    Cratty    (Co.    E). 
(Commanded    regiment    by 
virtue   of   seniority  after   ex- 
changed as  prisoner  of  war.) 

1st    Lieut.    Zachariah    M. 

Cline     (Co.     G). 
(Killed  at  battle   of  Ply- 


and  battle  field,  in  the  prison  pen,  and  camp  fire.  No  preparation  had  been  made 
for  sheltering  the  regiment,  and  the  loist  boys,  who  had  been  on  the  ground  for 
some  time,  generously  divided  their  quarters  and  did  what  they  could  to  make 
the  new  arrivals  comfortable.  The  following  day,  Feb.  26,  Sibley  tents  were 
received  and  after  they  were  pitched  the  Regiment  marched  to  the  state  capitol 
to  receive  its  colors.  Gov.  Curtin  made  an  inspiring  presentation  speech  which 
called  forth  hearty  cheers  from  the  boys. 

A  petition  having  been  passed  and  almost  unanimously  signed  by  both  officers 
and  men,  requesting  Gov.  Curtin  to  commission  Capt.  W.  C.  Maxwell,  of  Co.  I, 
lieutenant  colonel  of  the  Regiment  this  was  done.  Audley  W.  Gazzan,  of  Pitts- 
burgh, was  commissioned  major,  and  Samuel  B.  Kennedy,  also  of  Pittsburgh,  was 
commissioned  adjutant,  and  Oliver  R.  McNary,  of  Washington  County,  was 
commissioned  quartermaster.  These  three  commissions  were  granted  on  the 
recommendation  of  Col.  Lehmann,  the  latter  insisting  that  it  was  the  prerogative 
of  his  position  to  name  them.  In  lieu  of  waving  this  right  as  to  the  lieutenant 
colonelcy,  he  demanded  the  right  to  name  the  first  lieutenant  of  Co.  I,  which  was 
conceded,  although  not  without  arousing  a  feeling  of  resentment  among  the  officers 
and  men  of  the  company.  Wm.  H.  Macrum,  of  Pittsburgh,  was  commissioned, 
although  he  had  done  nothing  towards  recruiting  the  company  or  Regiment,  and 
was  an  absolute  stranger  to  every  member  of  the  company.  Had  Col.  Lehmann's 
appointments  been  made  from  men  in  active  service,  who  were  more  proficient  in 
military  training  than  men  who  had  spent  months  recruiting  and  drilling  the  men, 
both  officers  and  men  would  have  accepted  his  exactions  cheerfully,  but  when  it 
soon  became  apparent  that  these  appointments  were  made  for  other  reasons  than 
the  possession  of  military  requirements,  and  men  that  had  worked  to  recruit  and 
drill  the  Regiment  had  to  take  minor  positions,  officers  who  had  championed  the 
cause  of  Col.  Lehmann  in  his  controversy  with  Col.  Finlay  became  his  critics,  thus 
interfering  with  that  amity  that  is  necessary  for  true  comradeship  and  perfect 
military  discipline.  Gov.  Curtin  issued  commissions  to  the  officers  on  March  i, 
dating  those  of  the  company  officers  to  take  effect  at  the  date  of  the  organization 
of  the  company. 

On  Feb.  28,  the  Regiment  was  mustered  for  pay  and  on  March  2,  camp  was 
broken  and  a  train  boarded,  which  arrived  at  Baltimore  shortly  after  dark.    The 
reception  accorded  the  Regiment  as  it  marched  from  the  Penna.  R.  R.  depot  in 
Baltimore,  to  Camden  Station,  gave  no  evidence  of  disloyalty  to  the  government, 
as  it  received  a  continuous  ovation  of  flag  waving  and  cheers.    Before  embarking 
for  the  Federal  capital  a  bountiful  repast  was  served  to  the  men  at  quarters  which 
were  continuously  prepared  to  entertain  migrating  troops.    At  dawn  of  the  next 
day,  March  3,  the  dome  of  the  Capitol  was  the  first  object  of  interest  to  come  to 
view.     The  Regiment  landed  at  the  B.  and  O.  station  and  remained  near  there 
until  eleven  o'clock  March  4,  finding  quarters  and  provisions  in  the  "Soldiers' 
Rest,"  near  the  Capitol.     From  the  latter  place  the  Regiment  marched  past  the 
Capitol  and  went  into  camp  a  little  beyond  where  the  Congressional  Library  now 
stands.    Three  days  later,  March  7,  the  Regiment  was  assigned  to  Casey's  division 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  moved  to  Camp  Lloyd,  on  Meridian  Hill,  be- 
tween what  is  now   14th  and   i6th   Streets,  just  north  of  W  Street.     As'  the 
name  would  indicate,  the  site  of  Camp  Lloyd,  Meridian  Hill,  was  on  an  elevation 
with  natural  drainage — ^an  ideal  location  for  a  camp.    Washington  at  that  time 
was  one  vast  camp.    Every  hillside  was  dotted  with  tents  and  on  every  field  could 
be  seen  the  movement  of  troops  training  for  war.    Wednesday  P.  M.,  March  12 
the  Regiment  marched  to  the  Arsenal  in  the  Navy  Yard  and  was  equipped  with 
arms  (Austrian  rifles)  and  accoutrements.    The  commanding  general  of  the  army 
issued  orders  on  March  13,  to  have  Casey's  division  organized  at  once  for  the 
field.     The  Regiment  was  assigned  to  the  Second  Brigade  of  this  division  at  its 
organization.     Its  first  commander  was  Brig.  Gen.  William  H.  Keim,  and  it  was 


known  as  Keim's  brigade,  until  his  death.  It  consisted  of  the  following  infantry- 
regiments:  8sth,  loist  and  103d  Penna.,  and  96th  New  York.  The  brigade  re- 
mained at  Camp  Lloyd,  Meridian  Hill,  for  three  weeks.  These  were  not  idle  days, 
as  the  men  were  kept  busy  at  company,  regimental  and  brigade  drill.  The  first 
attempt  at  brigade  drill  was  made  March  21,  many  blunders  being  made  by  the 
officers.  Drill  was  suspended  for  a  time  during  the  afternoon,  and  Gen.  Casey 
reviewed  the  division. 

While  the  Regiment  was  encamped  on  Meridian  Hill  the  men  were  vacci- 
nated, and  on  March  25,  received  their  first  pay  from  date  of  enlistment  until 
March  i,  at  the  rate  of  $13.00  per  month  for  privates;  part  of  which  was  in 
specie,  the  only  payment  made  during  the  war  in  which  any  gold  or  silver  was  re- 
ceived. After  having  been  at  drill  during  the  forenoon,  March  28,  orders  were 
received  to  break  camp  and  pack  up  for  a  final  leave-taking  of  the  capital.  The 
orders  were  obeyed  with  alacrity,  for  the  men  were  anxious  to  get  to  the  front. 
The  entire  division  was  in  line  shortly  after  two  o'clock,  but  the  camp  wagons  in 
which  the  surplus  baggage  was  carried  did  not  arrive  until  after  four  o'clock, 
and  caused  considerable  delay  in  starting.  A  few  minutes  before  five  o'clock 
Keim's  brigade  began  its  first  march,  and  although  comprising  the  rawest  troops 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  the  severest  military  critic  could  not  have  distin- 
guished them  from  the  troops  longest  in  service  at  that  time.  The  sidewalks  on 
Fourteenth  street  were  thronged  with  a  mass  of  humanity,  comprising  all  ages  and 
sexes,  to  view  the  military  pageant  which  these  new  regiments  presented,  with 
nearly  a  thousand  men  in  each  command.  Notwithstanding  the  large  number  of 
boys  under  size  in  each  company  ejaculations  were  continuously  heard  along  the 
entire  route"  through  the  city,  such  as,  "What  a  fine  body  of  men !"  "Ain't  those 
big  fellows!"  "Where  do  they  grow  such  tall  men?"  etc.  At  the  right  of  every 
company  in  the  103d  Regiment  there  were  a  number  of  men,  over  six  feet  in 
height,  and  evidently  these  tall  fellows  so  attracted  the  attention  of  the  onlookers 
that  the  "little  fellows"  were  overlooked,  much  to  the  gratification,  however,  of 
the  latter.  Although  the  men  carried  heavy  knapsacks,  several  days'  rations  in 
their  haversacks,  cartridge  boxes  filled  with  ammunition,  and  the  camp  accumu- 
lations of  several  months,  they  were  jubilant  and  light  hearted  as  they  marched 
through  the  capital  to  the  acclaim  of  thousands.  Long  Bridge  was  crossed  by 
"route  step,"  which  was  continued  until  the  end  of  the  march.  Alexandria,  only 
eleven  miles  distant,  was  not  reached  until  after  midnight,  owing  to  the  congested 
condition  of  the  road  by  the  troops  that  preceded  the  Regiment.  This,  the  first 
march  of  the  brigade,  was,  perhaps,  to  many  of  the  men,  the  roughest  they  ex- 
perienced during  their  term  of  service,  and  long  before  it  was  ended,  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  first  hour  had  gone.  Many  times  afterward  in  forced  marches, 
three  times  the  distance  was  covered  without  causing  as  much  distress  to  so  many 
of  the  men.  Gen.  Casey  in  his  testimony  before  the  committee  on  the  conduct 
of  the  war  referred  to  this  march  in  the  following  terms : 

"We  did  not  start  from  here  (Washington)  until  late  in  the  afternoon.  It 
took  us  until  12  or  i  o'clock  at  night  to  get  down  there,  and  the  men  were  ex- 
posed to  a  severe  snow  storm.  I  considered  that  wrong  to  begin  with.  Had  I 
been  in  command,  I  would  not  have  done  it,  because  one  night's  exposure  to  such 
weather  will  make  many  men  sick.  Many  of  the  men  were  taken  sick  from  ex- 
posure that  night." 

The  Regiment  bivouacked  about  a  mile  and  a  half  below  Alexandria  awaiting 
transportation  to  Fortress  Monroe.  On  Sunday,  March  30,  orders  were  given 
to  pack  up  and  get  ready  to  embark,  but  on  going  to  the  dock  there  were  no 
transports  and  the  men  trudged  back  through  the  rain,  snow  and  mud,  and  tried 
to  make  themselves  as  comfortable  as  possible  under  such  unfavorable  condi- 
tions. They  were  in  a  proper  mood  to  resort  to  "desperate  deeds,"  and  here  many. 


for  the  first  time,  assisted  in  raiding  sutler's  wagons.  About  noon,  March  31, 
the  Regiment  embarked  on  the  transport  Hero,  for  the  Peninsula.  During  the 
night  the  transport  collided  with  a  sailing  vessel,  sinking  it  and  drowning  one  of 
the  crew. 

On  the  morning  of  April  3,  the  Regiment  landed  at  Fortress  Monroe,  where, 
after  halting  an  hour,  it  marched  about  six  miles,  a  little  beyond  Newport  News, 
to  Camp  Casey,  named  after  the  general  commanding  the  division.  Difficulty  in 
getting  provisions  landed  caused  an  uneasiness  in  the  stomachs  of  the  boys  which 
could  not  be  alleviated,  as  in  subsequent  marches,  by  foraging.  However,  resort 
was  made  to  the  sutler  for  relief. 

In  his  statement  before  the  committee  on  the  conduct  of  the  war.  Gen.  Casey 

"I  encamped  a  few  miles  back  of  Newport  News  and  it  was  ten  or  twelve 
days  before  we  could  get  our  division  transportation,  and  for  a  part  of  that  time 
my  men  had  to  pack  their  provisions  themselves  from  the  depot  at  that  point." 

It  was  while  at  Camp  Casey  the  first  detail  was  made  from  the  Regiment  for 
picket  duty.  While  not  on  picket  or  camp  guard,  the  men  were  kept  constantly 
at  drill.  On  April  16  camp  was  broken  and  the  division  started  on  the  march  up 
the  Peninsula.  The  Regiment  left  Camp  Casey  about  nine  o'clock  and  reached 
Young's  Mill  about  dusk  when,  after  a  brief  rest,  it  continued  to  march  for  two 
and  a  half  miles  farther  where  it  bivouacked  for  the  night,  the  first  day  of  rapid 
marching  the  Regiment  experienced,  the  men  carrying  heavy  knapsacks,  and  extra 
clothing  and  blankets. 

At  2  P.  M.,  the  next  day,  April  17,  march  was  resumed  but  after  advancing 
a  couple  of  miles,  a  halt  was  made,  the  Regiment  bivouacking  in  a  dense  pine 
woods,  within  two  miles  of  the  enemy's  fortifications,  at  a  point  called  Lee's  Mill. 
This  camp  was  named  Camp  Winfield  Scott.  Here  the  men  had  orders  to  keep 
their  arms  at  their  sides,  as  an  attack  was  probable  at  any  moment.  On  Sunday 
night,  April  20,  the  Regiment  was  hurriedly  called  out  and  formed  in  line  of  bat- 
tle, as  were  all  the  regiments  of  the  division,  but  after  a  time  the  men  were  per- 
mitted to  lie  down  till  morning,  although  there  was  almost  constant  cannonading 
at  the  right  in  the  vicinity  of  Yorktown.  Casey's  division  was  assigned  to  the 
Fourth  Corps  on  its  organization,  commanded  by  Brig.  Gen.  Erasmus  D.  Keyes. 
This  corps  comprised  the  left  wing  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  as  it  invested 
Yorktown.  While  at  Camp  Winfield  Scott  the  time  was  principally  put  in  at 
camp  guard  and  picket  duty,  the  picket  line  being  along  the  edge  of  a  woods, 
with  the  enemy's  fortifications  in  full  view.  One  of  the  diversions  of  the  pickets 
here  was  to  form  a  small  group  out  in  the  open  field  which  was  sure  to  draw  the 
fire  of  the  enemy.  It  was  here  the  first  flag  of  truce  from  the  103d  Regiment 
met  one  from  the  enemy.  Company  C  was  on  picket,  First  Lieut.  Fahnestock 
being  on  the  line  with  the  pickets  on  duty.  Private  B.  H.  Scott  saw  something 
which  he  thought  was  a  white  flag  borne  by  the  enemy.  He  insisted  that  it  was 
a  flag  of  truce,  and  Lieut.  Fahnestock  accompanied  by  Scott  and  Private  Samuel 
Murphy,  (the  men  each  bearing  arras  with  fixed  bayonets)  sauntered  forth 
towards  the  enemy's  lines.  Soon  a  white  flag  was  seen  approaching  from  the 
enemy,  and  when  the  two  parties  met,  the  Confederates  (three  officers)  inquired 
the  object  of  the  interview.  Lieut.  Fahnestock  replied  that  he  came  in  response 
to  their  signal,  which  the  latter  disclaimed  having  made.  The  interview  was  of 
short  duration,  and  as  a  result  Lieut.  Fahnestock  was  placed  in  arrest  for  a  day  or 
two  for  presuming  to  have  intercourse  with  the  enemy  without  permission.  It 
was  the  general  opinion  about  camp  that  the  entire  party,  Scott,  Murphy  and 
Fahnestock,  thought  it  would  be  a  good  joke  to  meet  the  enemy  under  such  con- 
ditions, and  had  drawn  upon  their  imagination  when  they  saw  a  white  flag.    For 


a  few  days  after  the  episode  they  were  the  most  important  personages  in  the 

On  April  28,  shelter  tents  were  issued  to  the  Regiment,  the  first  received. 
In  addition  to  guard  duty  while  at  Camp  Casey,  daily  details  were  made  for 
fatigue  duty,  the  principal  work  being  the  construction  of  corduroy  roads,  made 
with  small  logs  laid  together  transversely.  The  ground  in  this  part  of  the  Penin- 
sula being  very  low,  level,  and  marshy  at  this  time  of  year,  made  it  imperative  to 
have  all  the  roads  constructed  in  this  manner  in  order  to  make  them  passable 
for  supplies  to  the  army. 

The  Battle  of  Williamsburg. 
(From  May  4,  to  May  7,  1862.) 

Early  on  Sunday  morning.  May  4,  the  Regiment  received  orders  to  fall  in 
line  with  one  day's  rations,  in  light  marching  orders.  As  these  orders  implied 
strenuous  work,  not  to  exceed  a  day,  nothing  was  taken  but  arms,  accoutrements, 
ammunition,  canteens  and  haversacks. 

After  carefully  and  slowly  advancing  on  the  fortifications  of  the  enemy,  it 
was  discovered  that  they  had  been  evacuated.  The  enemy  had  buried  torpedoes 
in  the  road  leading  to  their  works,  one  of  which  exploded,  killing  one  and  wound- 
ing six  men  of  Casey's  division.  The  Regiment  halted  for  the  night,  after  pass- 
ing the  enemy's  fortifications,  bivouacking  about  seven  miles  from  Camp  Win- 
field  Scott,  without  overcoats,  blankets  or  shelter  of  any  kind  whatever.  The 
men  put  in  most  of  the  night  standing  around  fires  trying  to  keep  warm,  a  driz- 
zling rain  falling  steadily  through  the  after  part  of  the  night.  Before  the  con- 
gressional committee  on  the  conduct  of  the  war.  Gen.  Casey  testified  as  follows : 

"On  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  May,  when  there  was  some  evidence  of  the 
enemy  evacuating  their  lines,  I  was  ordered  at  a  half  hour's  notice  to  go  to  the 
river  and  leave   everything  behind,  tents,  blankets,   knapsacks  and  everything. 
When  I  got  there  the  enemy  had  evacuated  their  works.    I  then  intended  to  send 
back  for  the  tents,  blankets  and  knapsacks  for  my  men.    But  I  received  peremp- 
tory orders  from  Gen.  Sumner  to  push  on  after  the  enemy  without  waiting  for 
anything.     The  consequence  was  that  the  men  of  my  division — a  great  many  of 
them — were  without  blankets  and  knapsacks  for  several  weeks.     It  was  raining 
terribly  at  the  time  and  the  consequence  was  that  I  lost  a  great  many  men  from 
that  exposure,  as  they  were  obliged  to  lie  down  in  the  mud,  exposed  to  the  rain, 
without  any  protection  whatever.     *     *     *     At  the  time  we  could  not  get  the 
medicine  we  actually  needed.    The  men  actually  suffered  for  the  want  of  quinine ; 
they  could  not  get  it  when  they  wanted  it.     *     *     *     I  tried  time  and  again  to 
get  it,  for  the  men  actually  required  it,  but  I  could  not.     I  never  was  in  a  more 
sickly  country  than  that." 

On  the  morning  of  May  5,  the  Regiment  resumed  its  march  until  about  noon 
when  it  halted  in  a  large  field,  formed  line  of  battle,  and  after  a  halt  of  nearly 
two  hours,  was  ordered  forward.  There  had  been  moderate  cannonading  in  front 
all  morning,  with  some  musketry  firing,  which  gradually  increased.  The  mias- 
matic conditions  of  the  Peninsula  had  already  shown  its  effect  among  both  offi- 
cers and  men,  especially  among  the  former.  On  this  march  Gen.  Keim,  com- 
mander of  the  brigade,  and  Col.  Lehmann  were  left  behind. 

The  Regiment  pursued  its  march  through  a  tough  and  slippery  mud,  and  a 
cold,  drizzling  rain,  until  about  five  o'clock,  when  it  took  position  in  a  field  sepa- 
rated from  the  firing  line  only  by  a  few  yards  of  woods.  Here  Gen.  Keyes  made 
a  spirit-stirring  address.  The  cheering  of  the  boys  in  response  drew  the  fire  of 
the  enemy,  the  batteries  shelling  the  position  occupied  by  the  Regiment,  however, 

Maj.  James  F.   Mackey. 

Capt.    Fletcher  Smullin. 
(Co.   D.) 

Lieut.   S.    D.    Burns 
(Co.   H.) 

Adjutant  Wm.   H.  Irwin. 

Dr.  W.   B.   Kroesen 
(2d   Lieut.  Co.  K.) 


wounding  only  two  men.  Gen.  Keim,  who  had  remained  in  camp  quite  ill,  also 
appeared  and  assumed  command  of  the  brigade.  A  little  while  before  dark  the 
Regiment  was  ordered  to  march  to  the  point  of  action  but  the  order  was  counter- 
manded. It  had  reached  only  part  of  the  Regiment  and  for  a  time  two  com- 
panies of  the  right  wing  were  separated  from  the  left.  A  little  later,  however, 
they  were  again  united  and  relieved  a  regiment  of  Peck's  brigade,  of  Couch's  di- 
vision, standing  in  line  of  battle  within  one  hundred  yards  of  the  enemy  until 
daylight — a  night  never  to  be  forgotten  by  the  men  of  the  103d.  Exposed  as 
they  had  been  to  rain  all  day  with  scarcely  any  food,  marching  and  counter- 
marching, through  mud  and  water,  without  either  rubber  or  woolen  blankets, 
drenched  to  the  skin,  standing  in  line  of  battle  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  enemy 
the  chatter  of  their  teeth  could  have  been  heard  by  the  enemy  had  he  not  been 
busy  getting  ready  to  retreat.  This  was  the  first  terrible  experience  of  the  Regi- 
ment, and  could  never  be  forgotten  by  any  one  who  underwent  the  privation  of 
that  night. 

Capt.  Donaghy  refers  to  this  night  in  his  "Army  Experience"  as  follows : 

"It  rained  hard  all  night  and  the  air  was  cold  and  the  men  were  without 
tents,  blankets  or  overcoats.  Tired  and  sleepy  as  they  were,  they  could  only  stand 
and  take  the  rain.  They  leaned  against  trees  or  crowded  together  in  large  groups 
to  keep  warm.  When  they  stood  thus  for  awhile  some  would  fall  asleep  sup- 
ported on  their  feet  by  the  others.  When  the  majority  of  them  were  overcome 
by  sleep  the  whole  mass  would  lurch  over  and  fall  to  the  ground,  only  to  gather 
themselves  up  and  renew  the  process.  The  rebels  in  front  were  making  a  good 
deal  of  noise.  We  could  hear  the  words  of  command  and  the  clatter  of  arms 
and  the  sound  of  marching,  but  we  could  not  tell  whether  they  were  being  rein- 
forced or  were  preparing  to  leave. 

"Maj.  Gazzam  called  me  and  asked  me  to  see  the  general  and  ask  to  have 
the  Regiment  relieved.  Then  I  found  out  how  dark  the  night  was.  I  groped 
my  way  to  the  left  along  the  line,  descended  a  hollow,  and  in  going  up  the  other 
side  I  got  outside  of  our  line.  As  I  approached  it  from  the  front  I  heard  the  click 
of  gunlocks  and  the  challenge  of  a  startled  sentinel.  I  quickly  answered  'Friend, 
with  the  countersign,'  and  over  the  points  of  several  bayonets  I  had  to  explain 
who  I  was  and  where  I  was  going.  Gen.  Devens  was  in  command  of  that  part  of 
the  line,  and  I  found  him  lying  at  the  foot  of  a  tree.  I  explained  to  him  our  con- 
dition and  gave  him  the  major's  request.  I  told  him  of  the  noise  we  had  heard  in 
the  rebel  camp.  He  said  he  could  do  nothing  for  the  Regiment  till  morning,  and 
he  directed  us  to  be  vigilant  just  before  daylight,  for,  if  the  enemy  had  been  re- 
inforced, we  might  expect  an  attack.  We  got  the  men  into  pretty  good  order  and 
stood  ready  for  what  the  day  might  bring." 

As  daylight  approached  Maj.  Gazzam  sent  two  men,  B.  H.  Scott  and  W.  S. 
Cochran  of  Co.  C,  forward  to  reconnoiter.  They  discovered  an  officer's  horse, 
fully  caparisoned,  evidently  only  recently  deserted  by  its  rider,  standing  a  short 
distance  in  front  of  Fort  Magruder.  While  Cochran  stood  with  his  musket  ready 
to  fire  Scott  crept  stealthily  forward  and  captured  the  animal.  This  was  the  first 
Regimental  trophy  of  the  war  and  the  captors  were  much  elated  over  their  prize, 
but  later  they  felt  some  chagrin  when  the  animal  was  confiscated  by  the  quarter- 
master's department  of  the  brigade.  Had  it  not  been  for  this  animal,  it  is  very 
probable  that  Scott  and  Cochran  would  have  been  the  first  Federal  soldiers  to 
enter  Fort  Magruder,  for  while  their  attention  was  centered  on  the  horse  and 
trappings,  men  of  other  regiments  passed  on  into  the  fortfications.  It  was  soon 
apparent  that  the  enemy  was  in  full  retreat,  and  that  the  commands  given  by  the 
Confederate  officers  during  the  night  and  plainly  heard  by  the  men  of  the  Regi- 
ment were  given  with  the  intention  to  deceive,  so  they  could  retire  unmolested. 
The  Regiment  remained  in  front  of  Fort  Magruder  until  the  middle  of  the  after- 
noon, and  here  the  men,  for  the  first  time,  had  an  opportunity  to  realize  one  of 


the  most  horrible  aspects  of  war— to  gaze  on  the  silent,  ghastly,  upturned  faces 
of  the  dead— the  blue  and  the  gray— who  the  day  before  charged  upon  each  oth- 
ers' ranks — their  mute  remains  now  intermingled  on  the  battlefield. 

About  3:30  P.  M.,  May  6,  the  Regiment  left  the  Williamsburg  battlefield 
and  moved  about  two  miles,  bivouacking  on  the  south  bank  of  the  York  river.  In 
Gen.  Keyes  official  report  of  the  battle  of  Williamsburg  he  says : 

"During  an  hour  and  a  half  Peck's  brigade  *  *  *  continued  to  stand 
its  ground  alone  against  the  furious  onslaught  of  the  enemy,  inflicting  great  loss 
upon  the  rebels.  *  *  *  Toward  night  he  was  re-enforced  by  *  *  *  three 
regiments,  the  8sth  Penna.,  Col.  Howell;  loist  Penna.,  Col.  Wilson,  and  103d, 
Maj.  Gazzam.  *  *  *  Qgn.  Peck  speaks  well  of  the  services  of  those  regi- 
ments, and  when  the  ammunition  of  his  own  men  was  exhausted,  he  relieved 
them  with  six  of  these  fresh  regiments,  who  held  the  position  during'  the  night. 
*  *  *  The  troops  met  the  enemy  with  perfect  steadiness,  and  delivered  their 
fire  with  an  effect  which  the  prisoners  captured  described  as  most  deadly.  But 
the  courage  and  skill  of  the  troops  are  much  less  to  be  wondered  at  than  the 
good  temper  and  fortitude  with  which  they  have  borne  hardships,  exposure  to 
mud,  rain  and  hunger,  during  the  battle,  before  and  after  it.  These  qualities, 
according  to  Napoleon,  are  more  essential  than  courage  itself."  (O.  R.  Ser.  I, 
Vol.  XI,  Part  I,  pp.  571-576.) 

Gen.  Keim  in  his  official  report  says: 

"The  103d  Regiment  Penna.  Vols.,  Maj.  Gazzam  commanding,  was  also 
ordered  to  the  front,  to  support  Gen.  Peck.  *  *  *  Taking  into  consideration 
that  the  men  had  only  one  day's  rations  since  Sunday  morning,  no  overcoats, 
woolen!  or  gum  blankets,  they  evinced  a  spirit  of  endurance  and  heroic  courage 
worthy  of  veterans,  and  the  men  and  officers  are  entitled  to  praise  for  their 
arduous  and  successful  efforts."     (O.  R.  Ser.  I,  Vol.  XI,  Part  I,  pp.  561-562.) 

Gen.  John  J.  Peck,  one  of  whose  regiments  was  relieved  by  the  103d  in  this 
battle  (and  who  afterward  succeeded  Gen.  Casey  as  commander  of  the  division), 
refers  to  the  103d  in  his  official  report  as  follows : 

"Maj.  Gazzam,  of  the  103d  Penna.  Vols.,  was  very  efficient  and  only  needed 
a  renewal  of  the  action  to  exhibit  the  soldiership  of  the  regiment."  (O.  R.  Ser.  I, 
Vol.  XI,  Part  I,  pp.  520-523.) 

As  Maj.  Gazzam  received  his  appointment  and  commission  as  major  of  the 
Regiment,  through  the  influence  of  Col.  Lehmann,  and  had  in  no  wise  assisted 
in  recruiting  the  Regiment,  both  officers  and  men  were  at  first  prejudiced  against 
him.  However,  his  evident  desire  to  get  the  Regiment  into  close  quarters  with 
the  enemy,  did  much  to  remove  this  prejudice,  and  his  subsequent  actions  con- 
firmed the  men  in  the  belief  that  he  was  fearless  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy. 

On  Tuesday  morning,  May  7,  the  Regiment  was  under  arms  at  daylight, 
and  soon  was  advancing  towards  the  enemy,  passing  through  Williamsburg  early 
in  the  morning.  As  the  Regiment  passed  through  the  village,  a  woman,  who, 
evidently  belonged  to  the  "poor  white  trash,"  stood  in  front  of  the  door  of  her 
home,  and  in  a  tantalizing  manner,  prophesied,  that  the,  "Yankees  would  soon  be 
getting  back  a  d d  sight  faster  than  they  were  advancing." 

Williamsburg,  although  then  only  a  village  of  perhaps  a  thousand  inhabi- 
tants, is  a  historic  place.  For  over  one  hundred  years  it  was  the  capital  of  Vir- 
ginia. Jamestown,  less  than  nine  miles  away,  was  burned  in  1676.  The  capital 
was  then  moved  over  to  what  was  called  the  Middle  Plantation,  which  was  sub- 
sequently named  Williamsburg  in  honor  of  King  William.  It  is  the  seat  of  the 
second  oldest  college  in  the  United  States,  William  and  Mary  College,  chartered 
in  1693.  Among  the  graduates  of  this  college  were  Peyton  Randolph,  Edmund 
Randolph,  John  Marshall,  Thomas  Jefferson,  James  Monroe,  John  Randolph, 
John  Tyler  and  Gen.  Winfield  Scott.  Here  George  Washington  received  his 
credentials  which  authorized  him  to  survey,  and  here  he  made  his  headquarters 

1st    Lieut.    W.    H.    H.    Kiester 
(Co.     1). 

Corp.   John  A.   Kelley 
(Co.    I). 

(Youngest  member  of  the 
regiment,  not  15  at  enlist- 
ment, to  do  continuous  ser- 
vice tliroughout  tile  war.) 

1st    Sergt.    Jackson    McCoy 
(Co.    f). 

Capt.     A.     H.     Alexander 
(Co.   A). 

Capt.    Reynolds    Laughlln 

(Co.    A). 
(Brouglit   tlie   first  detach- 
ment   of    tile    regiment    into 
camp,    Aug.    20,    1861.) 

2d     Lieut.    Oliver    McCall 
(Co.    A). 

1st    Lieut.    J.    IVI.    Laughlln 
(Co.    A). 

Corp.   Thomas   Hays   (Co.   B). 

Priv.    Samuel     Keliey 
(Co.    I). 


during  the  Revolutionary  War,  at  the  home  of  George  Wythe,  a  signer  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  during  the  Yorktown  Campaign  of  1781 ;  it  was 
here  that  the  Raleigh  Tavern  was  located  where  Thomas  Jefferson  and  his  fel- 
low students  had  such  jolly  times,  frequent  reference  to  which  is  made  in  Jeffer- 
son's diary.  Williamsburg  is  the  capital  of  James  City  County,  46  miles  south- 
east of  Richmond  and  about  12  miles  from  Yorktown,  situated  between  the  James 
and  the  York  Rivers. 


The  Battle  of  Seven  Pines,  or  Fair  Oaks. 
(From  May  7  to  June  4,  1862.) 

During  the  march,  May  7,  considerable  firing  could  be  heard  in  advance, 
indicating  that  a  battle  was  '  imminent,  but  nothing  serious  occurred  and  the 
Regiment  continued  its  march  until  late  in  the  afternoon,  having  advanced  about 
twelve  miles  during  the  day.  A  halt  was  ordered  until  about  three  P.  M.,  May  9, 
when  a  farther  advance  of  about  two  miles  was  made.  At  seven  o'clock  the  next 
morning.  May  10,  the  Regiment  started  and  marched  slowly  all  day,  with  an  oc- 
casional halt,  bivouacking  in  a  wheat  field  about  dusk,  advancing  in  all  about  ten 
miles.    Col.  Lehmann  arrived  and  assumed  command. 

No  farther  advance  was  made  until  the  morning  of  the  13th,  when,  at  7:30, 
march  was  resumed,  and  continued,  with  occasional  rests,  until  after  midnight, 
when  a  halt  was  made  at  New  Kent  Court  House.  The  brigade  remained  here, 
for  four  days,  during  which  time  the  knapsacks  left  at  Camp  Casey  were  brought 
forward  and  were  found  in  good  condition. 

On  the  evening  of  the  17th,  immediately  after  dress  parade,  an  advance  of 
eight  or  ten  miles  was  made  and,  at  about  midnight,  camp  was  pitched  at  White 
House.  This  was  the  home  of  Mrs.  Martha  Custis  when  she  married  George 
Washington,  and  at  this  time  was  owned  and  occupied  by  Mrs.  Lee,  the  wife  of 
Gen.  Robert  E.  Lee.  Mrs.  (Mary  Custis)  Lee  was  the  daughter  of  Mr.  George 
Washington  Parke  Custis,  of  Arlington,  the  adopted  son  of  George  Washington, 
and  was  heir  to  the  estates  of  Arlington  and  White  House.  She  was  married  to 
Gen.  Lee  in  the  year  1832.  Immediately  after  resigning  his  commission  in  the 
U.  S.  A.,  Gen.  Lee  moved  his  family  from  Arlington  to  the  White  House.  On 
the  approach  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  up  the  Peninsula,  Mrs.  Lee  took  refuge 
with  her  family  with  friends  nearer  Richmond.  The  plantation  was  an  ideal 
place  for  a  camp,  but  after  a  day's  rest,  the  Regiment  continued  to  advance  up  the 
Peninsula,  moving  about  seven  miles  on  the  19th,  starting  about  11  A.  M.,  and 
marching  until  dark,  making  many  tedious  stops  and  finally  encamping  between 
three  and  four  miles  east  of  the  Chickahominy  River.  During  this  march  Col. 
Lehmann  had  a  collision  with  a  sutler's  wagon,  his  horse  being  injured  and  he 
thrown  to  the  ground.  His  injuries  were  such  that  he  remained  behind.  The 
lieutenant  colonel  and  major  both  being  absent,  and  so  many  line  officers  sick 
Maj.  Kelley  of  the  96th  New  York,  was  temporarily  placed  in  command  of  the 
Regiment.  However,  Maj.  Gazzam  put  in  an  appearance  late  in  the  afternoon 
and  relieved  him.  On  the  20th,  during  a  reconnoissance  by  a  detail  from  Casey's 
division,  an  artillery  duel  between  a  Confederate  battery  and  two  batteries  of 
Casey's  Artillery  under  Col.  G.  D.  Bailey,  Chief  of  Artillery  of  Casey's  division, 
continued  for  about  an  hour,  when  the  Confederates  retired. 

On  the  21  St,  the  brigade  advanced  three  miles  nearer  Richmond,  bivouacking 
on  an  elevated  plateau  overlooking  the  Chickahominy.  On  the  23d  the  famous 
Chickahominy  river  was  crossed  bringing  the  division,  now  the  vanguard  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  in  close  proximity  to  the  Confederate  lines. 

In  the  advance  up  the  Peninsula,  whenever  a  day's  halt  was  made,  if  it  were 


not  raining,  and  the  condition  of  the  ground  permitted,  regimental  drill  and 
dress  parade  were  kept  up,  details  made  for  camp  guard,  and  every  night,  whether 
on  the  march  or  in  camp,  one  or  more  companies  of  the  Regiment  was  detailed 
for  picket  duty — duty  that  did  not  permit  any  one,  except  some  of  those  on  re- 
serve, to  obtain  any  sleep.  On  the  24th  the  Regiment  marched  and  counter- 
marched and  finally  went  into  camp  about  a  mile  from  where  it  started,  in  a  large 
field  contiguous  to  a  dense  woods. 

Brig.  Gen.  Keim,  who  left  a  sick  bed  to  be  with  his  brigade  at  the  battle  of 
Williamsburg,  suffered  a  relapse,  due  to  the  exposure  incurred,  and  died  at  Har- 
risburg  May  18.  During  his  absence  the  command  of  the  brigade  devolved  upon 
Col.  J.  B.  Howell,  of  the  85th  Penna.,  a  very  popular  officer,  not  only  with  his 
own  regiment,  but  also  with  the  officers  and  men  of  the  entire  brigade.  On  May 
24,  Gen.  McClellan  assigned  Brig.  Gen.  H.  W.  Wessells  to  the  command  of  the 

On  Sunday,  the  25th,  an  advance  of  another  mile  was  made  and  four  com- 
panies of  the  Regiment  placed  on  picket.  The  Regiment  was  now  in  the  vicinity 
of  Seven  Pines  and  shifted  camp  on  May  26  and  27.  It  began  raining  in  the 
middle  of  the  afternoon  of  the  26th  and  continued  without  cessation  all  the  next 
day.  Here  there  was  almost  a  constant  exchange  of  shots  between  the  pickets  of 
the  two  armies,  and  occasionally  the  artillery  would  be  engaged.  Fully  one-half 
of  the  Regiment  was  engaged  either  throwing  up  rifle  pits,  slashing  timber  or  on 
picket  duty,  and  while  the  commissary  department  found  it  difficult  to  provide 
ample  rations  it  tried  to  make  amends  by  furnishing)  quinine  diluted  in  whisky. 
At  about  the  break  of  day  on  the  29th,  in  a  heavy  fog,  an  attack  was  made  on  the 
picket  line  immediately  in  front  of  the  Regiment,  and  the  entire  division  was  kept 
in  line  of  battle  several  hours  anticipating  a  general  attack,  Maj.  John  E.  Kelley, 
of  the  96th  New  York  Infantry,  who  was  in  command  of  the  picket,  was  killed 
at  the  beginning  of  the  attack.  Capt.  Geo.  W.  Gillespie  of  Co.  B,  who  was  next 
in  rank,  and  who  was  on  picket  with  his  company,  assumed  command  and  drove 
the  enemy  back  and  maintained  his  position.  Newton  Joseph  of  Co.  B,  was  killed 
in  this  action,  on  the  picket  post.  It  is  evident  he  was  killed  at  close  range,  as  his 
skull  was  crushed  in,  probably  from  the  butt  of  a  musket  in  the  hands  of  one  of 
the  enemy.     In  his  official  report  of  this  skirmish  Gen.  Casey  says: 

"At  daylight  this  morning  (May  29)  the  enemy  attacked  my  advance  picket 
on  the  Richmond  road.  They  took  advantage  of  the  dense  fog,  and  approached 
very  near  before  being  discovered.  The  pickets  behaved  nobly,  and  drove  the 
rebels  back  in  disorder.  They  left  a  wounded  prisoner  on  the  ground,  who  states 
that  their  force  consisted  of  300  men,  of  the  23d  North  Carolina  Regiment.  We 
lost,  one  officer  and  one  private  killed  and  two  enlisted  men  wounded. 
Capt.  George  W.  Gillespie,  of  the  103d  Penna.  Volunteers,  who  commanded  the 
pickets  after  the  death  of  Maj.  Kelley,  behaved  very  well."     (O.  R.  Ser.  I,  Part  I, 

PP-  745-746.) 

Private  Newton  Joseph  of  Co.  B,  killed  in  this  skirmish,  was  the  first  man 
of  the  Regiment  killed  by  the  enemy.  His  remains  were  brought  into  camp  and 
dire  threats  of  vengeance  were  uttered  by  comrades  as  they  took  a  view  of  his 
mutilated  forehead.  He  had'  two  brothers  in  Co.  I,  both  of  whom  died  subse- 
quently in  the  service,  one  at  Wilmington,  N.  C,  just  after  being  paroled  from 
Confederate  prison. 

Early  in  the  forenoon  of  the  29th  of  May,  the  brigade  advanced  about  three- 
fourths  of  a  mile,  the  103d  Regiment  encamping  a  few  yards  south  of  the  Wil- 
liamsburg and  Richmond  wagon  road,  back  of  an  immense  wood  pile  ten  or 
twelve  feet  high.  South  of  the  Regiment's  camp,  and  within  a  few  yards  of  it, 
were  two  houses,  known  as  the  "twin  houses."  The  other  regiments  of  the 
brigade  were  encamped  in  the  rear  of  the  103d,  south  of  the  road.    Before  tents 


were  pitched,  large  details  were  made  from  the  various  regiments  of  the  brigade 
for  fatigue  duty,  and  men  were  immediately  put  to  work  building  a  redoubt,  rifle 
pits,  and  slashing  timber  along  the  edge  of  a  wood  which  bordered  the  western 
side  of  an  open  field  in  which  the  redoubt  and  rifle  pits  were  located,  nearly  a 
half  mile  in  advance,  towards  Richmond.  The  redoubt,  known  in  the  official  re- 
ports as  "Casey's  Redoubt,"  was  situated  about  fifty  yards  directly  in  front  of  the 
camp  of  the  Regiment,  the  north  side  of  which  was  fully  fifty  yards  south  of  the 
Williamsburg  and  Richmond  stage  road,  and  nearly  three-fourths  of  a  mile  south 
of  Fair  Oaks  Station,  on  the  Richmond  and  York  River  Railroad.  About  noon 
on  the  30th  of  May,  the  pickets  were  driven  in,  the  enemy  advancing  to  the  edge 
of  the  woods  where  details  were  engaged  in  slashing  the  timber  into  abatis.  The 
division  was  hurriedly  placed  in  line  of  battle,  while  the  batteries  of  Casey's  artil- 
lery thoroughly  shelled  the  woods.  The  looth  New  York  Regiment  was  sent 
forward,  when  the  enemy  soon  retired  and  the  picket  line  was  re-established. 
While  the  division  was  still  in  line  of  battle  a  terrific  thunder  storm  suddenly 
broke  forth,  accompanied  by  torrents  of  rain,  which  continued  through  most  of 
the  night.  Just  after  the  storm  began  Co.  C,  of  the  Regiment,  was  taken  from 
the  line  of  battle,  and  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Fahnestock,  was  hurried  to 
the  picket  line,  wading  ankle  deep  through  water  in  getting  there.  The  right 
wing  of  the  company  relieved  the  pickets  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  be- 
ginning with  the  first  post  north  of  the  road,  extending  north  towards  the  rail- 
road two  or  three  hundred  yards.  The  left  wing  formed  the  reserve,  and  took 
shelter  in  a  log  cabin,  about  fifty  yards  in  rear  of  the  picket  line.  A  blazing  log 
fire  was  kept  up  all  night,  the  men  drying  their  clothing,  cleaning  their  muskets, 
most  of  them  drawing  their  loads  and  reloading,  to  make  sure  that  the  powder 
was  dry.  Towards  morning  most  of  them  lay  stretched  upon  the  floor  of  the 
cabin  sound  asleep  while  a  sentry  stood  guard  at  the  door  to  give  the  alarm  if  an 
attack  were  made  on  the  picket.  Shortly  after  daylight,  Sergt.  J.  M.  Wilson, 
relieved  the  men  posted  on  picket  by  the  men  on  reserve,  in  order  to  give  them  an 
opportunity  to  dry  their  clothing  and  get  some  breakfast. 

The  picket  line  was  posted  along  the  edge  of  a  woods  in  front  of  which  was 
an  open  field,  which  evidently  had  at  one  time  been  cultivated,  but  was  now  cov- 
ered with  a  dense  undergrowth,  with  here  and  there  a  break,  where  no  growth 
was  perceptible.  Clusters  of  scrubby  oaks  or  dwarf  pines  were  scattered  over  the 
field.  The  103d  pickets  covered  the  line,  beginning  at  the  first  post  north  of  the 
Williamsburg  and  Richmond  wagon  road,  and  extending  in  a  straight  line 
towards  the  railroad,  which  at  this  point  was  about  a  mile  north  of  the  wagon 
road.  The  undergrowth  in  front  of  the  pickets  did  not  permit  of  an  extended 
view,  although  at  some  points  the  wood  at  the  western  side  of  the  open  field, 
about  400  or  500  yards  distant,  was  visible.  A  heavy  fog  prevailed  during  the 
early  morning  but  by  nine  o'clock  it  had  disappeared,  although  the  atmosphere 
remained  somewhat  hazy.  After  the  fog  had  vanished  large  bodies  of  the  enemy 
were  in  full  view  of  the  pickets,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  field.  In  the  mean- 
time Capt.  S.  P.  Townsend  of  Co.  C,  who,  being  somewhat  ill,  had  remained  in 
camp  during  the  night,  had  relieved  Lieut.  Fahnestock,  and  had  taken  charge  of 
the  pickets  at  this  point,  making  his  headquarters^  at  the  first  post,  north  of  the 
Williamsburg  road.  With  the  aid  of  Capt.  Townsend's  field  glass  the  Confed- 
erate officers  were  readily  distinguished  from  the  enlisted  men.  The  pickets  had 
received  strict  orders  not  to  fire  upon  the  enemy  unless  attacked  in  force,  and 
this  order  was  rigidly  obeyed  during  the  forenoon  of  May  31,  notwithstanding 
the  many  statements  to  the  contrary.  As  the  forenoon  advanced  it  was  plainly 
evident  to  the  pickets  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road  that  the  enemy  was  mass- 
ing in  front,  with  the  intention  of  making  an  attack.  Capt.  Townsend  was  so 
certain  of  this  that  he  repeatedly  dispatched  a  courier  into  division  headquarters 


with  this  information.  About  noon,  the  Confederate  field  officers  mounted,  and 
the  men  fell  into  ranks.  The  indications  were  so  strongly  in  favor  of  an  im- 
mediate attack  that  every  man  on  picket  was  at  a  tension  in  anticipation  of  the 
advance  of  the  enemy.  A  few  minutes  later  three  shots  were  fired  in  rapid  suc- 
cession from  a  battery,  masked  from  view,  planted  immediately  north  of  the 
Williamsburg  road,  and  about  half  way  across  the  open  field.  The  missiles  from 
these  shots  went  whizzing  through  the  tree  tops  where  the  pickets  stood  and 
passed  on  over  Casey's  camp.  While  the  official  record  does  not  state,  these  shots 
were  evidently  fired  by  the  Jeff  Davis  Battery,  from  Alabama,  commanded  by 
Capt.  J.  W.  Bondurant,  attached  to  Garland's  brigade,  of  Hill's  division.  These 
shots  were  the  signal  for  the  enemy  to  advance.  As  the  smoke  from  the  battery 
cleared  away  the  enemy  was  seen  to  be  advancing  and  immediately  the  pickets 
opened  fire.  Thomas  J.  McKee,  of  the  103d  Regiment,  firing  the  first  shot,  a 
picket  on  the  Williamsburg  road  firing  almost  simultaneously.  The  pickets  kept 
up  a  rapid  fire,  checking  the  skirmishers  of  the  enemy,  and  forcing  the  regiments 
of  the  attacking  brigade,  which  were  moving  by  right  flank,  into  line  of  battle. 
Immediately  after  the  pickets  opened  fire.  Gen.  Casey  ordered  the  103d  Regi- 
ment forward  to  support  the  pickets.  Although  the  picket  line  was  nearly  three- 
fourths  of  a  mile  in  advance  of  the  camp  of  the  Regiment,  the  pickets  of  the 
Regiment  retained  their  position  at  the  edge  of  the  woods  until  after  the  arrival 
of  the  Regiment,  which  was  formed  in  line  of  battle,  about  fifty  yards  in  rear  of 
the  picket  line.  Companies  B  and  G,  south  of  the  road,  and  Companies  A,  D,  H,^ 
E  and  K,  north  of  the  road.  Companies  F  and  I  did  not  accompany  the  Regi- 
ment, the  former  having  been  detailed  for  fatigue  duty  in  the  morning,  and  was 
engaged  slashing  timber  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road  when  the  attack  was 
made,  and  did  not  reach  camp  until  after  the  Regiment  had  departed  to  support 
the  picket  line.  Co.  I  had  been  detailed  to  relieve  the  pickets,  and  remained  in 
camp,  expecting  the  attack  to  be  of  the  same  nature  as  that  of  the  two  previous 
days.  The  Regiment  had  not  succeeded  in  making  its  alignment,  which  owing  to 
the  tangled  brush  and  undergrowth  in  the  woods,  was  a  difficult  task,  before  it 
received  a  terrific  fire  from  the  enemy,  drawn  from  the  latter  in  return  for  the 
fire  from  the  pickets.  The  Regiment  returned  the  fire,  and  continued  to  do  so,, 
until  it  was  flanked  on  the  right,  when  it  was  ordered  to  fall  back,  making  a  stand 
on  a  road  extending  through  the  woods,  almost  at  right  angle  to  the  Williams- 
burg road.  However,  only  two  or  three  volleys  had  been  fired  from  this  position 
when  Capt.  Laughlin,  who  commanded  Co.  A,  on  the  right  of  the  Regiment,  no- 
ticed the  enemy  closing  in  on  the  right  flank,  and  realizing  that  the  capture  of 
the  Regiment  was  inevitable  unless  it  fell  back  rapidly,  called  down  the  line  for 
the  men  to  get  back  as  quickly  as  they  could,  Maj.  Gazzam  supplementing  the 
order.  The  dense  and  tangled  condition  of  the  undergrowth  prevented  the  Regi- 
ment from  falling  back  in  any  kind  of  order,  and  before  it  emerged  from  the 
woods  it  was  broken  into  fragments.  As  the  men  came  out  of  the  woods  Capts. 
Gillespie,  Laughlin  and  Mackey  succeeded  in  rallying  nearly  a  hundred  men  and 
were  forming  them  along  the  east  side  of  the  abatis  when  they  were  ordered  out 
of  that  by  an  officer  of  Spratt's  battery  which  was  in  position  north  of  the  Wil- 
liamsburg road,  about  400  yards  in  front  of  the  rifle  pits.  This  detachment  of  the 
Regiment  then  moved  out  of  range  of  this  battery,  taking  position  to  the  left 
of  a  detachment  of  the  nth  Maine,  where  they  did  effective  work  until  driven 
back  by  overwhelming  numbers  of  the  enemy.  Of  the  eflfectiveness  of  this  fire, 
which  came  from  this  detachment  of  the  103d  and  less  than  100  men  from  the 
nth  Maine,  and  eight  companies  of  the  104th  Penna.  Regiment,  the  official  re- 
ports of  the  Confederate  officers  give  ample  evidence. 

In  retiring  under  the  heavy  fire  of  the  enemy  in  the  woods  Maj.  Gazzam 
was  swept  from  his  horse  by  a  limb  of  a  tree,  and  in  the  fall  his  head  striking  a 


log,  was  momentarily  stunned.  He  remounted  almost  instantly  and  succeeded  in 
reaching  the  Williamsburg  road,  to  find  the  Regiment  scattered  into  fragments, 
and  the  batteries  of  Casey's  artillery  shelling  the  woods  from  which  it  had  fled. 
Seeing  a  number  of  the  Regiment  fleeing  towards  the  intrenchments,  he  galloped 
ahead  and  halted  them  as  they  came  up,  succeeding  in  rallying  less  than  a  hun- 
dred men  on  the  road,  in  rear  of  Spratt's  battery.  Gen.  Casey  having  come  for- 
ward to  take  a  survey  of  his  first  line  of  battle  directed  Maj.  Gazzam  to  fall  back 
of  the  redoubt  and  rally  the  straggling  men  as  they  came  in.  The  major  formed 
the  Regiment,  or  rather  the  remnant  of  it,  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road, 
parallel  to  it,  the  right  resting  about  fifty  yards  in  rear  of  the  rifle  pits,  along 
which  the  85th  Penna.  Regiment  was  deployed.  It  was  at  this  juncture  when 
the  acting  color  bearer,  Sergt.  W.  N.  Barr,  of  Co.  C,  came  up  with  the  colors. 
The  celerity  with  which  the  Regiment  moved  in  going  to  the  support  of  the 
pickets,  made  it  impracticable  to  unfurl  the  colors  while  rushing  to  the  front,  and 
before  the  Regiment  had  been  properly  aligned  in  the  woods,  the  flag  stafif  was 
shot  in  two  pieces,  at  the  lower  edge  of  the  colors.  Sergt.  Barr  held  on  to  both 
pieces,  but  in  falling  back  got  separated  from  the  main  body  of  the  Regiment  and 
in  coming  in  was  directed  by  Gen.  Casey  where  to  find  it.  When  the  major  saw 
Barr  approach  with  the  colors  he  took  possession  of  them,  and  kept  them  for  a 
time,  unfurling  and  waving  them,  to  halt  the  fleeing  men  from  the  front.  A  little 
later  Major  Gazzam  received  orders  to  drop  back  and  picket  the  rear  with  his 
command  and  halt  the  stragglers  from  the  front. 

As  the  Regiment  was  moving  back  a  staff  officer,  from  the  rear,  evidently 
of  Gen.  Keyes'  staff,  ordered  Major  Gazzam  to  take  position  in  Couch's  line,  the 
major  by,  this  time,  having  succeeded  in  getting  about  150  men  together.  The 
men  were  put  in  the  rifle  pits  south  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  a  regiment  of 
Couch's  division  being  in  line  of  battle  immediately  in  front.  Twice  after  this 
the  remnant  of  the  R.egiment,  under  Major  Gazzam,  shifted  position  in  com- 
pliance with  orders  given  by  staff  officers  and  finally,  it  was  sent  to  ihe  rear 
and  ordered  to  take  position  back  of  intrenchments  near  Savage  Station.  The 
men  who  rallied  around  Major  Gazzam  after  the  rout  of  the  Regiment,  remained 
with  the  colors  of  the  Regiment  throughout  the  day,  and,  although  not  in  a  posi- 
tion to  again  fire  on  the  enemy,  it  was  through  no  fault  of  the  men  or  their 
commander.  It  is  true,  the  experiences  these  men  had  undergone  in  the  woods 
in  front,  almost  surrounded  by  the  enemy,  and  in  the  abatis,  between  the  fires  of 
both  friend  and  foe,  had  had  a  demoralizing  effect,  and  none  of  them  was 
yearning  keenly  to  charge  upon  the  enemy,  yet  they  were  ready  to  obey  orders, 
be  what  they  would. 

Co.  I,  commanded  by  Lieut.  W.  H.  H.  Kiester,  was  detailed  on  Saturday 
morning  for  picket  duty,  and  remained  in  camp  when  the  Regiment  went  forward 
to  support  the  pickets.  Co.  F,  commanded  by  ist  Lieut.  Josiah  Zink,  was  detailed 
early  in  the  forenoon  to  slash  timber  in  front  of  the  advanced  abatis,  and  had 
been  at  work  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road  during  the  forenoon.  The  men 
of  this  company  were  at  luncheon  when  the  attack  was  made,  less  than  three 
hundred  yards  back  of  the  picket  line,  but  it  was  some  time  before  thy  realized 
that  the  advance  of  the  enemy  was  more  than  a  reconnoissance.  Before  they 
reached  camp  the  Regiment  was  engaged  with  the  enemy  in  advance  of  where 
they  had  been  at  work  during  the  forenoon.  Lieut.  John  Donaghy  of  Co.  F, 
was  officer  of  the  camp  guard,  and  when  the  firing  gave  evidence  that  the  enemy 
was  advancing  in  force,  he  transferred  his  command  to  Lieut.  John  M.  Cochran 
of  Co.  C,  who  was  ill  in  camp.  Under  direction  of  Gen.  Wessells,  Companies  F, 
and  I,  and  some  men  of  other  companies  who  were  not  present  when  the  Regi- 
ment went  forward,  commanded  by  Lieuts.  Zink,  Kiester  and  Donaghy,  formed 
on  the  left  of  the  96th  New  York  Regiment,  as  it  was  moving  to  take  position 


in  the  advanced  line  to  the  left  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  in  front  of  the  rifle 
pits.  While  here,  a  portion  of  F,  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Donaghy,  de- 
ployed as  skirmishers  in  front  of  the  96th,  and  as  the  enemy  pressed  forward  on 
the  left  he  received  a  spirited  fire  from  this  detachment  before  it  fell  back. 
The  commander  of  the  96th,  realizing  the  precarious  situation  of  his  regiment, 
ordered  it,  and  Co.  I,  to  retire  to  the  rear  of  the  rifle  pits,  and  in  doing  so,  Lieut. 
Donaghy's  command  became  separated  from  it,  and  thenceforth  acted  independ- 
ently of  it.  Co.  I  remained  with  the  96th  after  it  took  position  in  rear  of  the 
rifle  pits,  until  it  was  broken   into  fragments  in  falling  back  through  the  abatis. 

As  the  battle  continued  to  rage  Lieut.  John  M.  Cochran  of  Co.  C,  who, 
although  excused  from  duty  because  of  illness,  volunteered  to  relieve  Lieut. 
Donaghy  as  officer  of  the  camp  guard,  rallied  a  detachment  of  men  of  various 
companies,  including  those  on  camp  guard,  and  formed  them  immediately  south 
of  the  redoubt  behind  the  rifle-pits,  and  remained  there  until  after  he  was 
severely  wounded  and  had  to  be  assisted  from  the  field. 

Although  the  103rd  Regiment  had  been  scattered  into  fragments  when  it 
fell  back  into  the  first  abatis,  yet  the  various  detachments  rendered  effective 
service  against  the  enemy.  Capts.  Laughlin,  Gillespie  and  Mackey,  as  before 
stated,  forming  their  detachment  tO'  the  right  and  in  advance  of  Spratt's  battery, 
and  remaining  there  until  completely  overwhelmed.  Driven  back  in  a  rout  these 
men  joined  in  with  other  commands  at  any  point  where  a  stand  was  made. 
Laughlin  rallied  a  number  as  they  passed  the  rifle  pits  and  took  position  to  the 
left  of  the  loist  and  remained  there  until  that  regiment  was  forced  back.  After 
Wessell's  brigade  was  driven  back  from  the  redoubt  and  rifle  pits  Col.  Howell  of 
the  85th  Penna.  rallied  a  portion  of  his  regiment,  along  with  men  of  other 
regiments,  and  formed  them  south  of  the  Williamsburg  road  in  the  abatis  in 
rear  of  Wessells'  camp.  Lieut.  Donaghy,  who  had  succeeded  in  keeping  a 
group  of  the  103rd  Regiment  together,  united  with  Col.  Howell's  command, 
and  for  a  time  acted  as  his  adjutant.  Of  this  phase  of  the  battle  Lieut.  Donaghy 

''Col.  Howell  ordered  the  line  forward,  and  we  moved  through  the  slashing 
until  we  came  in  view  of  our  old  camp,  which  was  now  in  the  possession  of  the 
enemy.  *  *  *  We  began  active  skirmishing,  firing  right  through  our  tents, 
which  the  rebels  were  using  as  screens  to  fire  from,  or  were  looking  for  plunder. 
We  were  under  a  pretty  severe  fire  and  a  good  many  of  our  men  were  killed  and 
wounded.  This  heterogeneous  line  was  at  last  left  alone;  not  a  Union  flag  or 
soldier  could  be  seen  to  the  right  or  left  of  us.  We  were  certainly  the  last  of 
Casey's  division  on  the  field,  and  the  enemy's  forces  were  forming  in  masses 
just  behind  the  wood  pile  and  away  to  the  right  and  left ;  not  firing,  but  forming 
for  another  move  on  our  army.  An  aide  from  the  force  to  our  rear  came  up  and 
ordered  us  back.  *  *  *  j  jj^^j  ggg^j  Capt.  Gillespie  of  our  Regiment  to  the 
rear  of  our  line,  and  he  was  with  us  as  we  moved  back.  The  firing  now  ceased 
on  both  sides,  but  it  was  the  lull  before  the  storm.  When  we  got  back  to  the 
open  space  where  we  had  rallied  our  force  we  saw  a  line  of  soldiers  in  the  woods 
to  the  left  of  that  position.  They  stood,  in  grim  silence,  and  in  good  order,  and 
as  we  had  not  expected  to  see  an  enemy  there  we  thought  they  were  our  own 
men ;  but  noticing  straw  hats  and  gray  uniforms  among  them,  we  were  perplexed 
with  doubts.  I  stood  on  a  stump  to  have  a  better  view,  and  halloed  out  to 
them,  "show  your  colors."  It  was  not  a  discreet  thing  to  do,  and  I  realized  that 
when  their  guns  came  to  an  aim.  I  dropped  quickly  behind  the  stump,  and 
their  bullets  splashed  sand  and  water  in  my  face.  Our  doubts  were  dispelled; 
it  was  now  every  man  for  himself  with  us.  I  crawled  into  a  thicket  towards  the 
rear,  and  when  I  came  out  at  the  other  side  I  saw  Corp.  Bostaph  of  my  company 
staggering  from  a  wound  under  his  arm.     Sergt.  Rimer  and  I  took  hold  of  him 


and  helped  him  along.  A  man  of  Co.  D,  told  me  that  Gillespie  had  fallen.  As 
we  came  in  view  of  Couch's  line  men  called  to  us  to  hurry  back.  *  *  * 
Within  the  lines  I  met  again  the  colonel  of  the  96th  New  York,  and  he  advised 
our  party  to  seek  our  Regiments.  By  this  time  we  had  had  enough  fighting 
for  one  day,  and  so  we  took  his  advice  and  continued  our  course  to  the  rear. 
We  placed  Bostaph  in  an  ambulance.  It  was  five  o'clock  when  we  found  our 
regiment,  a  mile  to  the  rear.  *  *  *  ]y[y  company  had  one  killed  and  eleven 
wounded,  which  was  a  large  portion,  considering  that  there  were  only  about 
thirty-five  of  the  men  engaged." 

In  Maj.  Gazzam's  official  report  of  the  battle  he  says :  "The  Regiment,  when 
marched  out,  consisted  of  430  men."  As  the  Regiment  was  hurriedly  formed 
and  rushed  out  without  a  roll  call  or  count  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  give 
the  exact  number.  As  only  seven  companies  were  represented,  the  number  given 
is  greatly  exaggerated,  as  the  camp  was  full  of  the  sick  excused  from  duty  among 
which  were  both  officers  and  men.  A  fair  estimate  of  the  men  fit  for  duty 
would  not  exceed  fifty  to  a  company,  which  would  bring  the  number  to  about 
350 ;  it  certainly  did  not  reach  400.  At  no  period  in  the  history  of  the  Regiment, 
except  when  confined  in  Confederate  military  prisons,  was  the  sickness  so  gen- 
eral among  both  officers  and  men  as  at  this  particular  time.  The  colonel  and 
lieutenant-colonel  and  several  line  officers  were  absent  from  the  Regiment  on 
account  of  sickness,  and  many  of  those  present  were  excused  from  duty.  Capt. 
Martin,  of  Co.  E,  was  carried  from  his  tent  on  a  stretcher  while  the  battle  was 
raging  and  died  from  the  disease  a  week  later.  Lieut.  Irwin,  of  Co.  G,  was  also 
ill  in  his  tent,  and  did  not  leave  his  bed  until  the  surgeon  ordered  him  to  the 
rear.  He  had  to  have  assistance  tO'  get  back.  Within  sixty  days  from  the  date 
of  the  battle  the  following  officers  had  either  been  discharged  on  Surgeon's 
certificate,  or  resigned  from  the  service  owing  to  illness,  Capt.  S.  P.  Townsend, 
Co.  C;  Capt.  Hamilton,  and  Lieutenant  Meredith,  Co.  D;  Capt.  McDowell,  Co. 
F;  and  Lieut.  Kroesen  of  Co.  K;  the  latter,  however,  leaving  the  service  as 
the  result  of  wounds  received  in  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks.  The  illness  was  largely 
due  to  exposure  and  impure  drinking  water,  resulting  in  dysenteric  illness.  As 
a  result  of  the  losses  in  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  and  the  sickness  that  prevailed 
at  this  tim.e,  an  assistant  inspector  general  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  N.  PI. 
Davis,  reported  the  average  strength  of  the  four  regiments  comprising  Wessells' 
brigade  on  June  5,  as  348,  an  average  of  less  than  35  to  a  company.  The  official 
report  of  the  killed  of  the  103rd  Regiment  in  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  (O.  R.  Se- 
ries I,  Vol.  XI,  part  I,  page  762.)  is  given  as  i  officer  and  7  men.  This  table 
was  compiled  immediately  after  the  battle,  and  before  the  missing  had  been  ac- 
counted for.  The  total  killed  in  the  battle,  or  died  of  wounds  received  in  action 
was  35 — 2  officers  and  33  men,  as  follows :  Capt.  George  W.  Gillespie,  Co.  B ; 
2nd  Lieut.  George  D.  Schott,  Co.  A;  Corp.  Oliver  C.  Grandy,  Privates,  Jacob 
Barr,  John  R.  Bowman,  Co.  A;  Privates,  John  B.  Bish,  Barney  Deany,  Lorenzo 
Frantz,  Newton  Joseph,  Robert  McCleary,  Henry  C.  Skakely,  Co.  B ;  Pri- 
Thomas  Meredith,  Co.  C;  Sergt.  James  W.  O'Donnell,  Privates,  Emanuel 
Bucher,  Jacob  Stultz,  Co.  D;  Privates,  Nathaniel  Allison,  Patrick  Norris,  Co. 
E;  Corp.  Colin  Boyd,  and  Pri.  Rankin  W.  Boyle,  Co.  F;  Privates,  Balser  Graft, 
Elijah  M.  Shirer,  Co.  G;  Privates,  Hezekiah  Irwin,  Francis  Judy,  John  Loll, 
Adam  Turney,  Co.  H ;  Privates,  Elijah  McDonald,  Fowler  Miller,  Thomas  L. 
Morris,  Thomas  O'Connor,  Samuel  Sylvies,  Co.  I ;  William  Justice,  Thomas 
Knox,  John  McClung,  John  Price,  John  Allman,  Co.  K. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  how  the  lapse  of  time  clouds  the  memory  and  con- 
fuses incidents.  Without  any  knowledge  of  what  Capt.  Donaghy,  who  resides  at 
Deland,  Florida,  has  written,  John  H.  White  of  Tacoma,  Washington,  who  was 
a  Sergeant  in  Capt.  Donaghy's  company,  writes  as  follows: 


"On  the  morning  of  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  a  detail  from  Co.  F,  under  com- 
mand of  Lieuts.  Zink  and  Donag-hy  were  sent  to  the  front  to  slash  timber  on  the 
right  of  the  Williamsburg  road.  When  we  stopped  at  noon  for  dinner  some 
of  us  slipped  out  to  the  picket  line  and  tried  to  pass  out,  but  the  pickets  refused 
to  let  us  pass  and  pointed  to  the  rebel  line  of  battle  two  or  three  hundred  yards 
in  advance,  in  the  same  field  with  the  pickets.  While  talking  with  the  pickets  the 
signal  for  advance  was  fired  from  a  battery  but  a  short  distance  to  our  left. 
Almost  immediately  after  the  signal  guns  were  fired  the  pickets  opened  the 
battle  by  a  rapid  and  continuous  fire.  We  started  to  camp  with  our  tools  but 
before  we  arrived  there  the  battle  was  raging  fiercely,  and  we  knew  now  that 
a  general  engagement  was  on.  When  we  arrived  in  camp  we  learned  that  the  Regi- 
ment had  been  sent  forward  to  support  the  picket  line.  Our  detail  was  placed  to 
the  left  of  a  regiment  occupying  the  front  line  and  was  ordered  to  deploy  as 
skirmishers  in  front  of  the  regiment.  The  enemy  were  creeping  through  the 
abatis,  but  we  were  cautioned  not  to  fire  as  our  Regiment  was  supposed  to  be  in 
our  front  supporting  the  pickets.  When  the  enemy  was  within  a  hundred  yards 
of  us,  I,  feeling  sure  that  it  was  not  our  boys,  exclaimed  to  Lieut.  Donaghy  that 
I  would  fire.  He  again  cautioned  me  not  to  fire  until  he  took  a  survey  of  the 
position.  To  do  so  he  jumped  on  a  stump  and  called  out:  'Show  your  colors!' 
the  response  was  a  galling  fire." 

Sergt.  White  relates  this  incident  as  occurring  at  the  advanced  line,  when 
Lieut.  Donaghy's  command  was  first  engaged  in  the  battle,  while  Capt.  Donaghy 
places  it  at  the  last  stand  made  by  his  command,  just  in  front  of  Couch's  line, 
about  a  mile  in  rear  of  where  Sergt.  White  places  it.  While  the  two  narratives 
seem  to  be  conflicting,  they  are  really  corroborative  of  each  other,  so  far  as 
essentials  are  concerned.  Of  the  death  and  burial  of  Capt.  Gillespie  Capt. 
Donaghy  says : 

"On  Monday  I  went  over  the  ground  where  we  had  fought  on  Saturday.  It 
was  a  scene  of  sickening  horror  that  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe.  A  number 
of  my  miscellaneous  battalion  was  still  there  in  their  last  sleep.  Our  quarter- 
master, who  was  in  charge  of  a  burying  party,  told  me  that  Gillespie's  body 
had  not  been  found,  and  I  conducted  his  party  to  the  spot  where  I  had  stood 
on  the  stump  and  close  by  we  found  the  captain's  body.  He  had  been  shot 
through  the  breast ;  his  sword  was  gone,  but  the  scabbard  was  there  broken  up. 
The  shoulder  straps  and  buttons  had  been  taken  from  his  coat,  and  his  pockets 
were  turned  inside  out.  We  carried  him  to  our  old  camp  and  buried  him  in  a 
long  line  that  was  forming  there;  their  last  muster.  I  marked  his  name  on  a 
piece  of  cracker  box  and  put  it  at  his  head." 

The  sensational  newspaper  correspondents  who  were  not  within  a  mile  and 
a  half  of  Casey's  line  of  pickets,  where  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  began,  have  had 
much  to  say  in  criticism  of  the  pickets,  and  the  103rd  Regiment  which  went 
to  their  support.  As  the  adverse  reports  and  criticisms  reflecting  on  the  conduct 
of  the  Regiment  are  quoted  in  another  part  of  the  volume  it  will  be  needless  to 
repeat  them  here.  Not  all  the  newspaper  correspondents  followed  the  bark  of 
Gens.  McClellan  and  Heintzelman.  Among  these  was  the  special  correspondent 
of  the  Philadelphia  Press,  Joel  Cook.  From  his  correspondence  he  compiled  a 
volume,  which  was  published  by  George  W.  Childs,  in  1862,  entitled  "The 
Siege  of  Richmond."  Referring  to  the  103rd  Regiment  in  the  battle  of  Fair 
Oaks,  he  says: 

"The  rebel  skirmishers  came  through  the  woods  just  at  noon,  and  on  the 
instant  the  Federal  pickets  commenced  firing.  The  vast  body  of  advancing 
troops  being  hidden  by  the  woods,  the  attack  being  mistaken  for  one  of  those 
skirmishes  which  had  been  constantly  fought  for  three  or  four  days  previously, 
and  but  one  regiment,  the  103rd  Penna.,  was  ordered  out  to  support  the  pickets. 


It  marched  quickly  along  the  Williamsburg  road  to  the  edge  of  the  wood,  think- 
ing that  a  handful  of  skirmishers  would  be  its  only  opponents,  and  almost 
stumbled  upon  the  rebel  troops  advancing  in  line  of  battle.  On  the  instant  they 
fired  a  murderous  volley  from  thousands  of  muskets  at  the  surprised  regiment, 
and  one-fifth  of  its  number  fell  killed  and  wounded.  The  remaining  soldiers 
were  unable  to  reply,  the  surprise  was  too  great,  and,  despite  all  the  efforts  of  its 
officers,  the  regiment  broke  shortly,  and  completely  demoralized,  retreated  along 
the  road  it  came,  being  joined  on  the  way  by  a  great  many  sick.  The  mass  of 
stragglers,  as  they  passed  along  through  Gen.  Casey's  camp  and  to  Gen.  Couch's, 
in  the  rear,  conveyed  an  exaggerated  idea  of  surprise  and  defeat.  The  conduct 
of  the  103rd  Penna.  has  been  much  censured,  and  scarcely  knowing  the  over- 
whelming disadvantages  under  which  it  fought,  people  at  home  have  spoken 
harshly  of  it.  This  is  unjust.  No  regiment  in  the  army,  under  the  circumstances, 
could  have  done  better.  Sent  forward,  as  its  soldiers  supposed,  to  check  the  ad- 
vance of  a  few  straggling  skirmishers,  thirty-two  thousand  rebels,  whose  line 
of  battle  extended  far  to  the  right  and  left,  suddenly  rush  upon  it,  and,  in  the 
midst  of  the  surprise,  thousands  of  them  fire  a  deadly  volley  at  it.  The  rout  was 
excusable.     Upon  such  a  surprise,  veterans  would  have  hastily  retreated." 

In  1863,  before  the  congressional  committee  on  the  conauct  of  the  war. 
Gen.  Casey  testified  as  follows : 

'T  desire  to  make  one  statement  here  in  justice  to  the  103rd  Regiment.  In 
my  report  I  did  not  do  them  justice.  I  am  satisfied  of  that  from  facts  which 
have  since  come  to  my  knowledge.  *  *  *  -pj^g  enemy  say  that  the  head  of 
their  strong  column  was  really  checked  by  that  one  regiment  and  the  pickets  it 
had  been  sent  out  to  support." 

The  above  testimony  of  Gen.  Casey  was  given  early  in  1863,  long  before  it 
was  possible  for  him  to  have  seen  the  Confederate  official  reports.  However, 
evidence  came  from  many  sources  indicating  that  the  Confederates  found  a 
great  deal  of  amusement  over  Gen.  McClellan's  published  dispatches  censuring 
Casey's  division  and  giving  credit  for  valiant  charges  on  the  enemy,  where  no 
resistance  was  made.  The  official  reports  of  Mkj.  Gazzam  and  Gens.  Wessells 
and  Casey  may  be  discredited  by  the  historian,  as  they  were  by  the  commanding 
general  of  the  army,  because  they  were  on  the  defensive,  their  troops  having 
been  the  first  routed  in  the  battle,  but  evidence  is  available  today  that  no  fair- 
minded  person  can  question — evidence  which  corroborates  every  essential  feature 
of  these  discredited  reports — the  official  reports  of  the  commanders  of  the  Con- 
federate troops  who  were  eye  witnesses,  at  close  range,  of  the  action  of  Casey's 
pickets  and  the  103rd  Penna.  Regiment.  The  first  attack  on  the  Federal  pickets 
on  May  31st  was  by  Garland's  brigade.  Hill's  division,  Longstreet's  corps.  Gen. 
Garland,  whose  report  is  published  elsewhere  in  this  volume,  says  the  firing  of 
the  pickets  and  their  supports  along  his  front  was  so  hot  that  he  was  forced  to 
bring  his  regiments  (which  had  been  ordered  to  march  forward  by  the  right 
flank)  into  line  of  battle  to  support  his  skirmishers.  He  says:  "We  drove  the 
enemy  out  of  the  woods  back  into  the  abatis."  The  pickets  and  the  103rd  Regi- 
ment were  the  only  Federal  troops  in  the  woods  in  advance  of  the  abatis. 

A  brief  recapitulation  of  the  action  of  the  103rd  Penna.  Regiment  in  the 
battle  of  Fair  Oaks  will  show  that  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  as  well  as  the 
nation,  owed  it  commendation  rather  than  censure.  Notwithstanding  the  pickets 
from  the  Regiment,  and  the  Regiment  itself  were  overwhelmingly  attacked,  they 
not  only  gave  the  alarm,  but  held  the  enemy  in  check  until  two  lines  of  battle 
were  formed  by  the  regiments  of  the  division;  one  along  the  intrenchments, 
and  the  other  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  advance,  along  the  east  side  of  the  abatis ; 
that  the  stand  the  Regiment  made  in  the  woods  against  the  enemy  was  sufficient 
to  show  that  the  attack  of  the  enemy  was  formidable  enough  to  have  attracted  the 


attention  of  all  the  troops  of  the  Fourth  Corps,  if  it  did  not  that  of  Gens.  Heintzel- 
man  and  McClellan. 

The  Regiment  bivouacked  in  rear  of  the  intrenchments  near  Savage  Station, 
during  the  night  of  May  31,  remaining  there,  in  line  of  battle,  until  the 
morning  of  June  4,  when  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  it  started  towards  the 
rear,  through  a  heavy  rain,  causing  the  men  to  wade  knee  deep  at  times  through 
pools  of  water.  One  stream  was  flowing  so  swiftly,  that  before  the  men  could 
cross  it,  ropes  had  to  be  stretched  on  which  to  cling  in  fording  it. 

On  Sunday  night,  June  i,  while  the  Regiment  lay  back  of  the  intrenchments 
near  Savage  Station,  it  experienced  the  incipient  stage  of  an  army  night  stam- 
pede. The  Regiment  was  lying  down  in  line  of  battle  with  muskets  stacked  at 
the  feet  of  the  men.  Some  animals  had  broken  loose  and  trampling  on  some 
troops  in  front  of  the  Regiment,  men  came  rushing  back  on  a  run,  upsetting 
gun  stacks  and  trampling  on  the  sleeping  men.  The  bayonet  of  a  musket  coming 
in  contact  with  a  sleeping  soldier,  he  called  out,  when  he  awakened,  that  he 
would  surrender.  As  it  was  pitch  dark  it  was  bewildering  in  the  extreme  to 
know  just  what  to  do,  and  it  was  some  time  before  the  officers  of  the  Regiment, 
although  endeavoring  in  the  darkness  to  get  the  men  into  line,  knew  what  caused 
the  excitement.  Some  of  the  men  waking  out  of  a  sound  sleep  and  finding  men 
running  to  the  rear  started  also,  but  soon  came  to  their  senses  and  groped  their 
way  back,  although  a  few  did  not  stop  until  they  reached  the  Chickahominy. 
This  little  episode  was  of  lasting  benefit  to  all  who  experienced  it,  for  it  demon- 
strated beyond  cavil,  the  importance  of  remaining  with  the  standard  of  the 


The  Seven  Days'  Battles — From    White  Oak  Swamp  to  Harrison's 


(From  June  4  to  July  31,  1862.) 

On  June  4,  Wessells'  brigade  was  assigned  to  a  position  at  Poplar  Hill,  com- 
manding the  crossings  of  White  Oak  Swamp,  relieving  a  brigade  of  Hooker's 
division.  This  was  the  extreme  left  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  a  position  the 
brigade  occupied  until  the  army  moved  towards  the  James  River.  Large  details 
were  made  daily  for  picket  duty.  The  men  were  now  literally  living  "out  of 
doors."  Having  lost  their  knapsacks  and  all  their  clothing,  except  what  they 
were  wearing  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  their  camp  equipage  all 
gone,  without  blankets  or  tents,  they  were,  indeed,  in  a  pitiable  condition.  With- 
out a  change  of  underclothing — in  fact,  he  was  fortunate  who  had  any — every 
one,  both  officers  and  enlisted  men,  became  infested  with  body  lice.  Owing  to 
these  conditions  and  the  miasma  from  the  swamp  and  impure  drinking  water, 
there  was  an  epidemic  of  disease,  and  during  most  of  the  time  the  Regiment  was 
stationed  here  a  large  percentage  of  both  officers  and  men  was  unable  for  duty. 
This  compelled  those  who  kept  in  good  health  to  be  constantly  busy  performing 
the  various  functions  of  their  respective  ranks.  The  unjust  strictures  passed  on 
Casey's  troops  subjected  the  division  to  constant  drill  when  not  on  picket  or 
fatigue  duty. 

By  order  of  Gen.  McClellan,  under  date  of  June  7,  Casey's  division  (O.  R. 
Sec.  I,  Vol.  XI,  part  3,  page  220)  was  consolidated  into  two  brigades,  Brig. 
Gen.  H.  M.  Naglee  commanding  one,  and  Brig.  Gen.  H.  W.  Wessells  the  other 
This  consolidation  gave  Wessells'  brigade  four  additional  regiments,  making 
eight  regiments  in  all,  as  follows: 

8ist  New  York,  85th  New  York,  92nd  New  York,  96th  New  York,  98th 
New  York,  85th  Pennsylvania,  loist  Pennsylvania,  103rd  Pennsylvania.  (O. 
R.  Sec.  I,  Vol.  XI,  part  2,  page  29.) 

Capt.    S.    P.    Townsend 
(Co.    C). 

(Commanded  the  pickets 
that  opened  the  battle  of 
Fair   Oaks.) 

Sergt,     R.     M.     Dunn 
(Co.    C). 

2d    Lieut.    B.    H.    Scott 
(Co.    C). 

1st    Sergt.    W.    S.    Cochran 
(Co.    C). 

Capt.    Albert     Fahnestock 
(Co.    C). 

Sergt.     S.     M.     Evans 
(Co.    C). 

Corp.    Geo.    W.    Pifer 
(Co.    C). 

Corp.     L.     S.     Dickey 
(Co.    C). 


On  June  24,  Brig.  Gen.  John  J.  Peck,  who  had  commanded  a  brigade  of 
Couch's  division,  relieved  Gen.  Casey  of  the  command  of  the  division.  Im- 
mediately thereafter  the  activities  of  the  men  were  increased ;  digging  rifle-pits, 
slashing  timber,  on  camp  or  picket  guard,  and  at  drill.  Heretofore  the  fortifica- 
tions had  been  planned  to  resist  attack  from  the  direction  of  the  swamp.  Early 
in  the  morning  of  June  27  the  Regiment  began  digging  rifle  pits  facing  in  the 
opposite  direction.  This  was  an  enigma  to  the  men  and  they  manifested  no  zeal 
in  the  work.  To  build  intrenchments  to  repel  an  attack  from  the  direction  of  the 
position  of  their  own  amiy,  regarded  by  them  as  invincible  against  any  force  the 
enemy  could  hurl  against  it,  caused  universal  disgust  and)  general  fault  finding, 
and  many  attributed  it  to  be  a  matter  of  discipline  on  the  part  of  the  new  division 
commander.  When  the  intrenchments  were  completed  and  the  Regiment  as- 
signed a  position  back  of  them,  and  the  continuous  heavy  roar  of  musketry  and 
artillery  made  it  evident  that  the  right  wing  of  the  army  was  heavily  engaged 
with  the  enemy,  even  then  it  seemed  a  useless  and  unnecessary  precaution.  It 
was  the  prevailing  opinion  among  the  men  that  McClellan  was  assaulting  the 
enemy's  fortifications  in  front  of  Richmond,  and  so  great  was  their  confidence 
in  his  military  skill  and  the  invincibility  of  his  army  that  when  rumor  came  that 
his  army  was  being  driven  back  few  gave  credit  to  it,  and  when  it  became  evident 
that  the  army  was,  in  fact,  moving  away  from  the  enemy,  there  were  many  who 
persisted  that  it  was  a  coup  de  main  of  McClellan's  and  they  predicted  the  fall 
of  Richmond  within  a  week.  The  intrenchments  were  hardly  completed  when  a 
heavy  detail  was  made  from  the  Regiment  and  put  to  work  building  a  road 
through  White  Oak  Swamp. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  June  28,  Wessells'  brigade  broke  camp  and  crossed 
White  Oak  Swamp  in  the  direction  of  the  James  River.     The  crossing  of  the 
swamp  was  tedious  and  difficult,  the  road  being  in  poor  condition  and  had  to  be 
put  in  order  so  the  artillery  and  commissary's  and  quartermaster's  supplies  could 
follow.     Late  that  afternoon  the  brigade  bivouacked  on  the  Charles  City  road 
at  a  place  known  as  the  "Blacksmith  Shop."  Although  it  was  late  in  the  after- 
noon when  a  halt  was  made  for  the  night,  a  distance  of  not  to  exceed  five  miles 
had  been  covered.    An  incident  of  the  day  is  worthy  of  note  to  show  one  phase 
of  soldier  Hfe.    Jesse  Stephens,  a  private  of  Co.  G,  was  ill  and  excused  from  duty. 
When  orders  were  given  to  break  camp  he  asked  the  Regimental  surgeon  for  an 
ambulance  as  he  said  he  was  not  able  to  march.     His  request  was  refused,  and 
made  the  subject  of  jest,  because  Stephens  was  a  man  of    good    physique.    His 
company  was  on  picket  duty  at  the  time  and  did  not  accompany  the  Regiment  on 
this  march  so  that  he  was  allowed  to  shift  for  himself  during  the  day  as  best 
he  could.     Immediately  after  arms  had  been  stacked  for  the  night,  and  the  de- 
tails for  picket  duty  had  been  made,  the  writer  started  to  take  a  survey  of  the 
neighborhood  with  the  view  of  having  a  change  of  menu  for  supper.    It  may  be 
proper  to  state  here  that  irrespective  of  prohibitory  orders,  there  were  always 
some  men  in  all  companies,  at  the  end  of  a  day's  march  in  a  new  country,  if 
darkness  did  not  interfere,  who  made  it  a  rule  to  visit  the  surrounding  farms 
and   plantations,   the   chicken   house  being  the  principal   objective  point.     The 
writer  had  gone  but  a  few  yards  on  an  expedition  of  this  kind,  when  his  attention 
was  attracted  by  a  group  of  soldiers  in  the  direction  he    was    going,  gazing  at 
some  object  at  the  base  of  a  tree.    The  writer  paused  to  take  a  look  at  the  object, 
which  proved  to  be  a  soldier,  and  just  as  he  did  so  one  of  the  men  who  had 
been  there  before  he  arrived,   lifted  two  old-fashioned  copper  cents  from  the 
eyelids,  and  the  writer  recognized  the  prostrate  soldier  as  Jesse  Stephens  of  Co. 
G,  who  had  made  his  last  march  and  lain  down  to  sleep  until  the  great  reveille  is 
sounded.    Jesse  Stephens  had  been  recruited  at  Tarentum,  Pa.,  by  Lieut.  Wm.  H 
Irwin,  and  had  a  wife  and  several  children.     The  venerable  Mark  Stephens  of 
Tarentum,  who  is  still  living  at  this  writing,  is  an  elder  brother. 


The  next  forenoon,  June  29,  a  squadron  of  Confederate  cavalry  made  a  dash 
into  Peck's  camp,  but  preparations  had  been  made  for  such  a  visit  and  they  were 
welcomed  by  a  salute  from  a  battery  of  artillery  charged  with  canister  shot. 
Quite  a  number  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  including  the  major  in  command,  and 
some  25  or  30  prisoners  were  taken,  among  whom  was  Capt.  Ruffin,  a  member 
of  the  Confederate  Congress.  Not  a  man  was  either  killed  or  wounded  on  the 
Federal  side.  The  brigade  lay  in  this  position  all  day  in  readiness  to  repel  an 
attack  which  seemed  to  have  been  anticipated  by  those  in  command.  The  men, 
however,  were  in  constant  expectation  of  receiving  orders  to  advance  towards 
Richmond.  Later  in  the  day,  when  the  troops  from  other  divisions  passed 
towards  the  James  River,  conflicting  opinions  prevailed ;  one  that  the  army  was 
in  retreat,  and  the  other  that  McClellan  was  executing  a  flank  movement.  The 
stories  received  from  those  who  had  participated  in  the  engagement  of  the  day 
before  were  also  conflicting,  some  claiming  that  the  enemy  had  been  badly 
whipped,  while  others  were  very  much  depressed  and  said  that  the  enemy  had 
driven  the  right  wing  of  the  army  from  its  position.  About  six  o'clock  in  the 
evening  the  Regiment  was  ordered  to  move  towards  the  James  River  by  a  cross 
road.  The  distance  covered  during  the  night  did  not  exceed  six  or  seven  miles, 
yet  the  men  were  constantly  on  their  feet.  As  the  artillery,  or  commissary  wagons, 
came  up  the  men  were  kept  in  line  on  the  roadside,  and  when  the  road  was 
cleared  of  wagons  and  artillery,  which  occurred  only  at  brief  intervals,  they 
would  move,  but  no  faster  than  the  wagons  ahead.  A  halt  was  made  a  little 
after  daybreak,  and  after  the  wagons  passed  on  out  of  the  way  a  large  portion 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  passed  the  position  the  Regiment  occupied,  which 
was  not  far  from  Haxall's  Landing  on  the  James  River.  Late  in  the  evening, 
June  30,  Wessells'  brigade  changed  position,  crossing  an  open  plain,  and  biv- 
ouacked at  the  edge  of  a  woods,  fronting  towards  the  plain.  Capt.  John  Donaghy's 
account  of  the  movements  of  the  army  at  this  period  will  interest  the  survivors 
of  the  Regiment.    He  says : 

"On  June  25,  heavy  firing  off  the  right  told  us  that  a  great  battle  was  being 
fought.  Our  division  was  in  line  ready  for  action.  In  the  evening  we  received 
orders  to  prepare  three  days'  cooked  rations.  Uneasiness  was  felt  in  camp  over 
a  rumor  that  Jackson  was  in  our  rear.  On  the  next  day  was  fought  the  first 
great  battle  of  the  "Seven  Days,"  away  to  the  right  of  the  army,  miles  from  our 
position.  We  heard  the  roar  of  artillery,  and  that  was  all  we  knew  of  the  action 
at  the  time.  In  the  evening  I  was  detailed  with  a  working  party,  and  being  the 
senior  officer  commander,  I  reported  at  division  headquarters  and  received  my 
in.structions  from  Capt.  Tyler  of  the  general's  staff.  The  work  assigned  us  was 
felling  trees  in  the  swamp  in  front  of  our  division!  headquarters.  Many  of  the 
trees  were  large  and  the  labor  required  of  the  men  was  arduous,  having  to  stand 
in  the  water  as  they  chopped.  While  we  were  so  engaged  other  details  were 
digging  rifle-pits  and  constructing  abatis.  These  works  were  built  to  face  the 
swamp  as  though  the  enemy  was  expected  to  approach  from  the  west.  At  eleven 
o'clock  I  dismissed  my  men  for  two  hours  for  dinner.  They  worked  hard  and 
well  in  the  afternoon  but  were  unable  to  complete  the  work  assigned  them.  At 
four  o'clock  I  called  on  Gen.  Peck  and  asked  to  have  the  men  relieved,  but  he 
said  it  was  important  that  the  trees  should  be  felled,  and  so  the  men  should  be 
kept  at  work.  He  said  they  should  have  some  whisky,  and  I  went  to  the  com- 
missary's tent  to  procure  it,  but  he  denied  having  any.  I  was  allowed  to  dismiss 
my  men  at  five  o'clock,  another  detail  having  been  called  to  finish  the  work.  On 
the  morning  of  the  27th  the  Regiment  was  ordered  to  form  fully  equipped  and 
supplied  with  rations.  It  was  marched  to  division  headquarters,  furnished  with 
picks  and  shovels,  and  from  there  it  went  to  a  field  to  work  at  building  a  line  of 
rifle  pits.  As  one  officer  to  a  company  could  attend  to  that  duty  I  left  Lieut. 
Neely  in  charge  while  Lieut.  Kelly,  of  Co.  H,  and  I  wandered     about     picking 


blackberries.  While  we  were  engaged  in  that  peaceful  occupation  we  could  hear 
the  booming  of  artillery  to  the  right.  The  battle  of  Gaines  Mill  was  then  in 
progress.  In  the  afternoon  Sergt.  Rimer  and  I  went  to  bathe  in  a  small  stream, 
but  came  back  to  camp  in  a  hurry  on  learning  that  the  Regiment  was  forming; 
but  it  was  only  to  resume  work  on  the  rifle  pits.  The  colonel  urged  the  men 
to  put  in  "hard  licks"  while  they  were  at  it  and  worked  them  in  reliefs  of  half 
an  hour  each.  The  work  was  hardly  completed  when  the  tools  were  taken 
away  to  be  used  at  some  other  point.  At  the  battle  of  White  Oak  Swamp, 
fought  on  June  28,  those  works  were  occupied  by  the  enemy,  while  our  forces 
were  across  the  swamp  where  the  rebels  were  expected  to  be;  at  least  we  were 
so  informed,  for  we  did  not  participate  in  that  fight. 

"On  Saturday,  the  28th,  we  were  aroused  before  daylight  by  the  sound  of 
heavy  musketry  and  we  got  up  prepared  to  "fall  in,"  but  as  no  orders  to  that 
effect  came,  we  lay  down  again.  At  roll  call  we  received  marching  orders,  and 
after  a  hurried  breakfast,  formed  and  marched  to  near  the  bridge  crossing  the 
swamp  over  which  troops  were  marching.  The  whole  army  seemed  to  be  on  the 
move,  and  it  was  hours  before  our  turn  came  to  cross.  Then  we  marched  a  few 
miles  and  halted  to  the  right  of  the  Charles  City  road,  where  we  watched  the 
troops  that  were  passing  the  whole  day  long.  I  spoke  to  many  old  friends  and 
heard  their  stories  of  the  hard  fighting  of  the  last  few  days ;  among  them  was 
Dill,  who  had  lost  his  regiment,  or  the  regiment  had  lost  him.  We  did  much 
surmising  as  to  the  object  of  the  move  the  Army  was  making, -some  said  we  were 
flanking  Richmond.  Dill's  account  of  the  destruction  of  valuable  stores  at  the 
camp  of  his  division  made  the  movement  look  very  like  a  retreat,  but  still  we 
hoped  it  would  end  in  the  capture  of  Richmond,  where  we  could  spend  the 
Fourth  of  July  in  triumph.  At  one  time  during  the  day  we  heard  sudden  and 
rapid  musketry,  firing  quite  near  our  position.  "Fall  in,"  was  heard  on  all  sides 
and  we  rushed  to  arms.  All  was  excitement  for  a  while  and  it  was  supposed  the 
enemy  was  advancing  upon  us.  By  the  time  the  troops  were  formed  and  ready 
the  firing  had  ceased  and  a  detachment  of  our  cavalry  came  in  with  some  cap- 
tured horses,  having  encountered  and  scattered  a  small  force  of  rebel  cavalry. 
At  another  time  an  alarm  was  created  by  a  runaway  mule  with  a  rickety  wagon 
rattling  at  his  heels. 

"We  slept  that  night  by  the  roadside,  and  in  the  morning  found  the  road 
still  full  of  marching  troops.  McClellan  and  staff  passed  along.  They  stopped 
at  an  officer's  tent  near  us  and  I  saw  "Little  Mac"  "take  something" ;  it  was  not 
Richmond.  He  seemed  to  be  in  good  spirits,  and  I  took  that  as  an  indication 
that  all  was  going  well  with  the  army.  As  his  staff  rode  by  one  of  his  officers 
asked  us  what  troops  we  were,  and  the  major  answered  "Casey's  Skedadlers, 
sir."    He  was  thinking  of  the  bad  name  McClellan  had  given  the  division. 

"A  herd  of  cattle  said  to  number  25,000  was  drawn  along,  and  where  it  was 
possible  it  moved  in  the  fields  alongside  the  road.  We  marched  at  sunset.  Capt. 
Zink  remained  behind,  sick.  I  was  not  well  but  did  not  think  of  stopping.  The 
night  was  beautiful,  but  our  march  was  very  unsteady  and  painfully  slow, 
consisting  of  short  marches  and  long  halts.  I  carried  a  rubber  blanket,  keeping 
it  ready  to  throw  down  and  rest  upon  when  we  halted,  for  my  limbs  were  so  sore 
that  I  could  not  stand  without  suffering.  The  soreness  resulted,  I  suppose,  from 
my  using  blue  ointment  against  an  enemy  that  was  very  common  among  us  at  that 
time.  On  these  long  halts  the  men  would  discuss  the  probable  intention  of  our 
commander  or  growl  at  the  slowness  of  our  movement.  Stories  were  told  and 
songs  were  sung.  A  tune  hummed  by  one  would  be  taken  up  by  others  until 
nearly  a  whole  company  would  be  singing  in  concert.  From  singing  there  would 
be  a  change  off  to  whistling;  a  music  that  is  not  to  be  despised.  As  the  night 
wore  on  and  the  men  became  tired  the  music  was  given  up,  the  fence  comers 
and  the  roadsides  were  crowded  by  dark  objects  that  you  might  take  to  be  logs, 


until  the  colonel  would  call  out  "Attention,  Battalion!"  Quickly  the  men  would 
be  on  their  feet,  the  ranks  would  be  formed  and  the  column  moving  on.  We  went 
into  camp  after  daylight  in  a  grove  of  small  pines,  having  marched  not  more  than 
six  miles  during  the  night.  We  were  not  far  away  from  a  battle  that  was  raging 
at  the  rear.  The  men  lay  down  to  rest  and  the  sun  came  out  very  hot.  It  seems 
strange  that  when  a  battle  was  being  waged  so  near  "mustering  for  pay"  would 
be  thought  of,  but  we  went  through  the  form,  and  I  was  kept  busy  for  some 
time  making  the  rolls  of  oi»r  company.  About  3  p.  m.  we  marched  towards  the 
conflict,  which  was  still  in  progress.  We  moved  about  considerably  on  the  roads 
in  the  rear  of  the  fighting,  and  were  finally  posted  as  a  support  to  artillery  held 
in  reserve  near  the  James  River." 

During  the  forenoon  of  June  30,  McClellan's  headquarters  were  pitched 
near  Wessells'  brigade.  Here  the  writer  had  an  excellent  opportunity  to  ob- 
serve the  demeanor  of  the  commanding  general  of  the  army  in  what  must  have 
been  to  him  the  most  critical  period  in  his  military  career.  Several  large  tents 
were  pitched  in  a  shady  nook,  in  which  maps  were  spread  on  portable  tables  to 
which  the  general  and  staff  were  constantly  referring.  Aides  and  orderlies 
were  arriving  and  departing  as  fast  as  horses  could  trot  or  gallop  delivering  mes- 
sages to  and  from  subordinate  commanders.  These  attended  to.  Gen.  McClellan 
would  again  resume  the  interrupted  conversation,  or  the  examination  of  a  map. 
The  thunder  of  cannon  and  the  incessant  roar  of  musketry  which  had  hardly 
ceased  during  daytime  for  nearly  a  week  gave  evidence  that  the  enemy  was 
pressing  his  rear  guard,  yet  he  manifested  no  anxiety  or  doubt  as  to  the  out- 
come. At  times  he  was  serious  in  manner  and  always  constantly  engaged,  but 
during  conversation  with  those  surrounding  him  his  countenance  was  frequently 
wreathed  in  smiles.  To  the  on-looker  there  was  no  indication  that  the  command- 
ing general  had  any  doubt  as  to  the  result  of  the  battle  then  raging  but  a  few 
miles  away. 

Wessells'  brigade  would  have  been  sent  into  action  on  the  30th  had  Gen. 
McClellan's  aide-de-camp,  Maj.  Hammerstein,  been  able  to  have  found  Gen. 
Peck.  The  next  day  Maj.  Hammerstein  called  on  Gen.  Peck  and  handed  him 
the  following  note : 

"An  order  for  General  Peck  to  move  on  the  evening  of  June  30  one  brigade 
up  for  action  was  in  my  possession  but  was  not  delivered  because  his  position 
was  not  known  to  me.  I  could  not  look  longer  for  him  because  I  had  to  move 
other  troops  and  knew  that  his  other  brigade  was  already  in  position."  (O.  R. 
Sec.  I,  Vol.  XI,  part  3,  page  284). 

In  the  evening  of  June  30,  the  brigade  moved  across  the  open  plain  or  field 
and  bivouacked  at  the  edge  of  a  woods.  On  July  i,  the  brigade  again  changed 
position,  being  placed  in  line  of  battle  and  for  defense  near  the  road  to  Har- 
rison's Landing,  the  line  being  formed  so  as  to  defend  the  several  wagon  trains 
of  the  army,  which  were  parked  back  of  our  line  of  battle,  and  in  support  of  the 
reserve  artillery  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  This  line  was  formed  under  the 
personal  supervision  of  Gen.  Keyes  and  Gen.  McQellan  and  was  the  extreme  right 
of  the  army.  The  artillery  was  placed  back  of  a  rail  fence  which  was  fringed  on 
both  sides  with  bushes  of  sufficient  height  to  conceal  both  the  artillery  and  its 
support,  with  an  immense  open  plain  extending  some  five  or  six  hundred  yards 
in  front.  To  the  rear  of  this  line  were  parked  all  the  wagon  trains  of  all  the 
other  divisions  of  the  army  and  a  herd  of  cattle  consisting  of  many  thousand 
head.  While  in  this  position  the  men  gazed  with  unusual  delight  at  the  mammoth 
sizzling  missiles  of  destruction,  whirling  through  the  air  from  the  gun  boats  on 
the  James  River.  The  brigade  held  this  position  until  after  the  enemy  had  retired 
from  the  field  of  battle.  Shortly  after  midnight,  or  just  at  the  beginning  of 
July  2,  Wessells'  brigade  was  formed  in  line  of  battle  for  defense  across  the 
road  leading  from  Malvern  Hill  to  Harrison's  Landing  and  perpendicular  to  it 


— not  across  the  road  but  on  either  side  of  it,  for  while  the  line  was  forming 
the  road  was  full  of  artillery,  infantry,  or  cavalry,  already  retreating  from  the 
battlefield  of  Malvern  Hill  to  find  a  safer  retreat  some  miles  away  at  Harrison's 
Landing.  The  right  of  the  103rd  rested  near  the  road.  While  in  this  position 
the  entire  army,  including  wagon  trains,  passed  Wessells'  brigade  of  Casey's 
old  division,  now  commanded  by  Gen.  Peck.  These  men  who  had  been  made  the 
butt  of  the  entire  army  because  of  an  unjust  dispatch,  had  the  safe-keeping  of  this 
same  army  in  its  hands  from  the  assaults  of  a  victorious  foe.  During  the  latter 
hours  of  the  night,  rain  began  to  fall  and  continued  for  several  hours.  A  little 
before  noon,  after  all  the  troops,  including  even  the  cavalry,  had  passed  the  point 
occupied  by  Wessells'  brigade,  the  latter  took  up  its  line  of  march  as  the  rear 
guard  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Col.  Wm.  W.  Averill  of  the  3rd 
Penna.  Cavalry,  who  was  the  last  to  retire  with  his  command,  says,  in  his  official 
report : 

"I  found  Brig.  Gen.  Wessells  in  excellent  position  with  his  brigade,  and  a  mile 
further  on  Brig.  Gen.  Naglee,  with  a  second  line.  Considering  our  rear  perfectly 
secure,  I  passed  through  their  lines  with  my  wearied  forces  and  came  to  this 
camp."    (O.  R.  Sec.  i,  Vol.  XI,  part  II  p.  192.) 

After  moving  nearly  two  miles,  the  brigade  passed  Naglee's  brigade  of 
Peck's  division,  and  formed  in  line  of  battle,  a  short  distance  in  rear  of  it.  Naglee 
then  passed  on,  leaving  Wessells'  brigade,  a  battery  of  artillery  and  a  small 
battalion  of  cavalry  to  bring  up  the  rear.  Owing  to  the  muddy  condition  of 
the  road,  the  wagon  trains  moved  very  slowly.  Within  one  hundred  yards  of 
the  western  boundary  of  the  position  selected  for  the  army,  where  the  road  from 
Malvern  Hill  passes  to  Harrison  landing,  was  a  deep  ravine  called  Kimminger's 
Creek  which  became  almost  impassable  by  the  morning  of  July  3,  as  only  one 
wagon  could  cross  at  a  time,  with  over  a  thousand  wagons  yet  to  cross,  and  the 
creek,  instead  of  having  running  water,  was  a  vast  pool  of  tough  mud,  at  least 
two  feet  in  depth.  A  force  of  the  enemy  consisting  of  cavalry,  artillery  and 
infantry  kept  constantly  in  sight  following  closely.  At  one  time  it  looked  like  the 
teamsters  would  be  stampeded  when  the  enemy  began  shelling  the  wagon  train. 
The  only  thing  that  prevented  a  general  stampede  was  the  depth  and  toughness 
of  the  mud,  which  made  it  impossible  for  the  teams  to  move  any  faster  than 
they  had  been  doing.  The  panic  only  caused  a  few  of  the  drivers  to  desert  their 
wagons,  and  an  unnecessary  beating  of  the  horses.  Wessells'  line  of  march  was 
not  a  great  distance  from  the  James  River  and  the  gun  boats  gave  notice  to  the 
enemy  that  they  were  ready  for  action  by  throwing  an  occasional  shell  over  it. 
It  was  some  time  after  dark  on  the  evening  of  July  3,  when  the  last  wagon  crossed 
the  ravine.    In  his  official  report  of  this  event,  Gen.  Peck  says : 

"The  opinion  is  ventured  that  the  history  of  military  operations  affords  no 
instance  where  a  train  of  like  magnitude  and  value  was  moved  so  great  a  dis- 
tance in  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  and  in  the  face  of  so  many  material  obstacles, 
with  so  trifling  a  loss."     (O.  R.  Sec.  i.  Vol.  XI,  part  2,  p.  215.) 

Col.  W.  W.  H.  Davis  in  his  history  of  the  104th  Penna.  says  of  the  retreat 
from  Malvern  Hill: 

"The  disordered  army  poured  down  in  a  living  stream  toward  the  river. 
The  moment  the  retreat  was  resumed,  organization,  in  a  great  measure,  appeared 
to  be  at  an  end,  and  the  troops  swept  over  the  country  without  regard  to  roads 
or  order.  They  made  short  cuts  across  fields  and  through  woods  to  the  place 
of  destination,  and  the  incessant  discharges  of  muskets  and  rifles  resembled  a 
fusilade  with  the  enemy.  There  was  a  mingling  of  companies,  regiments, 
brigades,  and  divisions.  It  began  to  rain  in  the  morning  and  continued  to  pour 
down  in  torrents,  at  which  time  the  rear  guard  stood  in  line  or  maneuvered 
to  protect  the  retreat.  The  movement  of  so  many  thousand  men  and  wagons 
over  the  roads  and  neighboring  fields,  after  the  rain  had  fallen,  converted  them 


into  an  almost  impassable  quagmire,  and  to  march  was  to  literally  wade  through 
the  mud.  *  *  *  in  the  morning  the  104th  was  sent  to  reinforce  Gen.  Wes- 
sells  to  whose  brigade  it  was  temporarily  attached.  Dufour  says:  'In  retreat  the 
rear  guard  becomes  the  most  important  body  and  should  be  composed  of  the  best 
troops,  or  those  which  have  suffered  least.  No  other  service  can  give  more  fame 
to  a  body  of  troops,  where  it  exposes  itself  to  danger,  privation  and  toil,  less  for 
itself  than  the  remainder  of  the  army.'  " 

At  dark  on  the  evening  of  June  3,  the  entire  army  was  in  position  on  lines 
which  the  commanding  general  considered  could  soon  be  made  impregnable,  with 
the  exception  of  the  rear  guard  which  now  consisted  of  Wessells'  brigade,  re- 
inforced by  two  regiments,  the  104th  Penna.  and  the  56th  N.  Y.,  a  battalion  of  the 
Eighth  Penna.  Cavalry  and  Battery  E,  First  Penna.  Light  Artillery,  commanded 
by  Capt.  Theo.  Miller.  As  soon  as  the  last  wagon  had  crossed  the  ravine  the 
battery  of  artillery  followed  and  then  the  56th  and  8ist  New  York.  As  each 
regiment  crossed  it  was  assigned  permanent  position  in  the  line  of  defense,  along 
the  blufl;  east  of  the  ravine.  Absolute  silence  prevailed  among  the  troops  in  falling 
back,  all  commands  being  given  in  whispers,  the  field  officers  passing  along  the 
line  to  the  company  officers,  and  they  in  turn  to  the  men.  The  92nd  New  York 
and  104th  Penna.  were  the  next  regiments  to  retire,  who,  after  the  interval  of 
nearly  an  hour,  were  followed  by  the  85th  Penna.,  loist  Penna.,  and  98th  New 
York.  These  were  followed  by  the  96th  New  York,  the  85th  New  York  and  the 
103d  Penna.    Gen.  Wessels  in  his  report  says: 

"It  was  now  about  ten  o'clock  p.  m.  The  pickets  were  carefully  withdrawn 
and  the  rear  guard  completed  the  crossing  without  the  slightest  accident  at  about 
II  o'clock,  and  the  whole  brigade  in  line  of  battle  facing  the  rear." 

It  was  some  time  after  midnight  when  the  103d  crossed  the  ravine.  Two 
hours  must  have  been  consumed  from  the  time  the  Regiment  began  to  move  to 
the  rear  before  it  got  intO'  position.  For  a  time  the  way  was  blockaded  by  the 
regiment  preceding  it,  and  finally  when  it  reached  the  ravine  the  men  had  to 
undergo  the  most  exasperating  experience  of  the  war.  The  mud  was  more  than 
knee  deep  and  some  of  the  men  in  order  to  extricate  themselves  had  to  throw 
away  everything,  knapsacks,  guns  and  accouterments.  It  seemed  that  for  minutes 
no  progress  was  made.  The  night  was  dark  as  pitch,  nothing  being  visible 
in  the  firmament  or  the  horizon.  There  was  a  quietude  that  seemed  ominous,  and 
although  the  men  had  been  repeatedly  cautioned  not  to  speak,  cursing  could  be 
heard  along  the  ranks  in  whispers.  However,  after  once  freed  from  this 
predicament,  the  Regiment  was  placed  in  position  within  a  hundred  yards  from 
the  quagmire  which  had  held  it  for  so  long  and  here  it  remained  until  August 
16.  Maj.  Gen.  Keyes  in  his  official  report  (O.  R.  Sec.  i,  Vol.  XI,  part  2,  pages 
192-195)   says: 

"As  the  day  advanced  the  continuous  deluging  rains  rendered  it  next  to  im- 
possible to  get  forward  the  trains  over  Kimmingers  Creek,  which  is  the  boundary 
of  our  present  camp.  It  was  found  necessary  to  park  some  1,200  wagons  as  they 
came  up  on  the  other  side  of  the  creek,  and  it  was  not  until  after  dark  of  the  3d 
instant  that  by  extraordinary  exertions  the  last  of  the  wagons  was  brought  over. 
Brig.  Gen.  Wessells  with  his  brigade,  assisted  by  Miller's  Battery  and  a  party  of 
Gregg's  cavalry,  remained  to  guard  the  wagons  and  to  defend  them  against  the 
enemy,  approaching  with  cavalry  and  artillery.  After  firing  a  few  shell  the 
enemy  left  upon  being  saluted  with  a  few  100  pounders  from  the  gun  boats.  I 
do  not  think  more  vehicles  or  more  public  property  was  abandoned  on  the  march 
from  Turkey  Bridge  than  would  have  been  left  in  the  same  state  of  the  roads  if 
the  army  had  been  moving  towards  the  enemy  instead  of  away  from  him  •  and 
when  it  is  understood  that  all  the  carriages  and  teams  belonging  to  the  army 
stretched  out  in  one  line  would  not  extend  far  from  40  miles,  the  energy  and 


caution  necessary  for  their  safe  withdrawal  from  the  presence  of  an  enemy 
vastly  superior  in  numbers  will  be  appreciated." 

Maj.  Gen.  Peck  in  his  official  report  says: 

"Gen.  Wessells  has  labored  most  faithfully  night  and  day  since  I  joined 
the  division,  and  displayed  the  greatest  interest  in  the  service  under  very  critical 
circumstances.  In  the  midst  of  difficulties  and  dangers  his  judgment  seemed 
most  reliable.  *  *  *  £qI  Lehmann,  103d  Penna.,  and  Col.  Howell,  85th 
Penna.  are  meritorious  officers,  who  have  rendered  the  country  good  service  and 
exert  a  salutary  influence  upon  their  troops.  *  *  *  I  desire  to  thank  every 
officer  and  soldier  in  the  command  for  the  cheerful  and  faithful  manner  in  which 
they  have  discharged  duties  incessant  and  arduous  by  day  and  by  night.  Chicka- 
hominy  and  White  Oak  Swamp  will  bear  evidence  of  their  industry  for  genera- 
tions. While  the  late  severe  service  has  not  been  so  brilliant  as  that  which  fell  to 
other  troops,  it  will  ever  be  deemed  honor  enough  to  have  been  a  member  of 
that  division  which  held  the  troops  of  Jackson  at  bay  across  the  Chickahominy 
*  *  *  and  covered  the  rear  safely  during  the  great  strategic  movement 
from  Turkey  Creek  to  Harrison's  Point."  (O.  R.  Sec.  i,  Vol.  XI,  part  2,  pages 

On  the  morning  of  July  4  camp  was  marked  out,  and  details  made  to  slash 
timber  in  front  and  erect  breastworks.  While  the  men  were  engaged  in  preparing 
or  eating  dinner,  they  were  quickly  called  into  line  and  were  reviewed  by  Gen. 
McClellan.  The  enthusiasm  his  appearance  aroused  among  the  troops  was  ample 
evidence  that  the  results  of  the  past  week  had  not  in  the  least  diminished  their 
confidence  in  the  commanding  general  of  the  army. 

As  soon  as  the  fields  became  dry  enough  the  division  was  kept  constantly 
at  drill  under  the  supervision  of  Gen.  Peck.  With  details  for  camp  and  picket 
guard,  fatigue  duty,  daily  drill,  making  the  camp  comfortable,  digging  wells,  etc., 
there  was  little  time  for  monotony.    On  July  8  the  following  circular  was  issued  : 

"Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac :  Camp  near  Harrison's  Landing,  July 
8,  T862. 

His  excellency,  the  President  of  the  United  States,  will  visit  the  troops  of 
this  army  this  afternoon,  beginning  at  5  o'clock,  with  Sumner's  corps,  followed 
by  Keyes',  Heintzelman's,  Franklin's  and  Porter's  Corps  in  order  named.  He  will 
be  received  with  appropriate  honors.  By  command  of  Maj.  Gen.  McClellan. 
S.  Williams,  A.  A.  G." 

As  President  Lincoln  passed  along  in  front  of  the  lines  he  was  preceded 
by  Gen.  McClellan.  He  was  dressed  in  the  costume  familiar  to  the  people  by 
his  portraits,  and  his  angular,  attenuated  figure  seemed  intensified  by  the  high 
stovepipe  hat  he  wore.  The  men  had  but  a  glimpse  of  his  features  as  his  horse 
was  moving  at  a  brisk  trot,  but  the  glimpse  was  sufficient  to  make  a  lasting  im- 
pression, and  although  forty-seven  years  have  elapsed  since  that  summer  day,  yet 
the  features  of  this  most  wonderful  man  remain  in  the  memory  of  the  writer  as 
though  the  occurrence  were  a  matter  of  a  few  days  ago.  The  position  of  the 
Regiment  was  perhaps  a  half  mile  north  of  the  James  River,  and  until  wells  were 
sunk  in  the  camp  at  a  depth  of  50  or  60  feet,  water  was  carried  from  a  spring 
about  half  way  to  the  river.  The  James  River  afforded  a  good  bathing  point 
and  the  boys  availed  themselves  of  every  opportunity  to  indulge  in  that  pastime. 

On  the  night  of  July  31,  the  Confederate  General  French,  with  the  Chief 
of  Artillery  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  planted  43  guns  on  the  south 
bank  of  the  James  River  and  opened  fire  on  the  shipping  in  the  river  and  in 
the  camps  of  the  Federal  troops.  While  the  cannonading  was  quite  brisk  for  a 
couple  of  hours  the  loss  on  either  side  was  insignificant.  To  prevent  a  repetition, 
on  the  following  day  a  force  was  moved  to  the  south  bank  of  the  James  River. 



From  Harrison's  Landing  to  Suffolk — Blackwater  Reconnoissances. 

(From  July  31  to  Dec.  4,  1862.) 

On  July  25  and  26,  Maj.  Gen.  H.  W.  Halleck,  who  had  been  appointed  gen- 
eral-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States  on  July  11,  visited  Gen.  Mcaellan 
at  Harrison's  Landing  discussing  the  general  situation  with  him.  Halleck  was 
satisfied  then  to  have  the  James  River  continue  to  be  the  base  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  and  left  McClellan  with  that  understanding.  But  not 
being  able  to  satisfy  the  commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  as  to  the  num- 
ber of  reinforcements,  on  August  3,  ordered  the  removal  of  the  army  to  Acquia 
Creek.  On  Sunday,  Aug.  10,  orders  were  given  to  pack  knapsacks  with  every- 
thing superfluous  to  a  forced  march,  and  they  were  put  on  transports.  This  action 
was  an  indication  that  "something  would  be  doing"  soon  and  the  prevailing  idea 
among  the  men  was  that  the  army  would  soon  be  advancing  on  Richmond.  Aug. 
14,  the  Regiment  was  ordered  out  as  support  to  the  picket  line,  and  returned  to 
camp  on  the  afternoon  of  the  15th,  to  find  great  commotion  in  camp,  as  orders  had 
been  issued  to  the  army  to  make  preparations  to  move.  Shortly  after  day  break, 
Aug.  16,  the  Regiment  marched  out  of  the  fortifications  with  the  brigade,  mov- 
ing with  great  caution  as  if  anticipating  an  attack.  The  first  day's  march  was 
not  long,  and  over  ground  that  had  been  but  little  traversed  by  either  army,  op- 
portunity for  successful  foraging  was  the  best  that  the  Peninsula  had  afforded. 
Vast  fields  of  corn,  eight  or  ten  feet  in  height,  lined  either  road  side,  and  it  was 
in  that  stage  when  "roasting  ears"  were  most  prolific  and  in  their  milkiest  condi- 
tion. Irish  potatoes  were  also  abundant  and  clusters  of  peach  trees,  full  of  fruit 
beginning  to  ripen,  were  in  the  neighborhood  of  every  farm  house  to  tempt  the 
forager  to  make  some  excuse  to  get  out  of  ranks.  At  three  o'clock,  Aug.  17,  the 
men  were  aroused  and  ordered  to  quickly  breakfast  and  as  soon  as  day  began  to 
break  the  march  eastward  was  resumed  at  a  much  more  rapid  pace  than  on  the 
previous  day.  Gen.  McClellan  and  staff  accompanied  by  a  large  body  of  cavalry 
passed  the  Regiment  during  the  day.  The  general  and  his  retinue  were  covered 
from  head  to  foot  with  a  thick  coating  of  dust,  making  it  impossible  for  the 
troops  to  recognize  him  until  at  close  range.  But  when  he  was  recognized  he 
returned  the  enthusiastic  greeting  he  received  from  the  men  as  they  stood  by  the 
roadside  to  let  the  cavalcade  pass,  with  his  pleasant  smile.  His  demeanor  indi- 
cated that  the  care  of  a  large  army  sat  lightly  upon  him,  but  in  all  probability  the 
smiling  countenance  was  but  a  mask  to  a  heavy  heart  through  chagrin  and  dis- 
appointment at  being  compelled  to  move  his  army  from  what  he  regarded  as  the 
best  point  from  which  to  attack  the  capital  of  the  Confederacy.  It  was  in  this 
garb  of  dust  that  the  men  of  Casey's  old  division  beheld  for  the  last  time  the 
commanding  general  of  the  army  who  so  bitterly  wronged  them.  His  frequent 
subsequent  requests  to  have  these  same  troops  sent  to  his  command  in  Maryland, 
is  evidence  that  in  his  opinion  they  were  not  to  be  despised,  even  if  they  were  the 
rawest  troops  in  his  army.     Capt.  Donaghy  describes  this  march  as  follows: 

"That  march  presented  many  picturesque  scenes ;  one  that  I  noticed  was  the 
horsemen  dashing  along  the  dusty  road  as  though  they  were  flying  among  clouds, 
for  the  dust  shut  out  for  a  time  all  sight  of  the  solid  earth  beneath.  When  the 
troops  were  halted  in  the  road  the  scene  was  striking.  The  road  was  over  shoe 
deep  with  a  whitish  dust,  and  the  grass,  the  trees,  and  fences  were  all  covered 
with  the  same  tint;  the  troops  were  looking  like  millers.  When  a  glimpse  of 
distant  fields  was  caught  the  bright  green  showed  with  telling  contrast." 

During  the  afternoon,  Aug.  17,  the  Regiment  crossed  the  Chickahominy,  not 
a  great  distance  from  its  mouth,  on  a  pontoon  bridge,  2,000  feet  in  length,  and 
after  a  march  of  twenty  miles  in  all  during  the  day,  went  into  bivouac  late  in 

Capt    John     Donaghy 
(Co.    F). 

1st    Lieut.   J.    H.   Chambers 
(Co.    F). 

Sergt.    John    H.    white 
(Co.    F). 

Priv.   Theodore    G.    Sloan 

(Co.     F). 

Capts.  Donaghy  and 
(Reproduced  from  an  am- 
brotype  taken  at  Norfolk. 
Va,,  fall  of  1862,  when  regi- 
ment was  en  route  to  Suf- 

Sutler    Adolph     Krebs. 

Asst.  Sutler  C.   L.  Straub. 


the  evening.  The  next  morning,  Aug.  i8,  the  Regiment  was  on  the  march  before 
daybreak,  and  passing  through  Williamsburg,  bivouacked  five  miles  east  of  it. 
The  woman  who  had  predicted  the  return  of  the  Yanks  faster  than  they  ad- 
vanced was  not  in  evidence,  but  had  she  been,  she  would,  no  doubt,  have  been 
jubilant  over  the  literal  fulfillment  of  her  prophecy  of  less  than  four  months 
before.  A  few  minutes  after  six  o'clock,  Aug.  20,  the  Regiment  was  rapidly 
trudging  towards  Yorktown,  passing  through  it,  and  halting  a  short  distance 
east  of  the  town,  where  it  went  into  bivouac  until  Aug.  24.  Nothing  of  moment 
occurred  during  the  three  days'  stop  here.  The  boys  put  in  their  leisure  time  about 
the  York  River,  gathering  oysters,  clams,  etc.,  having  a  respite  from  the  arduous 
work  that  was  their  lot  when  advancing  westward  on  the  Peninsula.  The  Army 
of  the  Potomac  had  left  the  Peninsula,  a  portion  of  Keyes'  Corps,  being  left  to 
guard  the  approaches  to  Fortress  Monroe.  Early  in  the  morning  of  Aug.  24, 
the  Regiment  started  to  Fort  Monroe,  passing  Big  Bethel,  the  scene  of  one  of 
the  first  battles  of  the  war.  As  the  road  was  free  from  obstructions  the  march 
of  25  miles  was  made  with  comparative  ease,  and  at  four  o'clock  the  men  were 
busily  engaged  arranging  their  humble  habitations,  a  short  distance  from  the  fort. 
The  duty  assigned  the  Regiment  was  the  guarding  of  hospitals,  bridges,  com- 
missary and  quartermaster  supplies,  etc.  Numerous  details  were  made  daily 
from  the  Regiment  as  escorts  to  the  dead,  whose  deaths  occurred  at  the  hospitals ; 
all  of  whom  were  buried  with  military  honors.  For  such  duty,  the  Regiment,  both 
officers  and  men,  were  in  a  sorry  plight.  Their  uniforms  were  ragged  and 
frayed,  and  the  men  presented  a  vivid  contrast  from  troops  generally  assigned 
to  garrison  duty.  The  men  who  had  succeeded  in  getting  new  clothing  at  Har- 
rison's Landing,  anticipating  a  rough  time  for  a  few  days  had  packed  their 
best  clothing  in  their  knapsacks,  and  these  were  entirely  ruined  in  transit.  In 
fact,  it  took  a  few  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  Regiment  here  for  some  of 
the  men  to  even  act  as  though  they  were  within  the  shades  of  civilization,  as  it 
was  an  ordinary  event,  immediately  after  the  arrival  of  Wessells'  brigade,  to 
"hold  up"  wagons  at  any  hour  of  the  day,  even  with  hospital  supplies.  The 
troops,  however,  guilty  of  this  breach  of  discipline  were  not  all  from  the  103d 
Regiment,  but  it  furnished  a  fair  quota  the  first  day  or  two,  but  after  details 
from  the  Regiment  were  made  to  suppress  such  depredations  they  immediately 
ceased.  The  men  had  a  fine  time  when  off  duty,  fishing  for  crabs  and  oysters  and 
the  sea  food  and  sea  air  with  plenty  of  fresh  vegetables,  soon  told  on  the  physique 
of  the  troops.     Capt.  Donaghy,  referring  to  army  life  here,  says : 

"We  were  pretty  comfortably  situated  as  we  were.  Our  meals  were  im- 
proved by  fine  oysters  and  fresh  fish,  and  we  enjoyed  the  sea  breezes  at  a  season 
when  they  were  most  delightful.  On  one  occasion  we  got  too  much  of  a  breeze 
at  one  time,  and  it  came  so  suddenly  that  it  upset  some  of  our  wagons  and  sent 
Sibley  and  shelter  tents  flying  in  the  air.  Our  own  tent  was  blown  down  about 
our  heads,  and  so  was  the  colonel's,  and  he  was  held  fast  in  the  wreck  until 
rescued.  At  the  same  time  the  rain  came  down  in  torrents ;  no  one  was  seriously 
hurt,  but  we  looked  well  to  our  tent  pins  thereafter.  Fort  Monroe,  near  which 
we  were  camped,  seemed  to  us  at  that  time  impregnable.  It  covered  seventy 
acres.  I  had  never  seen  a  fort  of  that  kind,  and  I  was  surprised  to  find  that  the 
interior  was  like  a  beautiful  park;  laid  out  with  paths  and  lawns,  and  in  the 
center  was  a  graceful,  spreading  tree.  Around  about  the  sides  of  the  enclosure 
were  trees  and  comfortable  looking  quarters  that  almost  hid  the  massive  walls 
and  grim  engines  of  destruction  that  were  ever  ready  for  their  work.  Outside 
of  the  fort  on  the  beach  were  mounted  two  of  the  great  guns  of  the  day.  They 
were  fifteen  inch  base  and  had  been  made  in  Pittsburgh.  They  were  called 
the  "Union,"  and  the  "Lincoln."  The  latter  had  been  known  as  the  "Floyd  Gun," 
but  for  sufficient  reasons  had  been  rechristened." 

About  noon  on  Sept.  18,  the  Regiment  embarked  on  a  transport  at  Fort  Mon- 


roe  for  Norfolk,  and  after  a  brief  stop  in  that  city,  boarded  a  train  of  cars  for 
Suffolk,  twenty-three  miles  distant  from  Petersburg,  so  long  the  theater  of  war, 
when  Grant  was  in  command  of  the  army. 

Speaking  of  the  Regiment's  stop  in  Norfolk  Capt.  Donaghy  says: 

"We  halted  in  the  street  to  await  a  train  that  would  take  us  to  our  destina- 
tion, Suffolk.  As  we  had  some  time  to  spare,  Capt.  Fahnestock  and  I  strolled 
about  seeing  the  town.  Most  of  the  business  transacted  in  the  place  was  caused 
by  the  presence  of  the  troops  and  was  carried  on  by  Northern  men.  The  street 
pavements,  which  once  had  been  worn  with  traffic,  were  then  so  little  used  that 
grass  was  growing  up  between  the  stones." 

A  reproduction  of  an  ambrotype  of  Capts.  Fahnestock  and  Donaghy,  taken 
at  Norfolk  at  this  time,  appears  on  another  page. 

The  Regiment  arrived  at  Suffolk  about  dark  on  Sept.  i8  and  bivouacked  for 
the  night  near  the  railroad  station,  some  of  the  men  taking  shelter  underneath 
the  freight  house,  then  used  as  a  storehouse  for  commissary  supplies. 

The  day  after  its  arrival  at  Suffolk,  Sept.  19,  the  Regiment  was  assigned  to 
a  position  not  a  great  distance  from  the  railroad  station,  remaining  there  until 
it  was  moved  some  distance  farther  out.  On  Sept.  26,  large  details  were  made 
from  the  Regiment  for  fatigue  duty,  slashing  timber,  throwing  up  breastworks, 
etc.,  a  daily  task  for  several  weeks.  This  was  a  kind  of  work  that  the  men 
went  at  reluctantly,  and  evaded  in  every  possible  way.  The  soldier  who  evaded 
duty  on  the  march,  or  on  the  field  of  battle,  was  held  in  contempt,  and  derided 
by  his  comrades,  but  an  evasion  of  fatigue,  or  police  duty,  was  regarded  as  justi- 
fiable, unless  in  extreme  emergency  in  close  proximity  to  the  enemy;  although  it 
was  not  regarded  as  so  great  an  offense  to  shirk  duty  of  this  kind  as  what  was 
looked  upon  as  more  strictly  a  soldier's  duty.  Another  daily  disagreeable  feature 
of  camp  life  at  Suffolk,  regarded  as  useless  by  the  men,  was  being  called  in  line 
of  battle  about  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  remaining  in  that  position  until 

On  Thursday,  Oct.  26,  the  monotony  of  camp  life  was  broken  by  the  appear- 
ance of  the  paymaster.  This  event,  which  came  only  at  long  intervals,  had  a 
tendency  to  revive  the  spirits  of  the  men.  But  before  the  paymaster  had  a  chance 
to  perform  his  duty  an  interruption  came.  When  the  men  got  into  line  they  were 
ordered  to  take  three  days'  rations,  and  without  any  explanation  the  Regiment 
was  started  on  a  hurried  march  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy  towards  Peters- 
burg, commanded  by  Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell.  A  rapid  march  was  kept  up  until 
three  o'clock  in  the  morning  when  a  rest  was  made  until  daybreak.  After  a  hur- 
ried breakfast  the  march  was  resumed  until  the  advance  guard  came  in  contact 
with  the  enemy.  A  furious  cannonade  continued  for  an  hour,  when  the  enemy 
ceased  his  fire  and  fell  back  to  a  new  position.  Receiving  reinforcements,  among 
which  were  Graham's  Petersburg  battery,  and  a  rocket  battery,  the  enemy  again 
opened  fire  with  great  vigor,  throwing  shot,  shell,  grape  and  rockets  in  great  pro- 
fusion. The  13th  Indiana  was  moved  down  to  the  bank  of  the  Blackwaater  and 
opened  fire  on  the  batteries  of  the  enemy  and  he  soon  withdrew  out  of  range 
and  ceased  firing.  Gen.  Peck,  who  was  in  command  at  Suffolk,  was  advised  as  to 
the  situation  and  he  ordered  the  troops  to  return  to  camp,  inasmuch  as  the  object 
of  the  expedition,  (clearing  of  the  country  east  of  the  Blackwater  of  the  Con- 
federates) was  accomplished.  The  Federal  loss  was  two  killed,  five  wounded  and 
one  missing.  Among  the  wounded  was  Priv.  Edward  Rogers  of  Co.  C,  who  had 
one  of  his  legs  shot  off  by  a  cannon  ball,  that  ricocheted  in  front  of  the  Regiment, 
causing  quite  a  number  of  the  men  to  drop  as  it  passed  through  the  ranks.  Lieut. 
Col.  Maxwell  commanded  the  Regiment,  and  though  it  was  his  first  time  to  be 
under  fire  with  the  Regiment  he  acted  with  coolness  and  rare  judgment.  From 
the  very  first  Col.  Maxwell  had  enjoyed  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  both  offi- 
cers and  men,  but  his  conduct  on  this  occasion  proved  beyond  question  that  he 


was  exceptionally  well  qualified  as  a  regimental  commander.  Col.  Max\yell  ex- 
celled in  keeping  cool  when  others  were  excited,  a  most  admirable  trait,  m  a 
commanding  officer.  In  the  most  trying  circumstances  he  kept  perfectly  calm, 
always  giving  his  orders  in  a  low,  but  firm  and  distinct  tone  of  voice.  The  ex- 
pedition was  commanded  by  Col.  S-  P.  Spear,  nth  Penna.  Cavalry,  and  consisted 
of  detachments  from  the  nth  Penna.  Cavalry,  96th  New  York  Vols.,  13th  In- 
diana Vol.  Infantry,  103d  Penna  and  a  section  of  FoUett's  artillery. 

In  returning  to  Suffolk  the  expedition  fell  back  about  three  miles  from  the 
position  it  held  during  the  skirmish  and  halted  there  until  10  o'clock,  when  it  re- 
sumed march  towards  camp  again,  stopping  about  3  a.  m.  At  2  p.  m.  on  the  4th 
it  made  its  final  march  towards  Suffolk  and  the  Regiment  reached  camp  about 
6  o'clock  p.  m.  The  men  were  called  out  the  next  morning  about  four  o'clock,  as. 
usual,  and  stood  in  line  until  daylight.  However,  the  colonel  gave  out  some  news 
that  put  cheer  in  the  hearts  of  the  men  to  the  effect  that  the  paymaster  would  be 
around  soon,  and  about  8  a.  m.  the  men  received  four  months  pay. 

The  usual  camp  routine  was  followed,  and  during  this  month  substantial 
winter  quarters  were  erected.  On  Oct.  31,  the  Regiment,  commanded  by  Col. 
Lehmann,  participated  in  another  Blackwater  reconnoissance,  starting  at  3  p.  m. 
and  with  a  brief  halt,  marched  until  about  four  o'clock  the  next  morning,  when 
the  enemy  was  reached.  After  an  artillery  duel  of  about  an  hour,  without  any 
loss  on  the  Federal  side,  the  troops  returned  to  Suffolk  reaching  camp  about  mid- 
night, Nov.  I.   Capt.  Donaghy,  who  was  on  this  reconnoissance  says: 

"About  an  hour  or  so  before  daylight  our  Regiment,  and  the  8sth  Penna. 
Vols.,  with  a  battery,  were  in  the  advance,  the  balance  of  the  force  having  rested 
three  miles  back,  and  as  we  were  tramping  sleepily  along  we  were  roused  sud- 
denly by  the  flash  and  crack  of  shots  in  the  road  in  front  of  us.  We  had  struck 
the  rebel  outposts,  and  we  were  near  Blackwater.  The  battery  got  into  position 
and  opened  fire  with  shell,  and  fired  with  great  rapidity  for  about  half  an  hour. 
The  flash  of  fire  from  the  guns,  would  for  an  instant,  light  up  the  scene  around, 
showing  the  gunners  at  their  work,  and  the  lines  of  infantry  supports,  and  then 
we  would  follow  with  our  eyes  the  sizzling  comet-like  shell  until  they  would  burst 
in  fiery  fragments  over  the  town,  which  we  could  not  see,  as  a  line  of  woods 
intervened,  but  we  could  hear  the  crash  of  the  iron  hail  upon  the  buildings, 
and  in  the  intervals  between  the  shots  we  could  hear  the  cries  of  women  and 
children  and  the  stern  command  of  soldiers.  When  the  firing  ceased  we  marched 
back  the  way  we  had  come,  and  the  rebels  fired  a  few  shells  over  us,  but  did 
no  harm.  We  were  not  at  all  satisfied  with,  nor  proud  of  so  one-sided  an  affair, 
but  we  regarded  it  as  a  necessary  demonstration  in  favor  of  some  other  of  our 
forces,  as  it  doubtless  was.  Our  expectations  of  resting  when  we  got  back  to 
the  reserve  were  not  realized,  but  we  had  to  continue  our  weary  march  until 
we  were  within  twelve  miles  of  Suffolk,  making  our  march  altogether  thirty-six 
miles,  without  halting  long  enough  to  make  a  cup  of  coffee." 

During  the  month  of  November  the  brigade  was  kept  at  drill  every  suitable 
day.  On  the  13th  a  fire  got  considerable  headway  in  the  slashed  timber  and 
the  Regiment  was  called  out  to  extinguish  it,  which  it  succeeded  in  doing  after 
a  little  while — long  enough,  however,  to  escape  drill  for  the  afternoon. 

At  I  p.  m.,  Nov.  17,  the  Regiment  started  on  its  third  reconnoissance  to 
Blackwater,  the  expedition  being  commanded  by  Gen.  Wessell's.  On  the  18th 
the  Federal  artillery  shelled  the  enemy  for  a  couple  of  hours,  and  met  with  al 
spirited  reception  but  with  a  loss  of  only  one  wounded.  The  fourth  and  final 
expedition  to  Blackwater,  in  which  the  103d  participated,  left  Suffolk  about  the 
middle  of  the  afternoon,  Dec.  i,  and  after  a  march  of  ten  miles  bivouacked' 
until  3 :30  a.  m.,  when  the  march  was  resumed.  A  halt  was  made  when  within 
3  miles  of  Blackwater  for  breakfast.  While  the  cavalry  in  the  advance,  were 
at  breakfast,  they  were  charged  upon  by  the  enemy;  but  they  were  in  their 


saddles  in  time  to  meet  it,  and  not  only  checked  the  enemy,  but  drove  them: 
back  in  confusion,  killing  lo  or  12  of  the  enemy  and  capturing  twenty  more, 
most  of  whom  received  saber  cuts  before  they  surrendered.  The  officers  of  the 
nth  Cavalry  most  conspicuous  in  this  charge  were  Maj.  Stratton  and  Lieuts. 
Roper  and  Buttz.  A  section  of  the  rocket  battery,  fourteen  horses,  seven  saddles, 
42  rifles  and  70  rockets,  were  captured.  The  expedition  consisted  of  portions 
of  the  nth  Penna.  Cavalry,  39th  Illinois,  62  Ohio,  130th  N.  Y.,  6th  Mass.,  103d 
Penna.,  2  Sections  of  Davis'  battery,  one  Section  of  Howard's  battery,  amount- 
ing in  all  to  3,100  commanded  by  Col.  Spear  of  the  nth  Penna.  Cavalry. 
Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell  commanded  the  Regiment  on  this  reconnoissance.  The 
Regiment  returned  to  Camp  through  cold  disagreeable  rain,  reaching  quarters 
about  10  p.  m.,  Dec.  3. 

While  at  Suffolk  a  quarrel  occurred  between  Surg.  Stavely  and  Col.  Lehmann, 
the  culmination  of  a  long  time  friction  between  them.  A  house  in  the  limits  of 
the  Regiment  camp  was  used  jointly  by  the  Colonel,  and  as  Regimental  hospital. 
Surgeon  Stavely  forced  the  Colonel  to  vacate  to  make  room  for  the  sick. 
This  action  aroused  the  ire  of  the  Colonel  and  he  resented  it  by  using  some 
not  very  mild  epithets  to  the  Surgeon.  The  latter  preferred  charges,  which  were 
first  sent  to  Gen.  Wessells,  who  disapproved  them  because  of  the  personal 
rancor,  made  obvious  by  the  verbiage  in  which  they  were  written.  The  Surgeon 
then  sent  them  direct  to  division  headquarters,  and  Gen.  Peck  relieved  Col. 
Lehmann  from  duty  pending  an  investigation.  This  accounts  for  Col.  Lehmann 
not  commanding  the  Regiment  on  the  last  Blackwater  expedition.  Surgeon 
Stavely  resigned  his  position.  Col.  Lehmann  was  absent  from  the  Regiment 
for  three  months,  during  which  time  the  command  of  the  Regiment  devolved 
upon  Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell. 


From  Suffolk  to  New  Bern — Battles  of  Kinstom,  Whitehall  and 


(From  December  4  to  December  28,  1862.) 

On  Dec.  4,  orders  were  given  to  pack  knapsacks  and  store  them.  Three 
days  rations  were  drawn.  At  four  o'clock,  December  5,  the  Regiment,  with 
the  rest  of  Wessells'  brigade,  left  Suffolk  via  the  Summerton  road,  and  marched 
without  making  a  halt  until  3:30  p.  m.,  having  covered  a  distance  of  23  miles. 
|At  5  o'clock  the  next  morning  the  march  was  resumed.  Early  in  the  forenoon 
it  began  to  rain  and  in  a  little  while  the  roads  became  muddy,  making  it  very 
difficult  to  march.  A  brief  halt  was  made  at  Gatesville,  but  the  Regiment  went 
two  miles  beyond  the  town  before  bivouacking  for  the  night.  However,  it 
cleared  up  in  the  evening  and  became  quite  cool.  Resumed  march  next  morning, 
Sunday,  Dec.  7,  at  9  o'clock,  and  after  wading  through  mud  and  water  for 
three  miles,  the  brigade  came  to  the  Chowan  river  and  boarded  the  transport 
Northerner  and  started  down  the  Chowan  river,  reaching  New  Bern  about 
ID  p.  m.,  Dec.  8.  For  some  unexplained  reason  to  the  men,  the  Regiment  did 
not  debark  until  Tuesday  morning,  Dec.  9,  about  10  o'clock ;  using  the  transport, 
Port  Royal,  as  a  tender.  Wessells'  brigade  bivouacked  at  the  outskirts  of 
New  Bern  until  Tuesday,  Dec.  11. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  Dec.  11,  the  men  were  aroused  from  their  slumbers, 
and  after  a  hurried  breakfast,  the  brigade  moved  westward  towards  Goldsboro, 
starting  about  seven  o'clock,  preceded  by  a  squadron  of  the  3d  New  York  Cavalry 
and  the  9th  New  Jersey  Infantry,  followed  by  three  other  brigades,  and  40 
pieces  of  artillery,  the  entire  force  aggregating  about  11,000  men.  Morrison's 
battery  (Battery  B,  3d  N.  Y.  Artillery),  having  been  assigned  to  Wessells' 
brigade,  the  103d  Regiment  was  assigned  to  its  support.     After  an  advance  of 

1.  Capt.  A.  H.  Alexander,   Co.  A.  15. 

2.  Private   John   C.    Guiher,    Co.   A.  16. 

3.  Private  Jacob  Guiher,  Co.  A.  17. 

4.  Corp.  C.  G.  W.   Stover,  Co.  A.  18. 

5.  Private  Daniel  Barnacle,  Co.  A.  19. 

6.  Private  Thomas  J.  Callen,  Co.  A.  20. 

7.  Corp.  Joseph  Moyer,   Co.   A.  21. 

8.  Private  "William  Taylor,  Co.  A.  22. 

9.  Private  Clarion  J.  Logue,   Co    A.  23 
10 24. 

11.  Private  Lemuel  H.  Slag-le,  Co.  F.  25. 

12.  1st  Lieut.  James  H.  Chambers,  Co.  F.         26, 

13.  Sergt.   John  S.  Moorhead,    Co.  F.  27. 

14.  Capt.  F.   Smullin,  Co.  D. 

Private  Jeremiah   Wyant,    Co.    D. 
Private  J.  J.  Anthony,   Co.  D. 
Private  Levi   Shreckengost,   Co.  T>. 
Private  Samuel  W.  Hamilton,  Co.  D. 
Private  Daniel  Bowser,   Co.  D. 
Private  James  W.  Richardson, 
Corp.  John  F.   Rupert,   Co.  A. 
Private  Calvin  B.  Alt,  Co.  A. 
Private  Isaiah  Reese,  Co.  A 
Private  Helm  J.  McGill,  Co.  I. 
Private  John  D.   Taggart,   Co.   : 
1st  Sergt.  Jackson  McCoy,  Co. 
Private  Robert  Hooks,  Co.   D. 

Co.  A. 

h " 


about  14  miles  had  been  made,  the  road  was  found  to  be  obstructed  by  felled 
trees,  for  a  distance  of  more  than  a  half  mile,  and  the  Regiment  was  ordered  to 
go  into  bivouac  for  the  night.  During  the  night  the  pioneers  removed  the 
obstructions  and  at  day  break  of  the  12th  the  Regiment  was  again  on  the 
march.  After  advancing  about  four  miles  the  advance  came  in  contact  with  the 
skirmishers  of  the  enemy,  which,  for  a  time,  seemed  to  indicate  that  the  latter 
was  in  force,  and  intended  to  make  a  stand,  but  as  his  force  was  small,  the  advance 
troops  soon  routed  him.  The  next  day  the  enemy  made  a  stand  at  South  West 
Creek,  where  the  main  road  from  New  Bern  to  Kinston  crosses  the  creek. 
An  earthwork  constructed  across  the  road,  and  the  bridge  partially  destroyed, 
caused  a  halt.  The  enemy  opening  with  a  battery,  and  Morrison's  battery,  sup- 
ported by  the  103d,  was  soon  brought  into  action.  As  soon  as  the  battery  of  the 
enemy  was  silenced  the  Regiment  advanced,  defiled  to  the  left  of  the  road,  and 
crossed  the  creek  on  a  mill  dam,  single  file,  double  quick,  forming  in  line  on| 
the  other  side  and  charging  on  the  position  of  the  battery  that  had  fired  on  the 
brigade.  However,  troops  which  had  preceded  it  by  another  route,  had  taken 
possession  of  a  piece  of  artillery  abandoned  by  the  enemy.  Three  of  the  enemy's 
dead,  one  a  mere  youth  of  13  or  14  years,  lay  in  the  middle  of  the  road.  Before 
sundown  the  enemy  made  another  stand,  and  again  Morrison's  battery,  supported 
by  the  103d,  was  called  into  action,  and  engaged  the  enemy  until  darkness.  The 
Regiment  went  into  bivouac  in  line  of  battle,  large  details  having  been  made  for 
picket  duty.  Sunday  morning,  Dec.  14,  1862,  was  an  ideal  morning  for  winter 
in  Eastern  North  Carolina.  The  day  broke  bright  and  clear,  and  many  of  the 
young  boys  of  the  103d  would  have  much  preferred  the  more  frigid  climate  of 
the  Keystone  state  on  that  particular  morning.  Before  breakfast  was  ready 
musketry  firing  was  already  brisk  and  the  Regiment  was  soon  in  motion,  moving 
in  the  direction  of  the  firing  line.  It  was  evident  to  every  one  that  serioui 
work  was  ahead.  This  was  made  apparent  by  the  litter  of  playing  cards  that) 
lined  the  road  sides.  However,  notwithstanding  the  enemy's  artillery,  missiles 
were  exploding  overhead  and  the  musketry  firing  giving  evidence  that  a  battle 
was  raging  in  front,  within  three  or  four  hundred  yards,  some  abandoned  com- 
missary supplies  by  the  roadside  caused  a  scramble  from  the  boys,  a  sack  of 
coflfee,  roasted  and  ground,  ready  for  steeping,  being  especially  coveted.  It  was 
at  this  point  the  Regiment  deployed  in  line  of  battle  at  the  edge  of  the  woods  in 
which  the  infantry  then  engaging  the  enemy  were  in  position.  The  Regiment 
took  position  at  right  angles  to  the  main  road,  the  left  of  the  right  wing  resting 
near  the  right  of  the  road,  and  the  right  of  the  left  wing  of  the  Regiment  com- 
manded by  Capt.  Laughlin,  resting  near  the  left  of  the  road.  Two  pieces  oi 
Capt.  Morrison's  battery  took  position  in  the  road  in  the  gap  between  the  twq 
wings  of  the  regiment  and  opened  on  the  enemy,  firing  with  great  rapidity.  The 
92d  New  York  of  Wessells'  brigade,  having  been  in  front  of  the  right  wing  of 
the  103d  engaging  the  enemy  for  about  an  hour.  Col.  Hunt,  the  commanding 
officer,  for  some  reason  becoming  discouraged,  ordered  his  Regiment  to  retreat. 
The  enemy  hearing  the  command  given  broke  out  in  loud  cheers.  When  Lieutenant 
John  M.  Cochran  of  Co.  C.  called  on  the  103d  to  respond,  which  was  done  with 
such  vim  as  to  attract  and  concentrate  the  fire  of  the  enemy  on  the  right  wing 
of  the  Regiment.  When  Col.  Hunt  reached  the  point  where  Col.  Maxwell  was 
standing  he  requested  him  to  exchange  positions,  the  103d  to  advance  and  engage 
the  enemy  and  the  92d  to  support  the  battery.  Col.  Maxwell  responded  by  saying 
he  would  cheerfully  comply  but  he  would  have  to  receive  orders  from  the  proper 
source  before  leaving  the  battery.  Capt.  Andrew  Stewart,  Jr.,  assistant  adjutant 
general  to  Gen.  Wessells,  having  come  forward  to  take  observations  addressed 
Col.  Maxwell,  saying,  that  he  would  assume  the  responsibility  for  ordering  the 
103d  forward.  Instantly,  Col.  Maxwell  gave  the  command  for  the  Regiment  to 
advance  and  the  men  started  forward  briskly  until  they  came  to  a  heavy  under- 


growth  and  swamp  with  water  varying  from  one  to  two  feet  in  depth,  and  from 
50  to  100  yards  in  width.  As  the  men  emerged  from  the  swamp  the  fire  ofi 
the  enemy  gave  evidence  of  the  two  Hnes  being  at  close  range  and  orders  were 
given  to  lie  down  and  engage  the  enemy.  As  the  Regiment  moved  forward  from 
the  battery  and  entered  the  undergrowth  and  swamp  the  right  and  left  wings 
diverged  from  each  other,  leaving  the  gap  much  wider  than  when  separated  by 
the  section  of  Morrison's  battery.  Later  this  gap  was  filled  by  the  45th  Mass., 
and  loth  Conn. ;  the  colors  of  the  three  regiments  being  closely  grouped 
together  at  the  left  of  the  right  wing  of  the  103d.  For  a  time  the  fire  of  enemy 
was  concentrated  on  the  right  wing  of  the  Regiment,  evidently  due  to  the  three 
stands  of  colors  being  so  close  together.  The  color  bearer  of  the  103d,  Sergt. 
Anthony  Spangler,  Co.  D.,  received  two  mortal  wounds,  one  near  the  brain,  and 
the  other  near  the  heart.  At  a  time  when  the  firing  seemed  to  be  concentrated 
on  the  center,  cheering  was  heard  on  both  the  right  and  left  wings,  followed 
almost  instantly  by  a  lull  in  the  fire  from  the  enemy,  and  the  Regiment  wasi 
ordered  to  charge,  and  as  it  advanced  the  firing  entirely  ceased.  A  large  body 
(495  by  official  report)  of  the  enemy,  immediately  in  front  of  the  Regiment,  had 
hoisted  a  white  flag.  Col.  Maxwell  halted  the  Regiment  to  get  it  properly 
aligned,  when  he  received  orders  to  halt  and  await  the  arrival  of  the  artillery. 
Smoke  arising  from  the  bridge  gave  evidence  that  the  enemy  had  planned  to 
destroy  it  and  Col.  Gray,  with  his  regiment  (96th  New  York),  rushed  to  the 
bridge  and  was  extinguishing  the  fire  when  the  colonel  was  killed.  The  enemy 
had  planted  some  loaded  muskets  across  the  bridge,  forming  a  barricade,  and  by 
some  it  was  supposed  a  bullet  from  one  of  these  fired  the  fatal  shot.  It  was 
more  probable  that  the  fatal  bullet  came  from  the  enemy's  skirmishers  on  thei 
opposite  side  of  the  river,  who  pluckily  continued  to  fire,  until  the  Federal  batteries 
got  into  position.  The  loss  of  the  Regiment  in  this  action  was  14  killed,  and  58 
wounded,  seven  of  the  latter  receiving  mortal  wounds,  death  following  within  a 
short  time.  The  killed  were  Corp.  Andrew  M.  Wilson  and  Privates  Joseph  P. 
Spangler  (color  bearer),  and  Priv.  William  Wheeler,  Co.  D. ;  Sergt.  William  M. 
Austin  (the  latter  receiving  two.  fatal  shots)  and  Jacob  Stiffey,  Co.  C;  Sergt.  An- 
thony Spangler  (color  bearer),  and  Priv.  William  Wheeler,  Co.  D  ;  Sergt.  William 
M.  McElhany,  Priv.  Michael  Wenner,  Co.  F ;  Privates  Jackson  Boyd,  Hiram  Reed, 
George  H.  Wetzel,  Co.  H. ;  Privates  James  CoUingwood,  George  W.  Griffin, 
Patrick  Nolan,  William  Powers,  Co.  I.  The  following  died  of  wounds  received 
in  action  at  Kinston:  Priv.  Edward  W.  Loughner,  Co.  A.,  died  Dec.  18,  1862; 
Priv.  William  Sanford,  Co.  F.,  died  Jan.  12,  1863 ;  Priv.  Calvin  McCoy,  Co.  I., 
died  Dec.  16,  1862 ;  Priv.  Milo  Sankey,  Co.  I.,  died  Jan.  7,  1863 ;  ist  Sergt.  Joseph 
C.  Mapes,  Co.  K.,  died  Dec.  29;  Priv.  John  Staugle,  Co.  K.,  Dec.  29,  1862. 
Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell,  who  was  in  command  of  the  Regiment  on  this  expedition, 
strengthened  the  good  opinion  that  the  officers  and  men  had  already  formed  of 
him  by  his  coolness  at  the  most  critical  time  and  by  the  promptness  in  moving 
the  Regiment  forward  when  the  92d  New  York  fell  back.  The  official  reports 
do  not  give  the  exact  facts  as  to  how  the  103d  came  to  exchange  i)ositions  with 
the  92d  New  York.  The  writer  heard  the  entire  colloquy  between  Col.  Hunt, 
Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell  and  Capt.  Stewart.  Capt.  Stewart  was  conversing  with 
Col.  Maxwell  at  the  right  of  the  road,  directly  in  rear  of  the  left  flank  of  thei 
right  wing  of  the  Regiment,  when  Col.  Hunt  came  back  very  much  excited  and 
accosted  Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell  as  follows:  "Colonel,  my  men  are  badly  cut  up, 
and  if  you  will  relieve  them  I  will  support  the  battery."  Col.  Maxwell  replied  in 
his  quiet  manner,  without  the  least  evidence  of  excitement,  as  follows :  "Colonel, 
I  would  like  very  much  to  comply  with  your  request,  but  my  orders  require  me  to 
support  this  battery,  and  until  I  receive  proper  authority  I  cannot  leave  here." 
At  this  juncture  Capt.  Stewart  interposed  by  saying:  "Col.  Maxwell,  I  will 
assume  the  responsibility  for  ordering  your  regiment  forward."     Instantly  Col. 


Maxwell  gave  the  command  for  the  Regiment  to  advance,  orders  being  sent  to 
Capt.  Laughlin  to  move  simultaneously  with  the  left  wing.  To  those  who 
witnessed  the  retreat  of  the  gad,  and  heard  Col.  Hunt's  remarks  to  Col.  Maxwell, 
his  account  of  the  proceeding  will  be  rather  amusing,  and  will  in  a  measure, 
account  for  his  subsequent  promotion  as  brigadier  general  of  volunteers.  In  his 
official  report  he  says : 

"My  men  were  now  completely  exhausted  with  their  two  hours  work  in  the 
swamp.  We  had  tried  to  get  a  foothold  to  the  front  and  on  both  flanks,  but  had 
failed  for  want  of  numbers.  The  enemy  were  reported  to  me  by  several  as 
passing  our  right  flank  and  I  judged  it  best  to  draw  back  to  the  higher  ground 
in  our  rear  where  I  knew  the  103d  Penna.  to  have  been  posted.  Here,  I  received, 
through  yourself,  authority  from  Gen.  Wessells,  to  direct  the  movement  of  the 
several  regiments  in  the  neighborhood.  Having  had  the  opportunity  of  getting  a 
good  knowledge  of  the  position  and  its  requirements,  I  directed  Lieut.  Col. 
Maxwell,  whose  regiment  (the  103d  Penna.)  was  nearly  twice  as  strong  as  mine, 
to  advance  through  the  swamp  directly  to  the  front,  occupy  the  ditch,  and,  if 
possible,  pass  on  beyond  the  fence.  The  men  were  fresh  and  went  forward 
gallantly  to  the  task  before  them,  which  I  lightened  as  much  as  possible  by  sending 
forward  the  85th  Penna.,  Col.  Howell,  lying  in  the  wood  nearby,  and  pointed  out 
the  direction  of  attack.  I  presumed  that  my  adjutant  had  returned  to  the  right 
flank  with  the  re-enforcements  I  had  sent  him  for,  and  so,  while  my  men  were 
resting  in  support  of  a  section  of  Morrison's  battery  and  on  ground  previously 
occupied  by  the  103d,  I  sent  forward  four  of  my  officers  in  different  directions, 
toward  the  front  with  Gen.  Wessells'  order  that  every  regiment  should  press' 
forward."    (O.  R.  Sec.  I,  Vol.  XVHI,  p.  104.) 

Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell  refers  to  the  action  of  the  Regiment  as  follows :  "Sunday, 
Dec.  14,  at  9 :40  a.  m.,  I  was  ordered  to  move  my  regiment  forward  as  a  support 
to  one  section  of  Morrison's  battery,  having  the  right  wing,  rest  on  the  right  and 
the  left  wing  on  the  left  of  said  section,  with  orders  to  direct  our  movement  with 
the  battery.  After  advancing  gradually  for  over  50  rods  with  said  battery,  we 
halted  when  the  g2d  New  York  Vols,  moved  past  us  and  filed  off  in  front  of  the 
right  wing  of  the  103d.  After  remaining  not  more  than  one  hour  in  advance, 
they  fell  back  across  the  right  Wing  and  reformed  their  line  in  the  rear.  Atf 
this  time  Capt.  Stewart,  assistant  adjutant  general,  came  up  and  ordered  me 
to  move  my  regiment  forward  in  advance  of  the  battery.  We  moved  forward 
through  a  swamp  of  thick  undergrowth  and  water  from  one  to  two  feet  deep  and 
about  twenty  rods  wide.  Immediately  after  crossing  said  swamp  we  received 
a  volley  of  musketry  from  the  enemy's  line,  which  we  then  learned  was  but  a 
few  rods  in  our  advance.  We  delivered  a  volley,  lay  down  under  cover  of  a 
small  knoll,  reloaded  and  fixed  bayonets,  rose,  delivered  another  volley  and 
charged  over  the  bank.  At  this  time  an  order  from  the  85th  Penna.,  which  was 
moving  up  in  the  rear  of  the  left,  demanded  us  to  cease  firing,  as 
we  were  firing  into  our  own  men.  The  enemy's  fire  in  front  of  our 
left  was  immediately  directed  on  our  right,  making,  in  connection 
with  the  fire  from  the  strong  line  in  front,  a  heavy  cross  fire.  We  were  also 
in  danger  of  a  fire  in  the  rear  from  the  45th  Mass.,  whose  line  was  immediately 
in  rear  of  our  right  wing.  Under  this  combined  fire  I  gave  the  order  to  lie 
down,  and  from  this  position  we  again  rose,  charged  after  the  enemy,  some 
twenty  rods,  when  their  fire  was  completely  silenced.  We  were  then  ordered  to 
halt  and  await  the  arrival  of  the  battery.  During  this  time  the  96th  New  York 
moved  by  the  flank  from  our  right  and  reached  the  bridge.  From  the  time  we 
first  formed  our  line  as  a  support  to  the  battery  until  we  reached  the  bridge  was 
from  9 :40  a.  m.  to  2  p.  m.  Our  loss  during  this  time,  out  of  430  actually  engaged, 
was  14  killed  and  58  wounded,  some  of  the  latter  mortally.  During  the  whole 
of  this  time  all  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Regiment  behaved  in  an  exemplary 


manner,  showing  entire  coolness.  I  will  mention  that  when  we  made  our  first 
charge,  the  loth  Conn,  overlapped  our  extreme  right;  from  the  second  charge 
we  moved  past  their  line,  passing  their  left."    (O.  R.  Sec.  I,  Vol.  XVIII,  p.  104.) 

Col.  Howell,  in  his  official  report  of  the  action  of  the  85th  Penna.  refers  to 
the  103d  in  the  following  terms: 

"I  found  a  part  of  the  left  wing  of  the  103d  Perma.  Vols.,  directly  in  front 
of  us.  Our  position  was  on  the  left  of  the  battery  and  left  of  the  road.  Shortly 
afterward  *  *  *  I  moved  my  regiment  deployed  in  line  of  battle,  forward, 
preceded  by  a  part  of  the  left  wing  of  the  103d  Penna.  Vols.  On  coming  out 
of  the  wood  and  swamp,  we  came  to  an  open  field  in  front  of  us,  and  there  we 
received  sharp,  rapid  and  continuous  fire  from  the  enemy.  I  should  think  we 
were  under  fire  there  for  an  hour.  We  returned  their  fire  as  rapidly.  The  firing 
on  our  part  was  splendidly  done.  We  then  moved  rapidly  forward  across  tha 
field,  driving  the  enemy  from  the  wood  in  front  of  us  and  away  from  the  church. 
We  passed  through  the  wood  to  a  large  open  field  lying  between  the  wood  and 
the  river.  The  fire  of  the  enemy  during  this  time  was  very  heavy,  but  the 
gallant  officers  and  enlisted  men  of  my  Regiment  and  that  part  of  the  103d  Penna. 
Vols.,  which  was  left  with  us,  dashed  forward  with  a  shout  and  with  cheers, 
through  the  fire  without  flinching.  When  about  midway  over  the  field  I  dis- 
covered by  ascending  a  slight  elevation  which  we  were  approaching,  that  my 
own  regiment  and  the  103d  would  be  cut  to  pieces  by  pursuing  that  line,  and 
that  I  could  accomplish  as  much  by  moving  to  the  right,  which  I  did.  We  suc- 
ceeded, as  I  have  before  stated,  in  driving  the  enemy  from  our  front  and  from 
their  position  in  the  church."    (O.  R.  Sec.  I,  Vol.  XVIII,  p.  107.) 

The  Regiment  maintained  its  position  on  the  battle  field  until  after  most  of 
the  troops  had  crossed  the  Neuse  river.  Before  crossing,  it  marched  back  to  the 
rear,  where  blankets,  shelter  tents,  and  extra  material  had  been  left  before 
advancing  on  the  enemy,  and,  as  it  crossed  the  bridge,  met  Gen.  Foster  returning 
from  the  Kinston  side  who,  without  halting,  passed  some  complimentary  remarlre 
on  the  action  of  the  Regiment. 

The  Regiment  passed  through  Kinston,  Company  C  remaining  at  the  bridge 
on  picket  duty,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Neuse  river.  Capt.  Donaghy  describes 
the  battle  of  Kinston  as  follows : 

"We  took  position  as  support  to  a  battery  which  had  opened  on  the  enemy. 
The  shot  and  shell  from  the  enemy  were  crashing  among  the  tree  tops  above  us, 
but  as  we  were  lying  in  a  depression  in  the  ground  we  were  not  in  much  danger. 
We  would  have  been  covered  like  the  'Babes  in  the  woods,'  if  we  had  remained 
in  that  situation  long,  for  we  were  under  a  shower  of  foliage  and  tree  fragments 
that  were  cut  ofl^  by  the  rebel  shot.  One  tree  trunk,  ten  inches  in  diameter,  was 
cut  off  clean,  and  the  top  piece  plunged  down,  crushing  badly  the  arm  of  a  man 
in  Co.  D.  Troops  back  of  us  were  marching  toward  the  right  flank  and  were 
exposed  to  the  fire  that  passed  over  us,  and  I  saw  several  men  sink  suddenly 
to  the  ground,  killed  or  wounded.  Infantry  in  advance  of  us  were  actively 
engaged  with  the  enemy.  One  of  the  regiments  came  back  for  some  reason,  out 
of  ammunition  perhaps,  and  the  right  wing  of  our  regiment  advanced  in  its 
stead  to  the  crest  of  higher  ground.  *  *  *  The  fire  from  the  enemy  was  the 
severest  we  had  been  in.  They  were  less  than  a  hundred  yards  from  us  and  in 
front  of  part  of  their  lines  stood  a  wooden  church,  and  from  its  windows  came 
many  a  shot.  The  building  was  set  up  on  posts  about  two  feet  from  the  ground, 
and  looking  under  it  we  could  see  the  shiiffling  feet  and  legs  of  the  rebels;  and 
indeed,  about  all  we  could  see  of  the  enemy  on  either  side  of  the  church  was 
their  lower  extremities,  for  the  smoke  from  their  guns  veiled  their  bodies,  but 
our  boys  saw  enough  to  know  where  to  shoot.  The  lieutenant  colonel,  our 
regimental  commander,  was  posted  behind  a  large  tree  near  where  I  was.  He 
smiled  at  me  and  affectionately  patted  the  trunk  of  the  tree  as  if  to  say  it  was  a 


friend  indeed,  and  I  nodded  assent.  After  a  while  the  forces  that  had  gone  to 
the  flank  were  heard  in  the  conflict  and  the  enemy  in  our  front  fell  back.  We 
were  ordered  to  charge,  and  we  came  upon  the  enemy  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
river,  at  the  same  time  our  force  on  their  left  flank  was  charging  in  upon  them. 
By  an  abandoned  cannon,  among  other  dead,  lay  the  body  of  a  rebel  major. 
A  woman  who  lived  in  a  house  nearby  said  the  major  had  told  her  that  he 
expected  to  be  killed  in  that  fight.  Our  Regiment  had  suffered  severely,  its  loss 
being  14  killed  and  58  wounded.  One  of  the  latter,  Charles  Stewart,  was  struck 
ifour  times;  first  a  shot  passing  through  his  clothing  and  just  scratching  his 
breast ;  another  ball  touched  the  back  of  his  hand,  and  when  he  was  loading  his 
gun  a  bullet  struck  his  bayonet,  bending  it  and  knocking  it  against  his  body. 
By  this  time  he  was  thoroughly  angry  when  a  shot  passed  through  the  muscles 
of  his  arm  and  put  him  hors  de  combat.  One  man  had  the  brass  numbers 
picked  from  his  cap  by  one  bullet  and  was  slightly  wounded  under  the  arm  by 

Before  noon,  the  entire  force  on  the  expedition,  retraced  its  march  subsequent 
to  the  battle  of  the  previous  day,  recrossed  the  Neuse  river  on  the  bridge  at  the 
Kinston  battle  field  and  journeyed  westward  in  the  direction  of  Goldsboro,  along 
the  right  bank  of  the  Neuse  river.  Before  leaving,  however,  the  dead  were 
buried  and  the  wounded  were  taken  care  of  on  Taylor's  plantation,  not  far  fromE 
the  Kinston  battle  ground.  The  captured  prisoners  were  paroled.  The  Regiment 
continued  to  advance  on  the  15th  until  within  four  miles  of  Whitehall,  where  it 
went  into  bivouac  late  at  night.  Early  the  next  day  the  Regiment  resumed  its 
march,  passing  Whitehall  during  the  forenoon  while  the  enemy  was  briskly 
engaged  with  other  regiments,  the  Neuse  river  separating  the  combatants. 
A  halt  was  made  about  dark,  Dec.  16,  eight  miles  east  of  Goldsboro,  where  the 
Regiment  bivouacked  for  the  night.  On  the  morning  of  the  17th  the  brigade 
advanced  to  within  two  or  three  miles  of  Goldsboro,  and  formed  in  line  of  battle 
overlooking  the  railroad  track.  The  batteries  opened  on  the  enemy,  the  principal 
part  of  the  fire  being  directed  at  the  railroad  bridge.  The  enemy  replied  with 
artillery  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  The  9th  New  Jersey  advanced 
steadily  towards  the  bridge  and  after  engaging  the  enemy  for  about  two  hours, 
succeeded,  after  several  attempts,  in  firing  the  bridge.  Lieut.  G.  W.  Graham,  24th 
New  York  Independent  Battery,  then  acting  as  aide-de-camp  to  Col.  Heckman, 
of  the  9th  New  Jersey,  applying  the  torch  under  a  heavy  fire.  The  railroad  bridge 
and  a  large  amount  of  the  railroad  track  having  been  destroyed,  the  object  of  the 
expedition  had  been  accomplished;  and  late  in  the  afternoon  the  troops  started 
eastward  via  the  same  route  over  which  they  had  advanced,  on  their  return  to 
New  Bern.  Wessells'  brigade  had  covered  a  couple  of  miles  on  the  return  trip 
when  the  enemy  charged  on  the  troops  left  to  protect  the  rear.  The  brigade 
was  ordered  back  on  the  double  quick,  moving  by  the  left  flank  in  order  to  lose 
no  time.  By  the  time  the  brigade  reached  the  scene  of  action  the  enemy  had  fallen 
back  and  the  batteries  and  their  supports  withdrew,  leaving  Wessells'  brigade  to 
bring  up  the  rear.  The  Regiment  bivouacked  on  the  same  ground  it  had  occu- 
pied the  night  before.  On  the  i8th  the  brigade  bivouacked  within  6  miles  of 
Kinston,  and  the  following  day  passed  the  battle  ground  of  the  previous  Sunday, 
and  arrived  at  New  Bern  at  noon  on  Sunday,  Dec.  21,  and  encamped  east  of  the 
Trent  river  where  it  remained  until  Feb.  2,  1863. 

Capt.  Donaghy  describes  the  Whitehall-Goldsboro  affair  as  follows : 
"On  Tuesday  we  moved  forward  while  the  cannon  were  booming  at  the 
front.  The  firing  increased  in  volume  as  the  forenoon  wore  on.  We  began  to 
see  the  wounded  brought  to  the  rear,  and  soon  we  heard  cheering  mingled  with 
the  other  sounds  of  strife,  and  we  heard  the  news  that  the  rebels  were  being 
driven.  At  last  we  came  in  sight  of  the  battle  field  as  we  moved  along  a  hillside 
road  to  the  left.    On  the  bottom  lands  below  we  saw  the  enemy  in  retreat  and 


the  Blue  Coats  cheering  after  them.  The  rebels  entered  a  wood  and  were  lost 
to  our  view,  and  as  the  Union  line  neared  the  timber  we  saw  one  of  the  regimental 
flags  drop  down — that  meant  the  death  or  injury  of  some  brave  fellow.  It  was 
up  again  in  an  instant  and  went  forward  with  the  cheering  men.  Our  brigade 
was  not  called  upon  to  participate  in  that  fight,  nor  were  we  permitted  to  stay  to 
witness  more  of  it.  We  kept  on  our  way  and  left  the  scene  behind.  The  rebels 
retreated  to  the  north  side  of  the  river.  A  gunboat  in  course  of  construction 
was  destroyed  by  our  forces.  That  action  was  known  as  the  battle  of  Whitehall. 
As  we  moved  along  the  road  mentioned  we  were  not  out  of  range  of  the  rebel 
sharp-shooters,  who  threw  some  lead  among  us,  but  so  far  as  I  know  of,  did  no 
harm,  unless  it  was  to  frighten  and  delay  our  colored  camp  followers,  who  were 
very  late  in  coming  up.  I  had  to  do  my  own  foraging  that  night,  but  succeeded 
in  getting  a  chicken,  and  Matthew  turned  up  in  time  to  broil  it,  on  a  sharp  stick, 
held  over  a  glowing  fire,  made  from  a  farmer's  fence  rails. 

"Next  day,  Wednesday  the  17th,  we  had  a  hurried  march  before  breakfast, 
forward  still.  Then  we  halted,  and  built  our  fires  for  cooking.  After  that  our 
march  was  slow  and  cautious.  We  halted  again  while  our  generals  held  a 
council.  The  firing  in  advance  told  of  the  presence  of  the  enemy.  We  moved  on, 
and  at  noon  came  in  sight  of  our  forces  in  line  of  battle,  with  the  batteries 
actively  firing.  We  were  near  the  point  where  the  railroad  crossed  the  Neuse 
river  and  about  two  miles  from  Goldsboro.  The  ground  was  open,  and  the  line 
was  on  a  ridge,  but  we  could  not  see  the  enemy.  We  marched  to  the  left  and' 
took  position  in  the  edge  of  a  swampy  wDod,  and  facing  it,  to  guard  the  flank  and 
rear.  The  conflict  at  the  front  raged  loud  and  long;  the  rattle  and  roar  of 
musketry  was  heard,  and  at  last  came  shouts  and  cheers  from  our  line  that 
betokened  victory.  From  where  we  were  we  could  only  hear  the  fight,  so  I 
climbed  a  tree  to  try  to  see  it.  I  could  see  our  men  tearing  up  the  railroad  track, 
and  soon  a  column  of  smoke  from  the  burning  railroad  bridge,  also  the  work  of 
our  men.  That  was  the  object  of  the  expedition.  The  work  was  done,  and  the 
infantry  began  to  move  back  on  their  return  to  New  Bern.  Our  brigade,  too, 
began  its  march.  Suddenly  our  artillery  belched  forth  with  great  rapidity,  the 
'rebel  yell'  and  the  rattle  of  musketry  was  heard ;  an  aide  galloped  up  to  our  gen- 
eral with  the  word  that  the  rebels  were  attacking.  We  faced  about  and  moved 
,at  double  quick  towards  the  scene  of  conflict.  The  sun  had  gone  down  and  the 
shades  of  night  were  falling.  The  firing  ceased  and  we  were  not  needed.  The 
rebels  had  seen  Morrison's  battery  isolated,  the  infantry  supports  having  marched 
bajck,  and  they  sought  to  capture  it  by  a  sudden  dash  by  a  brigade  of  infantry, 
but  their  approach  was  discovered  in  time,  and  the  battery  opened  on  them  with 
grape  and  canister  so  efifectively  that  they  were  repulsed  with  great  slaughter. 
The  commander  of  that  battery — Captain — afterwards  General  Morrison,  is  now 
a  comrade  of  John  A.  Dix  Post,  G.  A.  R.,  to  which  I  also  have  the  honor  to 
belong,  and  I  have  heard  from  him  a  graphic  account  of  that  exploit  of  his 

"Our  brigade  became  rear  guard  and  we  remained  on  the  ground  until  the 
other  troops  had  gone.  The  woods  had  been  set  on  fire,  and  the  sky  behind  us 
was  lurid  as  we  marched  away.  We  bivouacked  on  the  same  ground  we  had 
occupied  the  night  before.  On  the  following  day  we  moved  leisurely,  undisturbed 
by  the  enemy.  We  foraged  liberally  to  make  our  rations  hold  out.  There  was 
plenty  of  fresh  pork  to  be  had,  and  it  was  a  common  thing  to  see  a  slaughtered 
pig  lying  by  the  roadside,  not  hung  up  and  dressed  in  the  usual  way,  but  shot  or 
stabbed,  and  then  a  chunk  of  flesh  cut  from  the  body,  without  the  trouble  having 
been  taken  to  remove  the  hide  or  hair.  The  piece  thus  cut  out  would  usually 
be  stuck  on  the  soldier's  bayonet,  to  carry  on  the  march,  and  the  balance  of  the 
carcass  left  for  whoever  wanted  any  of  it.  We  came  within  six  miles  of  Kinston 
that  night.    As  we  were  sitting  in  camp  we  had  a  laugh  at  the  expense  of  one  of 

Reading-  from  left  to  right;  Corp.  Oliver  P.  Campbell,  Co.  K;  Private  Abram  Adams,  Co. 
B;  I'd  Lt.  W.  B.  Kroesen,  Co.  K;  Private  Aaron  W.  Lang,  Co,  B;  Private  Uriah  Sloan,  Co,  B; 
Private  Plenry  Montgomery',  Co.  B;  Private  Jaines  Rankin,  Co.  B;  Corp,  Isaac  Shakely,  Co. 
B;  Private  John  P.  Erwin,  Co.  B;  Private  B.  S.  Rankin,  Co.  B;  Corp,  Thomas  Hays,  Co.  B; 
Private  Robert  P.  Black,  Co.  E;  Private  Valentine  Whitener,  Co,  E;  Private  Cyrus 
Croup,  Co,  E;  1st  Sergt.  W.  B.  Sedwick,  Co,  E;  Private  George  Bai-r,  Co.  E;  Private  Gabriel 
M,  Duffy,  Co,  E, 


our  regiments.  The  soldiers  had  stacked  arms  to  encamp  in  a  field  where  a  crop 
of  some  kind  of  grain  was  still  standing,  and  was  quite  dry.  A  spark  from  a 
camp  fire  ignited  it  and  the  breeze  carried  flames  swiftly  among  the  solidiers,  who 
scampered  about  more  widly  than  if  the  'Black  Horse  Cavalry'  had  been  among 
them.  Luckily  the  grain  crop  was  a  light  one  and  the  flames  so  short-lived  that 
they  did  no  damage  to  the  soldiers  arms  or  equipments. 

"On  Friday  we  were  at  Kinston  again,  and  I  took  the  opportunity  of  sketch- 
ing the  church  and  surroundings  from  where  we  had  stood  in  the  fight.  As  an 
indication  of  the  amount  of  lead  that  had  been  thrown  about  there  I  will  mention 
seeing  a  sapling  of  but  five  feet  in  height  which  had  been  struck  by  seven  bullets. 
We  re-entered  New  Bern  at  noon  on  Sunday." 


New  Bern — Hyde  County  Raid. 

(From  December  28,  1862,  to  March  13,  1863.) 

On  Dec.  28,  Gen.  Wessells  was  assigned  to  command  the  First  Division  of 
the  i8th  Army,  comprising  two  brigades,  the  First  Brigade  (Wessells),  consisting 
of  the  Ssth,  92d,  96th  New  York;  8sth,  loist,  103d  Penna.,  commanded  by  Brig. 
Gen.  Lewis  C.  Hunt ;  the  Second  Brigade  consisting  of  the  loth  Conn. ;  24th,  44th 
Mass. ;  5th  Rhode  Island.  Immediately  after  assuming  command  of  the  brigade, 
Gen.  Hunt  visited  the  Regiment  and  in  a  fulsome  manner  complimented  it  for  its 
gallant  action  in  relieving  his  regiment  at  Kinston.  His  remarks,  however,  did 
not  evoke  much  enthusiasm  from  the  Regiment,  as  his  conduct  at  the  battle  of 
Kinston,  while  not  exactly  reprehensible,  was  in  such  marked  contrast  to  that  of 
Col.  Maxwell,  that  the  men  felt  that  the  latter  was  more  deserving  of  promotion. 
However,  it  was  generally  understood  that  Col.  Hunt's  promotion  was  due  to  his 
military  knowledge,  he  being  a  graduate  of  West  Point  Military  Academy.  On 
Feb.  2,  the  Regiment  crossed  the  Trent  river  and  took  possession  of  a  large 
wooden  barrack  on  the  western  border  of  New  Bern  in  advance  of  Fort  Totten, 
and  between  it  and  the  Neuse  river.  In  due  time  the  knapsacks  which  had  been 
stored  at  Suffolk  were  forwarded,  and  the  replenished  wardrobes  of  both  officers 
and  men  made  quite  a  change  in  their  appearance.  The  other  troops  stationed  at 
New  Bern  were  exceptionally  well  uniformed,  the  enlisted  men  being  much  more 
nobbier  in  appearance  than  the  majority  of  the  commissioned  officers  of  Wessells' 
brigade.    Capt.  Donaghy  refers  to  this  as  follows: 

"As  it  had  been  a  long  time  since  we  had  been  paid  off,  our  return  to  New 
Bern  from  the  Goldsboro  expedition  found  the  officers  out  of  money.  When 
campaigning  in  the  coiintry  our  needs  were  few,  but  when  living  in  town  our 
epicurean  tastes  were  developed  beyond  the  resources  of  the  commissary  depart- 
ment. Capt.  Mackey  of  Co.  H.  was  the  man  we  looked  up  to  in  such  an  emer- 
gency. He  was  equal  to  the  occasion  and  negotiated  credit  for  us  at  a  grocery  in 
the  town,  and  we  immediately  proceeded  to  live  like  lords.  Our  extra  baggage 
had  been  left  at  Suffolk,  and  we  looked  very  much  like  tramps,  compared  td 
the  elegantly  dressed  troops  who  had  long  been  garrisoning  the  place,  and  who 
'put  on  airs'  over  us,  or  we  thought  they  did.  We  were  not  recognized  as  officers 
if  we  did  not  wear  the  insignia  of  our  rank.  I  went  about  town  one  day  in 
fatigue  suit  without  shoulderstraps.  I  stopped  in  the  sitting  room  of  a  hotel,  but 
was  politely  notified  to  get  out,  as  enlisted  men  were  not  allowed  there.  Luckily 
one  of  our  2d  lieutenants  was  there  with  his  shoulder-straps  in  place,  and  on 
vouching  for  me  I  was  allowed  to  remain  and  drink  at  the  bar.  It  was  an  offense 
to  sell  liquor  to  enlisted  men." 

During  the  next  three  months  the  Regiment  enjoyed  as  easy  and  pleasant  a 
time  as  at  any  period  of  its  nearly  four  years'  service.     Fish  and  oysters  were 


plentiful  and  country  produce  of  all  kinds  could  be  had  at  reasonable  prices.  Ccd. 
Lehmann  returned  and  assumed  command  of  the  Regiment  Feb.  13.  The  officers 
who  were  not  antagonistic  to  him  presented  him  with  an  elegant  sword  as  evidence 
of  their  confidence  and  esteem. 

Camp  routine  was  broken  on  Saturday,  March  7;  the  Regiment  embarking 
on  the  transport  Northerner,  debarking  from  it  on  Monday,  March  9,  near  Swan 
Quarter,  Hyde  Co.,  N.  C.  The  object  of  this  expedition  was  in  the  nature  of 
reprisal  for  the  action  of  a  number  of  citizens  of  this  county  who  had  formed  a 
"home  guard,"  and  in  an  ambuscade  had  killed  several  of  the  3d  New  York  Cav- 
alry the  previous  week  (March  4).  The  expedition  starting  from  Swan  Quarter  on 
March  9,  proceeded  around  Lake  Mattamuskeet,  and  arriving  at  Swan  Quarter 
about  6  p.  m.  on  the  nth,  a  distance  of  52  miles  via  wag'on  road.  The  route 
taken  from  Swan  Quarter  was  to  the  west  of  the  lake,  thus  keeping  the  latter  to 
the  right  during  the  entire  march.  During  this  trip,  from  the  time  the  Regiment 
debarked  until  it  re-embarked  at  the  landing,  a  half-mile  from  Swan  Quarter, 
no  attempt  was  made  to  maintain  discipline.  This  was  due  largely  to  the  influence 
Capt.  Colin  Richardson  of  the  3d  New  York  Cavalry  exerted  over  both  officers 
and  men.  It  was  Capt.  Richardson's  company  (F),  which  had  suffered  in  the 
ambuscade,  and  it  was  at  his  request  that  the  expedition  was  sent  to  Hyde  Co. 
Before  leaving  Swan  Quarter  he  addressed  the  men,  without  any  protest  from 
the  commanding  officer,  and  apparently  with  his  sanction,  in  words  that  would 
encourage  the  men  to  commit  excesses.  Another  reason  for  lack  of  discipline  on 
the  part  of  the  103d  was  the  absence  of  its  field  officers,  the  Regiment  apparently 
being  commanded  by  an  officer  of  another  regiment.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this 
raid  was  the  most  discreditable  affair  in  which  the  103d  Regiment  participated 
during  the  nearly  four  years  of  its  service.  The  caravan  that  entered  Swan 
Quarter  in  the  evening  of  March  11,  1863,  must  have  caused  amusement  even 
to  the  pillaged  citizens,  who  had  an  opportunity  to  view  it  as  it  passed  by.  Such 
a  collection  of  animals  and  vehicles  never  before  (or  since)  marched  in  procession 
on  this  continent.  A  true  description  of  this  multi-farious,  incongruous  collection 
of  quadrapeds  and  conveyances  which  extended  along  the  east  shore  of  Lake 
Mattamuskeet,  by  a  genius  like  Mark  Twain  would  forever  make  Hyde  County  a 
historic  place.  The  citizens  of  Hyde  County,  then,  as  well  as  now,  were  descend- 
ants of  the  first  settlers  of  the  county,  who  located  there  prior  to  and  during  the 
Revolutionary  war,  and  certainly  every  style  of  vehicle  that  had  been  in  vogue  in 
that  part  of  the  country  during  the  i8th  and  19th  centuries  must  have  been 
brought  into  requisition  on  this  raid.  The  caravan  transported  the  bulk  of  what 
had  been  the  contents  of  the  meat  houses  and  cellars  along  the  route,  the  men 
had  traveled.  The  expedition  was  commanded  by  Col.  D.  B.  Morris,  of  the  loist 
Penna.  Regiment,  who  censured  the  103d  in  his  official  report  in  the  following 
terms : 

"I  would  also  call  attention  to  a  lack  of  proper  discipline  among  the  line 
officers  of  the  103d  Regiment  Penna.  Vols.  They  seem  to  have  little  or  no  control 
over  their  commands,  and  lack  energy  to  enforce  proper  discipline.  To  this 
there  are  some  exceptions,  *  *  *  As  an  instance  of  insubordination  in  the  103d 
*  *  *,  while  embarking  on  board  the  Northerner  from  the  steamer  Escort,  the 
officers  and  men,  contrary  to  repeated  orders,  rushed  forward  before  the  boat 
could  be  made  fast  to  such  an  extent  as  to  endanger  life  and  to  render  it  impossible 
for  the  officers  of  the  boat  to  manage  her.  Having  repeated  the  order  for  the 
men  to  remain  in  their  places  and  await  orders,  and  all  to  no  effect,  I  seized  a 
gun  and  fired  down  the  side  of  the  boat  for  the  purpose  of  deterring  the  men, 
but  with  no  intention  of  injuring  anyone.  At  the  moment  of  firing  a  man  rushed 
forward  and  was  slightly  injured."     (O.  R.  Sec.  I,  Vol.  XVHI,  p.  181.) 

As  before  stated  there  was  an  absence  of  discipline  on  this  raid,  but  anyone 
reading  the  above  paragraph  from  the  official  report  of  the  commanding  officer 


of  the  expedition  can  readily  see  where  to  place  the  blame.  At  no  time  during  the 
three  days'  march  around  Lake  Mattamuskeet  did  Col.  Morris  make  any  protest 
to  the  officers  of  the  Regiment  as  to  the  conduct  of  the  troops.  There  is  no  doubt 
the  words  of  censure  are  due  to  the  shooting  episode  on  board  the  boat,  to  which 
he  refers,  to  show  the  spirit  of  insubordination  that  prevailed  in  the  ranks  of  the 
103d.  But  this  very  episode  as  told  by  himself  is  self-condemnatory,  and  shows 
very  clearly  that  the  lack  of  discipline  was  due  to  the  commanding  officer.  The 
steamer  Northerner  was  a  heavy  draught  vessel  and  the  Escort  was  used  as  a 
lighter,  transporting  the  troops  from  the  shore  to  the  Northerner.  After  most 
of  the  troops  had  boarded  the  latter,  the  tendency  was  for  most  of  the  men  to 
move  to  the  side  of  the  vessel  where  the  Escort  brought  its  load.  This  caused 
the  Northerner  to  roll  to  the  side  next  the  lighter.  The  captain  of  the  Northerner 
ordered  the  men  back,  but  as  they  were  slow  to  respond  to  his  order,  he  made 
an  appeal  to  Col.  Morris  who  came  hurriedly  out  of  the  cabin  and  ordered  the 
men  to  the  other  side  of  the  vessel.  The  men  obeyed,  but  as  soon  as  the  lighter 
returned  with  another  load  there  was  a  repetition  of  the  offense,  many  of  the  men 
not  being  present  at  the  former  time.  It  was  then  that  Col.  Morris  rushed  out 
of  the  cabin,  snatched  a  gun  from  the  hands  of  an  enlisted  man,  accidentally  firing 
it,  the  shot  taking  effect  on  Private  Isaac  Shakely,  of  Co.  B.,  who  is  still  living  at 
this  writing,  the  proprietor  of  a  blacksmith  shop  at  Emlenton,  Penna.  Had.  Col. 
Morris  detailed  a  guard,  which  was  the  proper  thing  to  do,  there  would  have 
been  no  difficulty  in  preserving  order.  The  writer  witnessed  the  entire  episode 
and  would  have  regarded  the  matter  too  trivial  for  notice  had  the  colonel's  peculiar 
account  of  it  not  appeared  in  his  official  report.  In  fact,  the  "unpleasantness" 
was  due  to  the  fine  vintage  of  Hyde  County,  free  to  both  officers  and  men  "with- 
out money  and  without  price."  Capt.  Donaghy's  account  of  this  raid  will  be  of 
interest  to  the  survivors  who  participated  in  it.    He  says : 

"My  company  was  detailed  as  a  support  to  the  artillery,  which  consisted  of 
two  howitzers  from  the  gunboat  Morris,  and  was  drawn  by  sailors.  They  were 
soon  relieved  from  that  service  by  negroes  who  fell  in  with  the  column  as  we 
marched  along.  *  *  *  Co.  A  *  *  *  Commanded  by  Capt.  Alexander,  was  in 
the  advance,  acting  as  skirmishers.  We  stepped  out  briskly,  leaving  the  main 
body  considerably  behind,  but  reaching  a  point  where  the  roads  crossed  we  halted 
until  those  behind  closed  upon  us.  We  improved  the  opportunity  to  fill  up, 
reinforcing  our  rations  with  eggs,  honey,  etc.,  which  I  do  not  remember  to  have 
seen  paid  for.  The  whole  force  halted  for  dinner.  The  afternoon's  march  closed 
with  our  joining  another  detachment  of  our  force  that  had  marched  by  another 
road.  Capt.  Alexander  and  I  slept  that  night  on  a  farm  house  floor.  A  guerrilla 
was  captured  in  the  night  by  the  pickets.  I  do  not  know  what  was  done  with 
him,  but  I  recall  a  story  that  was  told  me  by  one  of  the  cavalry  after  our  return 
to  New  Bern.  On  the  steamer  that  took  the  cavalry  to  New  Bern,  was  a  prisoner 
— one  of  the  hated  guerrillas,  who  lay  bound  hand  and  foot,  on  the  lower  deck. 
At  night  when  the  boat  was  steaming  along  the  sound  the  poor  fellow  was 
deliberately  pushed  overboard  by  a  cavalryman.  I  was  horrified  at  the  story,  and 
ashamed  to  think  that  a  Union  soldier  would  do  such  a  deed,  but  it  was  claimed 
that  a  guerrilla  had  no  rights  as  a  soldier.  We  resumed  our  march  at  daylight. 
After  we  had  gone  some  miles  I  was  ordered  with  my  company  to  act  as  convoy 
to  North  Carolinians  who  were  enlisted  in  the  Union  service  and  who  desired  to 
come  within  the  lines.  I  marched  two  and  a  half  miles  from  the  route  of  the 
main  column,  and  as  I  would  have  to  return  by  the  same  road,  I  did  not  want  to 
leave  men  enough  by  the  way  to  organize  a  force  against  me;  so  I  took  into 
custody  every  man,  we  found,  about  a  dozen  in  all.  One  was  a  rebel  lieutenant 
with  his  arm  in  a  sling.  The  others  seemed  like  honest  farmers,  but  I  would 
not  trust  to  appearances.  We  searched  several  houses  on  the  way,  looking  for 
men.    At  one  small  house  the  soldiers  were  stopped  at  the  door  with  the  word 


that  a  woman  in  labor  was  within.  I  thought  it  might  be  a  ruse  to  conceal  some 
guerrillas,  so  I  entered  the  house,  and  one  glance  within  convinced  me  that  the 
fair  door  guardian  had  told  the  truth,  so  with  an  apology  for  the  intrusion  X 
withdrew.  We  reached  the  residence  of  the  people  we  were  to  move,  and  their 
household  effects  were  loaded  into  a  rickety  cart  with  a  sorry  specimen  of  a 
horse  to  haul  it.  When  we  were  about  to  start  on  our  return  a  little  boy  of  five 
or  six  years  of  age  stood  by  weeping  bitterly  because  he  was  being  left  behind. 
He  was  an  orphan  who  had  been  living  with  the  folks  we  were  taking  away, 
and  they  did  not  wish  to  take  him  along.  None  of  the  citizens  present  were( 
willing  to  care  for  the  child,  so  I  put  him  into  the  cart  and  ordered  that  he  be 
taken  along.  The  grateful  look  of  the  little  fellow  as  he  dried  his  tears  was  my 
reward.  I  next  assembled  my  prisoners  and  asked  them  if  they  were  willing  to 
swear  allegiance  to  the  United  States  if  I  would  set  them  free.  I  made  an, 
exception  in  the  case  of  the  rebel  officer  who  had  been  paroled  by  a  Union  com- 
mander. The  citizens  answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  I  caused  them  to  hold  up 
their  right  hands  while  I  improvised  an  oath  of  allegiance,  to  which  they  all 
assented.  It  dawned  on  me  as  I  proceeded  that  this  was  something  of  a  farce. 
One  of  the  party  said  he  had  sworn  several  times  already.  They  seemed  glad 
to  get  their  liberty,  and  we  started  on  our  return.  Our  march  was  much  ob- 
structed by  the  cart,  that  thumped  and  plunged  over  the  inequalities  of  the 
unkempt  road  and  stuck  in  the  mud.  The  harness  was  rotten,  and  frequently 
halts  were  made  to  mend  the  breaks.  Finally  the  old  horse  gave  out  and  could 
go  no  farther.  Luckily,  one  of  our  boys  had  captured  a  horse  and  that  was) 
substituted.  The  locality  was  favorable  for  foraging,  but  not  wishing  to  let  the 
men  stray  off,  I  ordered  a  halt  and  detailed  several  of  them  to  forage  for  all. 
They  went  out  and  returned  with  an  ample  supply  of  poultry  and  other  stuff, 
and  with  great  foresight,  they  brought  also  two  large  iron  kettles  to  do  the 
cooking  in.  Plundering  seemed  to  have  been  extensively  indulged  in  by  the  main 
force  ahead  of  us,  to  judge  from  the  debris  we  saw  in  the  road  as  we  followed 
after.  Books,  papers,  wearing  apparel  and  household  articles  were  strewn  about. 
We  passed  by  the  burning  ruins  of  a  family  mansion,  which  we  were  told  after- 
wards, had  belonged  to  the  captain  of  the  guerrillas.  From  the  devastation  that 
was  done  I  would  not  have  wandered  if  a  party  of  bushwhackers  had  assembled 
to  waylay  my  little  party,  and  try  to  wreak  vengeance  on  it,  so  I  kept  my  mefl 
prepared  for  such  an  emergency,  but  we  were  not  molested.  Before  dark  we 
came  to  the  camp  of  the  main  body,  and  were  pretty  well  used  up  by  a  march  of 
about  35  miles  during  the  day.  The  largest,  and  as  good  a  chicken  stew  as  I 
ever  saw  was  made  that  evening  in  the  captured  kettles.  Our  march  was  on  a  road 
that  encircled  Lake  Mattamuskeet,  a  body  of  water  15  miles  long  and  6  wide;  and 
looking  to  the  right  as  we  marched  we  had  occasional  glimpses  of  its  smooth 
surface,  on  which  glided  a  few  graceful  swans.  They  were  the  only  living  beings 
we  could  see  upon  it.  On  the  third  day  we  completed  its  circuit  and  turned^ 
again  towards  the  sound.  We  had  started  on  this  raid  as  foot  soldiers,  but  by 
this  time  a  majority  of  our  force  was  riding,  mounted  upon  horses,  mules, 
donkeys,  oxen,  and  even  cows,  or  were  drawn  by  them  in  vehicles  of  various  kinds, 
with  the  family  carriage  with  some  pretensions  to  style  to  the  home-made  wagons 
with  wheels  constructed  of  boards  nailed  together  crosswise.  It  was  a  grotesque 
and  comical  procession,  and  it  amused  me  greatly,  but  there  was  such  a  lack  ,of 
order  and  discipline,  that  from  another  view  of  it  I  was  disgusted.  The  command 
was  in  a  condition  to  be  annihilated  if  attacked  suddenly  by  an  organized  force 
of  one-quarter  the  size  of  ours,  but  I  'did  as  the  Romans  did,'  and  rode  part  of 
the  time  myself  on  a  horse  belonging  to  the  commissary.  Once  I  mounted  a 
diminutive  donkey  and  rode  along  with  my  feet  dangling  close  to  the  ground. 
The  animal  went  along  nicely  for  awhile,  but  becoming  tired  of  my  >.ompany, 
he  suddenly  rushed  under  a  wagon  and  scraped  me  off  his  back.    When  we  halted 

wy^^  n 

'■•■  .■■-^^*%. 

I  Ui  I 

■  ^ 


1       y      .       ^ 



Reading  from  left  to  right:  Capt.  Tliomas  A.  Cocliran,  Co.  C;  Private  Isaac  StifCy,  Co.  C; 
Private  William  H.  Shaffer,  Co.  C;  Corp.  Geo.  W.  Pifer,  Co.  C;  Sergt.  John  A.  Gwinn,  Co.  C; 
Lieut.  Baptist  H.  Scott,  Co.  C;  Corp.  Luther  S.  Dickey,  Co.  C;  Sergt.  Samuel  M.  Evans,  Co.  C; 
Private  Phillip  Faust,  Co.  H;  Musician  John  J.  Ashbaugh,  Co.  H;  Private  Peter  Klingler,  Co. 
H;  Corp.  Samuel  McCoy.  Co.  H;  Private  Samuel  C.  Burkholder.  Co.  H;  Sergt.  Samuel  Rupert, 
Co  H;  Private  Sebastian  Niederriter.  Co.  H;  Sergt.  John  Walters,  Co.  H;  Private  Joseph  R. 
Landis,  Co.  H;   Sergt.  Jacob  Rupert,  Co.  H. 


for  dinner  that  day  some  of  my  boys  found  a  roast  of  beef  just  prepared  at  a 
farm  house  and  carried  it  away,  and  as  a  faithful  chronicler,  I  must  confess  that 
I  partook  of  it.  We  arrived  at  Swan  Quarter  in  the  evening,  and  bivouacked  in 
the  town.  Capt.  Alexander,  as  usual,  found  a  good  place  for  him  and  myself 
and  some  othei:  officers.  It  was  at  a  tavern  kept  by  a  Mrs.  Lewis,  and  we  slept 
on  feather  beds  which  she  was  kind  enough  to  spread  on  the  dining  floor  iot 
us,  apologizing  at  the  same  time  that  officers  should  have  to  sleep  on  beds  without 
sheets.  The  troops  remained  in  that  town  all  of  the  next  day,  and  on  Friday 
re-embarked  to  return  to  New  Bern." 

This  description  by  Capt.  Donaghy,  one  of  the  strictest  disciplinarians  of  the 
103d,  is  evidence  of  the  "mad  riot"  which  prevailed  on  this  raid,  which,  perhaps, 
in  the  entire  annals  of  the  war,  had  no  counterpart.  The  Regiment  embarked 
on  the  13th  and  returning  reached  New  Bern  that  afternoon.  During  the  day, 
while  approaching  the  Neuse  river,  heavy  cannonading  could  be  heard  which 
proved  to  be  an  attack  on  Fort  Anderson,  situated  on  the  north  bank  of  the 
Neuse,  opposite  New  Bern,  by  the  Confederates,  this  being  the  first  anniversary 
of  the  capture  of  New  Bern  by  Gen.  Burnside.  However,  by  the  time  the  Regi- 
ment debarked  the  enemy  had  disappeared. 


New  Bern — Spinola  Expedition — Reconnoissance  to  Washington,  A^.  C. 

(From  March  13,  1863,  to  May  2,  1863.) 

Sunday  afternoon,  April  5,  1863,  the  Regiment  was  hurriedly  prepared  for 
a  march  and  rushed  off  to  Foster's  Wharf,  New  Bern,  boarded  a  schooner,  and 
after  remaining  there  an  hour,  debarked  and  returned  to  the  barrack.  The  next 
morning  the  Regiment  was  reviewed  by  Gen.  I.  N.  Palmer,  who  was  in  command 
of  the  forces  at  New  Bern  in  the  absence  of  Gen.  Foster,  then  at  Washington, 
N.  C,  with  the  garrison  besieged  by  the  troops  of  Gen.  D.  H.  Hill.  Orders  were 
given  the  men  early  in  the  morning  of  April  7  to  be  ready  to  march  at  a  moment's 
notice.  About  the  middle  of  the  afternoon  the  Regiment  again  marched  to 
Foster's  Wharf,  crossed  the  Neuse  river,  and  after  marching  a  mile,  went  into 
bivouac,  remaining  at  this  place  until  three  o'clock  the  next  day.  During  the 
afternoon  and  night  of  April  8,  an  advance  of  14  miles  towards  the  besieged  gar- 
rison of  Washington,  was  made,  the  Regiment  going  into  bivouac  about  10 
o'clock  p.  m.  By  seven  o'clock  the  next  morning  the  entire  force  was  moving 
rapidly  in  the  direction  of  the  beleaguered  town,  and  after  covering  13  miles  was 
suddenly  brought  to  a  halt  as  the  advance  had  found  the  enemy  heavily  intrenched 
on  the  opposite  side  of  a  narrow  stream  called  Blounts  Creek.  A  dense  woods 
between  the  creek  and  the  road,  on  which  the  103d  Regiment  had  halted,  hid  the 
enemy  from  view  although  the  right  of  the  Regiment  must  have  been  within 
100  yards  of  the  enemy's  earthworks.  As  the  advance  approached  the  creek 
where  it  was  intersected  by  the  road  the  enemy  opened  fire  with  both  musketry 
and  artillery.  Six  gims  were  unlimbered  and  opened  on  the  enemy  at  close 
range,  at  such  a  short  distance  that  grape  and  canister  was  used  instead  of 
shells.  The  Federal  battery  having  no  protection  whatever,  maintained  its  posi- 
tion under  a  galling  fire,  for  more  than  an  hour  when  it  retired.  In  a  feW( 
minutes  the  troops,  comprising  Wessells'  brigade,  followed,  moving  by  the  left 
flank.  For  a  time  the  men  supposed  a  flank  movement  was  being  made,  but  it 
soon  dawned  upon  them  that  the  entire  command  was  making  a  hurried  retreat, 
no  halt  being  made  until  ten  miles  had  been  covered.  Early  the  next  morning, 
March  10,  the  head  of  the  column  started  toward  New  Bern,  the  103d  not  moving 
until  about  8  o'clock.  About  2  o'clock  p.  m.  the  Regiment  came  to  a  halt  about  a 
mile  from  the  Neuse  river,  opposite  New  Bern,  and  formed  in  line  of  battle, 


maintaining  this  position  until  the  entire  force  had  recrossed  the  river,  when 
it  followed,  reaching  the  wharf  at  New  Bern  about  2  o'clock  a.  m.,  April.  11. 
This  expedition  was  always  spoken  of  by  the  boys  as  "Spinolas  Fiasco,"  the 
expedition  being  commanded  by  Brig.  Gen.  F.  B.  Spinola,  who  was  regarded  as 
a  political  general,  without  military  knowledge.  Gen.  Wessells  was  absent,  and 
Gen.  Palmer  seemed  to  think  it  was  his  duty  to  remain  at  New  Bern,  so  the 
expedition  was  entrusted  to  Gen.  Spinola,  although  assumed  by  him  with  diffidence 
and  misgiving,  and  the  hasty  retreat  was  no  doubt  due  to  his  realization  that  he 
was  utterly  incompetent  to  contend  against  such  a  masterly  military  genius  as 
Gen.  D.  H.  Hill.  Perhaps  he  deserves  praise  rather  than  censure  for  so  deciding. 
In  the  judgment  of  the  writer,  he  showed  wisdom  in  retiring,  not  because  of  an 
inadequate  force,  but  because  of  his  lack  of  military  science.  Gen.  Prince,  his 
senior  in  rank,  a  graduate  of  the  U.  S.  Military  Academy,  with  a  quarter  of  a 
century's  experience  as  a  soldier,  predicted  the  failure  of  the  expedition  to  Gen. 
Spinola,  and  was  averse  to  taking  command  of  the  forces.  In  his  official  report, 
Gen.  Spinola  says : 

"Gen.  Prince,  at  this  interview,  also  invited  me  to  volunteer  to  take  thei 
command  of  the  expedition,  which  I  declined,  in  the  most  positive  and  unmistak- 
able language.  I  was  entirely  willing  to  take  my  chance  with  the  others  of  either 
falling  upon  the  field  or  being  taken  prisoner,  but  my  own  good  sense  promptly  told 
me  that  the  size  of  the  expedition  and  the  importance  of  its  trust  forbade  one  of 
my  limited  military  experience  from  assuming  its  command,  except  under  positive 
orders  from  my  superior  officers,  and  then,  in  obedience  to  a  willing  heart,  I  could 
only  promise  to  do  the  best  I  could  to  accomplish  the  object  of  the  expedition. 
At  about  10  a.  m.  on  April  8,  a  messenger  called  at  my  room  and  told  me  that 
Gen.  Palmer  desired  to  see  me  at  once.  I  immediately  proceeded  to  his  head- 
quarters, when  he  informed  me  that  the  command  of  the  expedition  would  fall 
upon  me.  This  was  the  first  intimation  I  had  received  that  this  important  trust 
would  be  placed  under  my  charge.  I  expressed  my  astonishment  at  it,  and 
told  Gen.  Palmer  that  I  could  not  assume  the  command  unless  I  received  a  written 
order  to  that  effect." 

This  certainly  puts  Gen.  Spinola  in  a  more  favorable  light,  and  the  fact  that 
he  did  not  attempt  to  dislodge  the  enemy,  and  sacrifice  the  lives  of  his  men,  when 
he  lacked  confidence  in  his  own  ability,  is  very  much  to  his  credit.  Gen.  Spinola 
recruited  the  "Empire  Brigade"  in  the  fall  of  1862,  and  was  commissioned 
brigadier-general  of  the  U.  S.  Volunteers  in  recognition  of  his  services.  His 
brigade  in  the  spring  of  1863  at  New  Bern  was  composed  mostly  of  Pennsylvania 
troops:  the  158th,  171st  and  175th  Regiments,  and  the  is8th  New  York. 

At  4  p.  m.,  April  17,  the  Regiment  again  left  the  barrack  for  Foster's  Wharf, 
crossed  the  Neuse  river  and  went  into  bivouac,  until  7  o'clock  the  next  morning, 
when  it  started  at  a  rapid  pace  over  the  old  road,  and  continued  with  one  brief 
halt,  until  it  reached  Blount's  Creek,  to  find  the  Confederate  force  gone. 
Bivouacking  for  the  night  on  grounds  previously  occupied  by  the  enemy,  at  5 
o'clock  the  next  morning,  April  19,  the  brigade  moved  on  toward  Washington, 
bivouacking  along  the  New  Bern  and  Washington  road,  about  three  miles  from 
the  latter  place. 

On  April  21,  the  Regiment  entered  Washington,  bivouacking  on  some  vacant 
lots  in  the  town  until  early  the  next  morning,  when  it  relieved  the  44th  Massa- 
chusetts, which  had  held  possession  of  the  main  breastworks  during  the  siege 
by  the  enemy.  Remaining  in  this  position,  in  bivouack,  in  rear  of  the  breast- 
works, until  Saturday,  April  25,  at  5  a.  m.,  the  Regiment  boarded  the  steamer 
Escort,  which  arrived  at  New  Bern  about  5  p.  m.  Saturday.  Next  day,  Sunday, 
after  inspection,  the  men  signed  the  pay  roll,  and  at  i  p.  m.  the  paymaster  dis- 
bursed "greenbacks"  to  the  boys.  This  trip  to  Washington  practically  ended  the 
Regiment's  reconnoissances  and  expeditions  from  New  Bern,  and  with  the  excep- 


The  above  map  embraces  nearly  all  the  points  Wessells  brigade  covered  in  reconnoissancea 
during  the  last  three  years  of  the  war.  With  but  two  or  three  exceptions  every  town  indicated 
on  this  map  was  visited  by  detachments  from  Gen.  Wessells  command.  It  is  reproduced  here 
by  courtesy  of  the  Century  Company. 


tion  of  inspection,  camp  guard,  and  regimental  drill,  the  men  had  nothing  to 
do  during  the  remainder  of  their  sojourn  at  this  quiet  town. 


From  New  Bern  to  Plymouth — Reconnoissances  to  Jamesville,  William- 
STON,  Edenton  Windsor,  etc. 

(From  May  2,  1863,  to  January  31,  1864.) 

The  Regiment  left  the  barracks  at  New  Bern,  Saturday,  May  2,  1863,  and 
shortly  after  noon  embarked  on  the  steamer  Thomas  Collyer,  bound  for  Plymouth, 
N.  C,  where  it  arrived  the  next  day  (Sunday,  May  3)  at  noon,  bivouacking  at  the 
southern  border  of  the  town  near  the  Lee's  Mills  road.  Under  date  of  Sunday, 
May  3,  1863,  in  a  diary  before  the  writer  the  following  notation  was  made :  "Evi- 
dently Plymouth  has  been  a  delightful  place,  but  is  now  chiefly  ruins,  no  doubt  the 
result  of  the  war."  The  following  day  tents  were  issued  and  the  men  went  to  work 
with  vim  pitching  them.  They  were  A  tents,  large  enough  to  comfortably  ac- 
commodate four  men.  The  camp  was  pitched  in  rear  of  unfinished  breastworks 
bordering  the  southern  limits  of  the  town  about  a  fourth  of  a  mile  from  the 
Roanoke  river.  In  the  center  of  the  intrenchment  was  a  heavy  earthwork  called 
Fort  Williams  which  was  garrisoned  by  Co.  A.  The  Regimental  camp  extended 
from  near  the  main  wagon  road  that  entered  the  town  from  the  southwest  known 
as  the  Washington  road,  parallel  with  the  intrenchments,  some  distance  west  of  the 
Lee's  Mills  road.  As  soon  as  tents  were  pitched  and  the  camp  put  in  order  large 
details  were  put  to  work  to  complete  the  breastworks,  and  slash  timber,  a  half  mile 
beyond,  into  abatis.  The  breastworks  in  front  of  the  Regiment  were  completed 
on  May  19.  The  following  Sunday,  May  24,  Maj.  Gen.  Foster,  commanding  the 
Dept.  of  North  Carolina,  arrived  at  Plymouth  and  reviewed  the  troops  and  in- 
spected the  fortifications.  From  Plymouth  Gen.  Foster  went  to  Edenton,  accom- 
panied by  Gen.  Wessells,  a  detail  of  50  men  from  the  103d  under  command  of 
Capt.  John  Donaghy  and  Lieut.  D.  M.  Spence,  acting  as  an  escort.  The  party  left 
Plymouth  on  the  steamer  Thomas  Farran,  and  after  a  stop  of  two  hours  at  Eden- 
ton Gen.  Foster  returned  to  New  Bern  on  the  Thomas  Farran,  and  Gen.  Wessells 
and  escort  returned  to  Plymouth  on  board  the  steamer  Massasoit.  Gen.  Wessells 
again  visited  Edenton  on  Saturday,  May  30,  with  an  escort  from  the  Regiment,  the 
party  arriving  there  at  noon  and  taking  their  departure  at  3  P.  M.  Nothing  to 
disturb  the  monotony  of  camp  life  occurred  until  June  12  when  a  party  of  Con- 
federates consisting  of  three  officers  and  seven  enlisted  men  approached  the  picket 
line  bearing  a  flag  of  truce.  They  bore  a  communication  for  Gen.  Wessells  which 
was  sent  to  the  General  the  party  awaiting  a  reply,  which,  they  received,  without 
much  delay  and  then  took  their  departure.  This  being  rather  an  unusual  incident 
was  a  topic  for  discussion,  but  the  purport  of  the  visit  was  never  disclosed  to  the 
enlisted  men.  Picket  duty  was  enlivened  by  frequent  raids  of  the  enemy.  On 
June  26  Lieut.  Scammon,  who  was  officer  of  the  picket,  and  two  cavalry  videttes 
were  captured.  On  June  22  fourteen  deserters  surrendered  to  the  pickets,  some  of 
whom  immediately  enlisted  in  the  ist  North  Carolina  (Federal)  Regiment.  June 
27,  1863,  Co.  F  left  for  Roanoke  Island,  Capt.  Donaghy  receiving  orders  from  the 
district  commander  to  assume  command  of  the  post  there.  From  that  date  until 
Jan.  3,  1864,  Co.  F  was  detached  from  the  Regiment.  It  was  then  relieved  by  Co. 
C,  and  returned  to  Plymouth.  July  3,  the  enemy  made  an  attack  on  the  picket  line 
fatally  wounding  a  cavalry  vidette  and  taking  one  prisoner.  The  Fourth  of  July 
was  celebrated  by  the  Regiment  by  the  reading  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  a  patriotic  speech  by  Maj.  Gazzam.  At  dress  parade  the  following  day,  (July 
S)  Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell  notified  the  men  to  be  ready  to  move  at  7:30  P.  M.,  at 
which  time  the  Regiment  marched  to  the  river  and  boarded  the  gunboats  South- 
field  and  Commodore  Perry;  Companies  A,  D,  I,  C  and  H  embarking  on  the 


former  and  K,  E,  G  and  B  on  the  Commodore  Perry.  Two  other  gunboats,  the 
Whitehead  and  Valley  City,  accompanied  the  expedition,  the  naval  squadron  be- 
ing commanded  by  Lieut.  Com.  C.  W.  Flusser.  The  mihtary  force  was  under  the 
command  of  Col.  D.  B.  Morris  of  the  loist  Penna.  Regiment,  and  his  regiment 
was  also  aboard  the  gunboats.  Col.  Lehmann,  who  was  then  commanding  the 
brigade,  left  Plymouth  the  same  evening  with  a  land  force  co-operating  with  the 
water  expedition.  The  Roanoke  river  being  very  high,  the  current  was  unusually 
swift,  and  the  narrowness  of  the  channel  and  tiie  protruding  branches  from  the 
trees  which  lined  its  banks  on  either  side  made  progress  up  the  river  quite  diffi- 
cult and  slow ;  especially  so  for  the  SouthAeld.  Towards  evening  the  fleet  arrived 
at  Williamston,  28  miles  above  Plymouth,  the  SouthHeld,  however,  not  arriving 
until  7:30  P.  M.  When  the  first  vessels  arrived  at  the  town  several  shots  were 
fired,  and  then  Maj.  Gazzam,  and  Capt.  Fumiss  of  the  Valley  City,  bearing  a  flag 
of  truce  entered  the  town  and  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  place,  stipulating 
Jhat  the  Confederate  troops  evacuate  it  within  one  hour.  This  demand  being  re- 
fused, on  the  return  of  the  officers,  the  town  was  shelled  quite  briskly  for  two  or 
three  hours,  after  which  a  desultory  fire  was  continued  until  morning.  Immediate- 
ly after  the  break  of  day  the  Regiment  and  the  loist,  debarked  and  deploying 
entered  the  town,  passing  a  half  mile  beyond  where  the  enemy  was  found  to  be  in 
force.  Being  beyond  the  range  of  the  gunboats,  Col.  Morris  deemed  discretion 
the  better  part  of  valor,  and  did  not  further  molest  the  enemy.  Within  a  couple 
of  hours  after  entering  Williamston,  the  Federal  troops  were  re-embarldng  on  the 
gunboats  and  returned  to  Plymouth. 

The  land  force  under  the  immediate  command  of  Col.  Lehmann,  consisting 
of  detachments  from  the  85th  and  96th  New  York  Regiments,  with  some  cavalry 
and  a  section  of  artillery,  came  in  contact  with  the  enemy's  pickets  at  Gardner's 
Bridge,  about  6  A.  M.,  July  6,  and  after  reconnoitering  the  enemy's  position  the 
artillery  shelled  the  enemy,  expecting  the  force  under  Col.  Morris  to  attack  them 
in  the  rear.  Hearing  nothing  from  the  latter,  Col.  Lehmann  retired  with  his 
force,  returning  to  Plymouth  about  9  P.  M.  However,  he  was  ordered  to  re- 
turn, and  again  started  with  the  same  force  at  7  A.  M.  on  June  7.  When  he 
reached  Jamesville  where  he  had  been  directed  to  halt  until  he  had  ascertained  the 
position  of  Col.  Morris  and  the  naval  force,  he  remained  quiescent  with  his  force 
until  he  learned  the  gunboats  were  returning,  when  he  advanced  with  his  force  to 
the  position  occupied  by  the  enemy  on  the  previous  day,  to  find  it  abandoned,  the 
enemy  evidently  having  fallen  back  to  Williamston  to  unite  with  the  forces  there. 
After  destroying  the  bridge,  Col.  Lehmann  returned  to  Plymouth  with  his  entire 
force,  reaching  camp  again  about  9  P.  M. 

This  expedition  was  expected  to  hem  in  the  enemy  between  Williamston  and 
Jamesville,  but  the  slow  movement  of  the  gunboats  and  the  timidity  of  both  com- 
manding officers  of  the  land  forces  made  this  impossible.  However,  the  main 
object  of  the  expedition  was  accomplished.  A  cavalry  expedition  was  to  leave 
New  Bern  at  this  time  to  destroy  the  railroad  track  on  the  Weldon  Railroad.  A 
movement  from  Plymouth  was  liable  to  disconcert  the  enemy,  and  divert  forces 
that  would  otherwise  be  concentrated  on  the  cavalry  force. 

Frequent  similar  raids  were  made  from  time  to  time  from  Plymouth  during 
the  time  the  place  was  garrisoned  by  Gen.  Wessells'  command.  A  cavalry  move- 
ment against  the  Weldon  and  Wilmington  Railroad  was  made  again  during  the 
last  week  of  July  and  the  garrison  of  Plymouth  was  again  used  to  divert  the 
enemy.  The  entire  effective  force  of  the  First  Brigade  under  the  command  of 
Col.  Lehmann,  left  Plymouth  Sunday  forenoon,  July  25,  bivouacking  at  Jamesville 
Sunday  night.  This  expedition  advanced  several  miles  beyond  the  former  one 
and  thoroughly  alarmed  the  country  by  numerous  cavalry  dashes  in  different  di- 
rections and  frequent  use  of  the  two  sections  of  the  battery  of  artillery  that  ac- 
companied it.    This  expedition  returned  to  Plymouth,  through  a  furious  rain  and 


thunderstorm,  second  only  to  the  great  storm  preceding  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  on 
May  30,  1862,  reaching  camp  after  dark,  Tuesday,  July  28. 

The  following  morning,  July  29,  Gen.  Wessells  took  a  small  force  of  in- 
fantry aboard  the  steamer  Massasoit  and  entered  Williamston  again  very  quietly. 
As  the  steamer  neared  Williamston  orders  were  given  to  approach  the  town 
quietly ;  the  speed  was  slackened  in  order  to  reduce  the  noise  made  by  the  engines, 
and  when  within  a  half  or  three-fourths  of  a  mile  below  the  town,  the  steamer 
landed  on  the  right  bank,  where  a  field  of  corn,  which  extended  to  within  a  few 
feet  of  the  river,  concealed  it  entirely  from  view.  The  troops  were  debarked  rap- 
idly but  quietly,  and  deployed  as  skirmishers  and  advanced  quickly  on  the  town, 
Gen.  Wessells  himself  giving  personal  direction  to  the  matter,  although  the  entire 
command  did  not  exceed  three  or  four  hundred  men.  In  fact,  he  was  among 
the  very  first  to  debark,  and  cautioning  the  men  to  keep  quiet,  assisted  in  align- 
ing them  as  they  came  off  the  boat.  The  force  proceeded  to  advance  swiftly  on 
the  town,  the  men  keeping  the  deployed  distance  as  nearly  as  possible,  climbing 
fences,  passing  through  yards.  It  was  here  the  writer  made  his  only  exclusive 
capture,  during  his  war  experience.  Just  as  he  had  succeeded  in  climbing  a  high 
fence  and  dropping  into  a  back  yard,  a  youth  of  fourteen  or  fifteen,  came  run- 
ning from  the  house  in  front,  evidently  with  the  intent  of  secluding  himself  in  one 
of  the  outhouses  in  the  rear.  He  obeyed  the  command  to  halt,  and  was  marched 
out  and  turned  over  to  an  officer  in  the  street,  when  the  writer  returned  to  his 
position  in  the  line.  What  became  of  the  boy,  or  what  explanation  he  made  never 
came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  writer,  as  this  entire  movement  through  the  town 
was  made  with  great  celerity,  and  the  skirmish  line  passed  on  through  and  beyond 
the  town,  and  formed  a  picket  line  until  late  in  the  afternoon ;  when  the  men  were 
hurried  from  the  picket  line  to  the  boat,  and  were  soon  passing  down  the  Roan- 
oke river,  reaching  Plymouth,  two  or  three  hours  after  dark. 

During  one  of  the  early  expeditions  to  Elizabeth  City,  N.  C,  a  "wild  cat" 
bank  there  was  raided  by  the  sailors.  A  large  quantity  of  bank-notes,  both  signed 
and  unsigned,  were  confiscated  by  the  sailors  and  lavishly  distributed  to  the  sol- 
diers. These  notes  were  finely  executed  both  in  design  and  engraving.  It  was 
an  easy  matter  to  palm  them  off  on  the  illiterate,  white  and'  black,  in  districts 
first  invaded  by  the  Federal  troops.  The  garrison  at  Plymouth,  for  a  time,  found 
foraging  made  easier  by  using  this  spurious  money.  The  parties  robbed  would 
catch  their  chickens  for  the  "Yanks,"  while  the  latter  stood  quietly  by.  It  is 
needless  to  say  that  the  second  visit  to  a  place  found  no  one  willing  to  accept 
these  new  crisp  bills  in  payment,  and  then  downright  foraging  was  resorted  to. 
It  is  true,  strict  orders  were  issued  against  foraging,  as  most  of  the  citizens  pil- 
laged had  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance,  but  very  few  of  the  officers  enforced  it, 
the  enlistment  men  being  careful  not  to  be  seen  by  an  officer  committing  an  overt 
act.  Scarcely  an  expedition  returning  to  Plymouth,  but  what  brought  a  bounti- 
ful, supply  of  country  produce  from  the  district  visited. 

Scarcely  a  week  went  by  while  the  Regiment  was  stationed  at  Plymouth 
that  the  Regiment,  or  detachments  from  it,  did  not  participate  in  one  or  more 
expeditions.  When  cavalry  scouting  parties  would  go  out,  they  were  usually 
supported  'by  the  infantry,  the  latter  guarding  cross  roads,  to  prevent  the  enemy 
from  cutting  off  a  retreat.  The  waters  tributary  to  the  Albermarle  Sound  were 
constantly  invaded  and  a  constant  draft  was  made  on  the  Plymouth  garrison  to 
accompany  naval  expeditions.  However,  volunteers  for  such  service  were  so 
numerous  that  no  one  need  go  unless  so  disposed.  The  swamps  that  surrounded 
Plymouth  caused  a  malarial  effiuvium  that  played  havoc  with  the  troops.  He  had 
a  rare  constitution  who  did  not  suffer  with  chills  and  fever  among  the  enlisted 
men.  A  large  percentage  of  the  garrison  was  required  to  cover  the  picket  line, 
and  so  depleted  were  the  ranks  for  men  effective  for  duty,  during  the  latter  sum- 
mer days  of  1863,  that  those  not  excused  from  duty  were  almost  constantly  on 


camp  or  picket  guard.    It  was  a  frequent  occurrence  for  men  who  did  not  wish 
to  be  excused  from  duty  to  topple  over  at  guard  mount,  or  to  become  "flighty" 
while  on  picket  or  camp  guard.    On  Aug.  ii,  a  negro  regiment  (ist  D.  C.)  ar- 
rived, and  became  for  sometime,  a  part  of  the  garrison.    While  it  remained  the 
pickets  were  detailed  from  it  every  third  day.     The  "colored  brethren"  were 
very  alert  while  on  duty,  and  took  no  chances  on  letting  the  enemy  go  by.    If 
they  heard  any  suspicious  noise  they  would  immediately  fire,  and  most  every 
night  that  it  came  their  turn  for  duty,  shots  were  fired  quite  frequently.    On  one 
occasion  the  cavalry  videttes  reported  that  some  Confederates  had  been  seen  enter- 
ing the  woods  in  advance  of  the  picket  line  between  the  Lee's  Mills  and  Wash- 
ington roads.    Lieut.  Kiester  was  hurriedly  sent  out  with  a  squad  of  twenty  men 
from  the  Regiment.     This  small  force,  widely  deployed,  thoroughly  scoured  all 
the  woods  for  a  mile  in  advance  of  the  picket  line  and  could  not  see  or  hear  any- 
thing that  would  indicate  that  the  enemy  had  been  in  that  vicinity.     However, 
Lieut.  Kiester  kept  the  squad  outside  the  picket  line  until  nearly  morning,  dividing 
his  little  band  into  two  squads,  and  placing  them  about  75  yards  apart,  on  a  road 
that  connected  the  Lee's  Mills  and  Washington  roads  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in 
advance  of  the  picket  line.    It  was  expected  that  if  a  party  of  the  enemy  contem- 
plated a  raid  on  the  pickets  that  it  would  pass  along  the  road,  and  after  passing 
the  point  where  either  squad  was  posted,  a  signal  was  to  be  given  and  both  squads 
were  to  close  in  on  the  enemy.     Shortly  after  dusk  the  pickets  began  firing,  all 
along  the  line,  and  continued  to  battle  with  imaginary  foes,  for  several  hours. 
Had  the  enemy  contemplated  a  raid,  it  is  possible  that  this  fusilade  caused  him 
to  change  his  plans.    An  amusing  climax  to  Kiester's  expedition  was,  that  not- 
withstanding it  was  pitch  dark  when  the  little  band  was  returning  to  camp  by  the 
Lee's  Mills  road,  it  marched  up  on  the  advanced  sentinel  without  being  halted  or 
fired  upon,  and  the  officer  of  the  guard,  hurriedly  got  the  reserve  in  line  and  pre- 
sented arms.    The  foregoing  incident  is  not  told  as  a  reflection  on  the  "colored 
brother."    The  same  kind  of  action  was  likely  to  have  occurred  from  g^een  white 
troops.    In  this  connection  it  might  be  proper  to  relate  an  occurrence  on  the  picket 
line  a  few  weeks  previous  to  this.     On  the  main  approaches  to  Plymouth,  such 
as  the  Columbia,  Lee's  Mills  and  Washington  roads,  it  was  customary  to  post  a 
sentinel  some  distance  in  advance  of  the  post,  the  picket  reserve  being  at  these 
main  posts,  where  another  sentinel  was  always  on  guard  during  the  night  time. 
The  sentinels  at  these  points  were  relieved  every  two  hours,  as  on  camp  guard. 
On  the  occasion  referred  to  the  writer  was  the  advance  sentinel  on  the  Lee's 
Mills  road,  on  duty  from  11  P.  M.  to  i  A.  M.    About  midnight  a  shot  was  fired 
from  a  post  about  midway  between  the  Lee's  Mills  road  and  the  Washington  road. 
This  was  followed  a  little  later  by  other  shots  and  before  the  writer  was  relieved 
twenty  or  thirty  shots  had  been  fired  from  the  pickets  between  these  two  roads. 
Just  as  the  writer  returned  to  the  main  post  where  the  reserves  were  standing 
ready  for  action,  Maj.  Gazzam,  who  was  general  officer  of  the  day,  came  gallop- 
ing out  to  see  what  was  wrong.    He  came  unaccompanied  by  staff  or  orderly, 
and  after  hearing  a  report  from  the  officer  of  the  guard,  Lieut.  Kline,  who  was 
killed  at  the  battle  of  Plymouth,  the  Major  ordered    him    to    take  a  man  to  ac- 
company him  and  the  lieutenant  to  make  an  investigation.     The  writer  was  se- 
lected by  Lieut.  Kline  to  accompany  them.     It  was  a  moonless  night  and  the 
pickets  were  posted  along  a  narrow  opening  cut  through  the  woods.    It  was  the 
duty  of  the  enlisted  man  to  go  ahead  and  locate  the  picket  posts,  while  Maj.  Gaz- 
zam, who  was  mounted  and  the  Lieutenant  followed.    Some  of  the  pickets  who 
had  fired,  at  first  denied  it,  putting  the  blame  on  the  posts  farther  on.     Finally  a 
post  was  found  where  it  was  admitted  that  the  firing  began,  and  the  reason  for  it 
was  that  some  persons  had  passed  through  the  lines  and  they  had  fired  on  them. 
In  consequence  of  this  report  Maj.  Gazzam  went  along  the  entire  line  that  night, 
and  had  all  the  pickets  on  the  alert  watching  both  ways.    The  next  morning  it 


was  discovered  that  some  cattle  had  passed  between  the  picket  posts.  The  men 
who  did  the  firing  that  night  belonged  to  the  103d  Regiment,  and  were  not  re- 
cruits. The  fact  is  that  the  most  fearless  of  men  are  at  times  easily  affected,  and 
allow  imagination  to  deceive  them. 

Aug.  4.  A  report  came  to  Plymouth  that  the  Government  light-house  near 
Elizabeth  City  had  been  burned.  A  detail  from  the  Regiment,  formed  part  of  an 
expedition  which  boarded  the  gunboat  Miami  to  intercept  the  guerrillas  who  com- 
mitted the  depredation.  At  10  A.  M.  the  next  day  the  expedition  returned  with 
seven  prisoners  captured  near  the  location  of  the  light-house. 

On  Aug.  8,  the  Regiment  received  a  new  equipment  of  Springfield  rifles 
to  take  the  place  of  the  Austrian  rifles,  with  which  the  men  had  done  all  their 
previous  service.  New  accoutrements  were  also  drawn.  On  August  27,  eighty 
men  of  the  Regiment,  commanded  by  Lieut.  Kiester,  with  Lieuts.  Fluke  and  (T. 
A.)  Cochran,  went  on  an  expedition  to  Lee's  Mills,  returning  about  dark  the  fol- 
lowing day.  The  object  of  this  excursion  was  to  g^ard  some  cross  roads,  while 
a  squadron  of  cavalry  was  covering  the  surrounding  territory  for  some  Confed- 
erate soldiers,  said  to  be  home  on  recruiting  service.  On  Sept.  6,  a  raid  was  made 
on  the  pickets,  resulting  in  one  killed  and  six  wounded,  all  cavalry  videttes.  On 
October  19,  the  writer,  and  Sergt.  Evans,  the  collaborator  of  this  volume,  were 
both  sent  from  Plymouth  for  the  General  Hospital,  Beaufort,  N.  C,  and  did  not 
return  to  the  Regiment  until  9 :30  A.  M.,  Nov.  28.  From  the  time  the  Regiment 
left  Camp  Orr,  until  October  19,  the  writer  was  continuously  with  the  Regiment, 
participating  in  every  march,  reconnoissance,  skirmish  and  battle  in  which  it  was 
engaged,  except  one  Blackwater  expedition,  when  he  was  on  picket,  and  the  ex- 
cursion from  New  Bern  to  Washington,  N.  C.  Ths  notation  is  made  here  merely 
to  inform  the  reader  that  the  writer,  so  far,  has  written  of  the  activities  of  the 
Regiment  with  some  knowledge.  What  follows  must  mostly  come  through 

On  Jan.  2,  1864,  at  5  P.  M.,  Company  C  (the  writer's  Co.)  boarded  the 
Steamer  Massasoit,  and  started  for  Roanoke  Island,  N.  C,  relieving  Company  F 
the  following  day,  the  latter  returning  to  Plymouth  on  the  Massasoit.  During  the 
latter  part  of  1863,  under  promise  of  a  thirty  days  furlough,  about  two-thirds  of 
the  Regiment  re-enlisted  as  veterans.  The  promise  of  the  Government  was  that 
the  furlough  was  to  be  issued  prior  to  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  the  first  en- 
listment. The  officers  active  in  securing  the  re-enlistment  represented  to  the  men 
that  a  promise  had  been  made  by  the  proper  authorities  that  the  furlough  would  be 
granted- within  sixty  days  from  the  date  of  the  new  muster. 

On  Jan.  20,  an  expedition  started  from  Plymouth  under  command  of  Lieut. 
Col.  Maxwell  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  or  destroying  Confederate  property 
which  had  been  concentrated  at  Harrellsville,  Hertford  County,  N.  C.  The  expe- 
dition was  highly  successful ;  a  large  amount  of  property  was  brought  away,  and 
for  want  of  transportation  many  wagons,  large  quantities  of  salt  and  sugar,  and 
i50,ooopoundsof  pork  were  destroyed.  This  was  accomplished  with  the  loss  of 
one  killed.    The  enemy  fled  leaving  i  killed  and  2  wounded. 

Again  on  Jan.  26,  another  force  commanded  by  Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell  was 
dispatched  into  Bertie  County  to  destroy  and  capture  Confederate  property.  On 
this  excursion  200,000  pounds  of  pork  were  destroyed,  also  a  large  amount  of 
Confederate  property;  tobacco,  cotton,  horses,  mules,  and  wagons  were  brought 
away.  Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell's  success  in  these  enterprises  call  forth  a  complimen- 
tary order  from  Maj.  Gen.  Peck,  commanding  the  Army  and  District  of  North 
Carolina,  in  which  he  said :  "The  success  of  this  enterprise  is  shown  in  the  list 
of  property  taken  or  destroyed.  *  *  *  x^is  example  of  Col.  Maxwell  will  be 
appreciated  and  emulated  by  the  whole  command." 

On  Jan.  29,  Lieut.  Col.  Tolles  of  the  15th  Conn.  Vols,  commanded  an  ex- 
pedition in  which  a  detachment  of  the  Regiment,  under  Capt.  Donaghy  partici- 


pated.  Lieut.  Com.  Flusser,  with  a  party  of  seamen,  participated  in  this  expedi- 
tion also.  A  company  of  Georgia  cavalry  was  located  near  Windsor,  and  the 
Confederates  were  gathering  supplies  from  this  section.  Horses,  mules,  wagons, 
clothing,  ammunition  and  two  soldiers  were  captured.  Several  prominent  citizens 
were  brought  away  to  be  held  as  hostages  for  certain  loyal  persons  incarcerated  in 


Garrison  Life  at  Plymouth  as  Seen  by  Capt.  Donaghy  and  Corp.  Rupert. 

(From  May  2,  1863,  to  April  17,  1864.) 

The  following  excerpts  from  Capt.  Donaghy's  "Army  Experience,"  and  the 
diary  of  Corp.  John  F.  Rupert  will  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  conditions  pre- 
vailing at  Plymouth  during  the  months  preceding  the  Regiment's  departure  from 
there.    Capt.  Donaghy  says  of  Plymouth  and  the  garrison : 

"Our  brigade  had  received  orders  to  garrison  the  post  of  Plymouth  on  the 
Roanoke  River  and  we  embarked  for  there  on  the  2d  of  May,  our  Regiment  going 
on  the  steamer  Robert  Collyer.  Plymouth  when  it  was  inhabited  by  its  citizens 
might  have  contained  about  a  thousand  persons,  but  at  the  time  of  our  arrival  they 
did  not  number  half  of  that.  A  line  of  our  works  not  completed  extended  in  a 
small  semi-circle  around  the  town  from  east  to  west ;  from  near  the  river  below  to 
the  shore  above  the  town.  The  river  'bounded  the  town  on  the  north,  and  was 
defended  by  gunboats.  In  the  center  of  the  line  of  defences  was  a  fine  work  called 
Fort  Williams,  mounting  three  thirty  pounder  guns.  The  troops  holding  it,  whose 
term  of  service  had  expired,  were  relieved  by  Co.  A  of  our  Regiment,  (Capt.  Alex- 
ander) and  the  company  of  Ira  B.  Sampson  of  the  2d  Mass.  Heavy  Artillery. 
My  Co.  was  posted  outside  on  the  right  with  Co.  D  to  my  left.  The  balance  of 
the  Regiment  was  posted  to.  the  left  of  the  fort.  We  received  new  "A"  tents — one 
for  each  four  men,  and  with  the  aid  of  lumber  we  put  the  tents  up  two  feet  above 
the  ground  and  about  them  planted  sods.  We  paved  the  streets  neatly  with  bricks 
taken  from  ruined  buildings,  and  to  protect  us  from  the  sun  we  erected  arbors, 
and  covered  them  with  boughs.  That  work  and  the  labor  of  completing  the  forti- 
fications, with  the  regular  routine  of  picket  and  guard  duty  added,  kept  the  men 
quite  busy  for  a  time.  One  day  as  the  Co.  was  at  work  on  the  fortifications  in 
front  of  its  position  Gen.  Wessells  rode  along.  He  inspected  the  work  we  were 
engaged  upon,  and  then  called  my  attention  to  a  mistake  I  had  made.  Where  I 
had  left  an  embrasure  for  a  cannon  I  had  the  narrowest  part  of  the  opening  at 
the  rear  of  the  embankment.  The  General  got  off  his  horse,  and  with  a  sharp 
stick  made  a  drawing  on  the  sand  showing  the  narrowest  part  of  the  embrasure 
at  the  front  instead  of  at  the  rear.  He  said  that  as  I  had  built  it  the  embrasure 
was  like  a  funnel  made  to  catch  the  cannon  balls.  I  thanked  him  for  the  lesson 
and  changed  the  work  accordingly.  On  Sunday,  May  24,  Gen.  Foster,  our  dis- 
trict commander,  was  at  Plymouth  on  a  tour  of  inspection,  and  from  there  he 
went  to  Edenton  and  I  was  detailed  to  accompany  him  in  command  of  an  escort 
of  fifty  men,  consisting  of  my  Co.  and  some  men  from  another  one.  Lieut. 
Spence  of  Co.  K  was  my  assistant  officer.  We  left  Plymouth  on  the  General's 
boat — the  Thomas  Farran — at  11  A.  M.  We  had  a  pleasant  trip  down  the  river 
on  the  sound.  Besides  our  district  commander  there  were  present  on  board  Gen- 
erals (Edward  A.)  Wild  and  (Edward  E.)  Potter,  and  a  number  of  staff  officers 
and  our  own  General,  "Old  Billy"  Wessells,  whose  rough  and  ready  appearance 
contrasted  with  the  others.  He  wore  Government  brogans  and  trousers  such  as 
were  worn  by  enlisted  men  of  the  cavalry.  The  rest  of  his  uniform  was  in  ac- 
cordance with  his  rank,  but  was  worn  and  weather  stained. 

"I  had  the  honor  of  dining  with  the  distinguished  company  on  board,  and 
soon  after  we  arrived  at  Edenton,  which  is  situated  on  the  north  shore  of  Albc- 







♦J  -w   o 

=  =  s 


9!       S 



o    "   fe 

tri          ffi 

tj     fl)     Hj   .Ih 


^■3,   a 


>  £  «  & 




s  a  V 


c      -y  : 




""         «    (3 


■*->  £  -tf  2 
m  "  «  d 
O        J3  5 


C    EG          s9 

«  ^    0) 



•0%  opi 


3   E 

5   _•  O   !« 

■0  S  u  o 

» t)«  r 


>      Q    «      0) 

«    3   CO   « 

B  '  a  6 


>B   c3  £ 



marie  Sound,  and  is  the  county  seat  of  Chowan  County,  N.  C.  It  was  not  occu- 
pied by  either  the  Confederate  or  Union  forces.  I  landed  my  men  and  marched 
into  town,  and  up  the  principal  street  several  blocks,  and  then  sent  groups  out 
in  different  directions  to  the  outskirts  as  pickets ;  while  I  kept  a  number  in  the 
street  as  a  reserve.  The  people  came  out  to  look  at  us,  but  made  no  demonstra- 
tion of  feeling  for  or  against  us.  It  was  a  beautiful  town  and  we  saw  some 
beautiful  women  in  it,  but  we  were  not  on  speaking  terms.  I  visited  some  of  my 
outposts  and  saw  away  across  the  fields  groups  of  men  in  gray,  who  had  retired 
from  the  town  on  our  approach.  They  were  rebel  soldiers — citizens  of  the  town, 
who  had  been  home  on  leave.  My  instructions  did  not  call  for  me  to  interfere 
with  them,  and  I  did  not.  My  men  at  the  reserve  wished  to  make  some  coffee, 
but  the  peaceful  appearing  and  orderly  condition  of  the  place  made  them  hesitate 
to  tear  down  the  neat  paling  fences  for  fuel,  so  I  asked  leave  of  a  lady  to  let  the 
men  use  her  kitchen.  The  request  was  granted  and  the  coffee  was  made.  About 
that  time  Gen.  Wessells  and  Gen.  Wild  came  along,  and  accepted  my  invitation 
to  have  a  cup  of  coffee  with  the  boys.  They  stood  on  the  sidewalk  and  drank  it. 
Gen.  Wild  intimated  to  me  that  the  object  of  their  visit  was  to  gain  information  of 
the  guerillas.  After  being  about  two  hours  in  the  town  three  blasts  from  the 
steamer's  whistle  gave  us  the  signal  to  withdraw.  The  pickets  returned  to  the 
reserve  and  we  re-embarked  for  Plymouth  on  a  steamer  with  Gen.  Wessells,  while 
Foster  and  his  party  departed  for  New  Bern. 

"On  another  occasion  I  went  to  the  same  place  in  command  of  an  escort  to 
Gen.  Wessells  and  other  officers.  We  had  a  brass  band  with  us,  and  my  men 
were  in  their  dress  uniforms,  (as  they  had  been  on  our  first  visit)  and  we  pre- 
sented a  holiday  appearance.  The  band  entertained  the  citizens  with  some  ex- 
cellent music,  though  the  airs  might  not  have  been  those  they  would  have  selected. 
My  company's  movements  were  a  repetition  of  those  of  our  first  visit,  but  the  band 
gave  us  more  eclat  as  we  moved  in  platoons  down  the  principal  street  when  re- 
tiring, to  the  tune  of  "The  Captain  With  His  Whiskers  Took  a  Sly  Glance  at 
Me."  As  my  whiskers  were  not  formidable  in  appearance  I  did  not  take  that 
selection  of  air  as  in  any  way  referring  to  me,  and  sly  glances  would  not  have 
availed  us  in  that  town. 

"Scouting  parties  went  out  almost  daily  from  our  post,  and  occasional 
brushes  with  parties  of  the  enemy  occurred.  The  latter  sometimes  came  close  to 
our  picket  lines.  On  June  20,  I  went  on  duty  in  command  of  the  pickets  on  the 
Washington  and  found  no  officers  to  relieve.  The  one  who  should  have  been  there 
had  strolled  outside  the  lines  and  into  the  hands  of  the  'Johnnies.'  When  I  ar- 
rived at  the  outposts  the  enemy  were  reported  to  be  at  a  house  on  the  left  side  of 
the  road.  I  moved  my  men  up  to  it  and  found  the  enemy  had  gone.  The  unfor- 
tunate officer  that  they  had  taken  away  with  them  was  Lieut.  Scammon,  of  an- 
other regiment  of  the  garrison.  I  met  him  a  year  afterwards  as  a  fellow  prisoner 
of  war. 

"Keeping  the  clothing  and  equipment  of  the  men  up  to  the  required  state  of 
completeness,  was  a  duty  that  took  considerable  attention  on  the  part  of  the  com- 
pany commanders.  The  regulations  allowed  each  enlisted  men  $42  per  year  for 
clothing,  and  each  article  had  a  fixed  price.  What  he  drew  in  excess  of  that 
amount  was  charged  against  his  pay,  and  if  he  drew  less  than  the  allowance  he 
was  paid  the  amount  so  saved.  On  the  marches  at  the  beginning  of  our  service 
when  the  men  were  fatigued,  many  of  them  threw  away  their  great  coats,  or  such 
articles  as  they  thought  they  could  spare.  Afterwards  experience,  or  their  com- 
pany commanders,  forced  them  to  replace  the  articles  discarded.  When  it  was 
the  latter  that  exercised  the  compulsion,  the  man  usually  considered  himself  a 
victim  of  military  tyranny.  While  at  Plymouth  it  was  ordered  that  dress  hats 
be  added  to  the  equipment  of  the  men.  The  hats  arrived,  and  the  men  assembled 
at  their  respective  company  headquarters  to  be    fitted    and    supplied.     Private 


M of  my  company  remained  in  his  tent  unwilling  to  receive  a  hat.    I 

sent  him  a  special  invitation  to  come  and  be  crowned,  but  he  replied  that  he  did 
not  want  to  buy  a  hat,  and  that  he  did  not  believe  that  a  free  bom  American  citi- 
zen could  be  compelled  to  buy  what  he  did  not  want.    Barring  his  stubbornness 

M -was  a  good  soldier,  so  I  went  to  him  and  explained  the  necessity  of 

his  obedience,  but  it  was  of  no  avail.  He  flatly  refused  to  take  the  hat.  I  ordered 
his  arrest,  and  had  him  sent  to  jail  in  town.  Next  day  he  sent  me  word  that  he 
was  sorry  for  his  conduct  and  would  take  the  hat.    He  was  released." 

"On  the  evening  of  Jan.  29,  there  was  a  vocal  and  instrumental  concert  given 
by  amateurs  in  the  Plymouth  Methodist  Church,  and  the  house  was  crowded.  I 
was  there  with  some  of  our  officers,  and  the  performance  was  not  half  over  when 
we  observed  Gen.  Wessells  and  Commander  Flusser  of  the  navy  climb  out  of  a 
window  near  the  stage.  Presently  some  one  announced  that  the  adjutants  of  our 
brigade  were  wanted  and  some  more  figures  went  out  of  the  window.  Our  party 
surmised  that  "something  was  up."  By  and  by  word  came  to  me  that  I  was 
wanted  in  camp,  and  I  displayed  my  coat  tails  going  out  the  window.  I  learned 
that  I  was  detailed  to  take  a  detachment  of  sixty  men  made  up  of  squads  from 
every  company  of  our  Regiment.  Lieut.  Kelly  was  to  assist  me ;  we  were  to  take 
two  days'  rations  and  were  to  report  on  the  steamer  Massasoit  at  9:30  that  even- 
ing. I  had  my  company  there  on  time,  but  others  were  not  so  prompt,  and  it  was 
some  hours  before  the  steamer  got  away.  The  force  was  about  100  under  the 
command  of  Lieut.  Col.  Falls  of  a  regiment  in  our  brigade.  Lieut.  Kelly  and  I 
slept  on  the  floor  of  the  cabin  as  the  steamer  went  up  the  river. 

"About  3  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  landed  on  the  north  shore  and  marched 
inland  six  miles  to  the  town  of  Windsor,  two  companies  of  rebel  cavalry  en- 
camped near  there  being  our  objective.  About  daylight  the  advanced  became 
engaged.  My  command  was  in  a  detachment  that  made  a  detour  to  the  left  at 
double  quick  to  come  in  on  the  enemy's  flank,  but  we  had  not  reached  our  position 
before  they  'skedaddled.'  As  we  hurried  up  the  road  we  saw  some  of  the  moimted 
rebels  fleeing  across  a  field  to  our  left.  My  men  were  so  eager  to  get  a  pop  at  the 
rebs  that  some  of  them  began  firing  without  orders,  unmindful  of  a  line  of  our 
skirmishers  who  were  between  us  and  them.  It  took  some  vigorous  language  on 
my  part  and  some  blows  with  the  flat  of  my  sword  against  their  guns  to  make 
them  cease  firing.  My  own  company  would  not  have  offered  to  fire,  without  con- 
sent, or  orders,  but  a  miscellaneous  detachment,  as  that  was,  was  hard  to  control. 
The  enemy,  except  a  few  escaped,  and  all  that  we  captured  was  their  camp,  with 
some  arms,  and  the  musical  instruments  of  the  band.  Brass  must  have  been 
scarce,  for  the  horns  were  made  of  sheet  iron.  I  did  not  have  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  the  camp  or  the  captured  trophies,  for  my  detachment  was  detailed  for  rear 
guard,  and  was  stationed  to  watch  a  road  north  of  the  town.  Commander  Flus- 
ser's  artillery  squad  practiced  with  their  howitzers  for  a  while  shelling  the  coun- 
try in  the  direction  the  rebels  had  gone ;  wasted  some  ammunition  and  then  retired. 
My  command  consumed  a  few  rails  cooking  their  coffee,  for  the  halt  gave  us  the 
opportunity  to  eat  breakfast.  Across  a  hollow  on  our  front  was  a  wooded  hill, 
and  we  heard  there  the  neighing  and  stamping  of  horses,  and  after  listening  and 
watching  for  a  while,  I  sent  Lieut.  Kelly  with  a  squad  of  men  to  find  out  what  it 
meant.  He  deployed  them  as  skirmishers  and  moved  into  the  woods,  where  he 
found  several  horses  which  the  farmers  had  tied  there  to  keep  them  out  of  our 
way.  It  was  a  lucky  discovry  for  us,  and  Lieut.  Kelly  and  I,  and  some  of  the  boys, 
ceased  to  be  foot  soldiers  for  the  time  being.  A  saddle  and  bridle  was  found  in  a 
barn  near  by,  and  I  borrowed  them. 

"On  our  way  back  we  passed  through  the  town  of  Windsor.  Kelly  and  I 
found  riding  a  great  improvement  on  walking,  and  Commander  Flusser  had  a 
bottle  with  him,  and  we  drank  several  times  to  his  favorite  toast,  'Confusion  to 
the  rebels,  and  damn  the  Roanoke  Sheep.'    By  the  sheep  he  meant  the  ram  that 


the  rebels  were  building  up  the  river.  We  left  the  captured  horses  at  the  landing, 
without  having  any  harrowing  doubts  but  that  their  owners  would  find  them.  We 
were  back  in  Plymouth  by  nine  o'clock  at  night,  with  nobody  hurt  on  the  expedi- 

"At  Plymouth  we  had  no  cares  on  account  of  our  eating,  for  the  machinery 
ran  smoothly  and  our  tri-daily  meetings  were  very  pleasant.  We  discussed  the 
news — the  great  events  of  the  war  and  their  influence  on  our  thoughts  and 
actions,  and  watched  them  with  interest  and  often  with  anxiety.  For  all  that  we 
laughed  when  we  could ;  and  there  were  many  opportunities.  Laughter  was  en- 
couraged, and  the  author  of  a  good  joke  was  deemed  a  public  benefactor,  and  on 
some  ones  suggestion  a  jaunty  cap  labeled  'wit'  was  made  to  be  worn  by  the  most 
deserving  jester.  The  cap  was  being  inspected  at  the  table  before  any  one  had 
been  elected  to  wear  it,  and  the  captain  of  E  tried  it  on.  Lieut.  Burns  of  H  re- 
marked, 'He  has  wit  on  his  head,  but  none  in  it.'  The  laugh  went  around  and 
Burns  was  the  first  to  have  the  honor  of  the  jester's  crown.  No  record  has  been 
kept  of  the  brilliant  sallies  that  caused  the  cap  to  jump  from  head  to  head  for 
weeks  afterwards.    Perhaps  it  is  just  as  well  in  this  day  of  'Chestnut  bells.' 

"It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  'All  Fools'  day  could  be  allowed  to  pass  un- 
honored  by  such  a  crowd  as  we  were.  Before  breakfast  a  soldier  from  another 
company  called  on  me  saying  the  Colonel  wished  to  see  me.  I  called  on  him  and 
found  that  I  was  'sold.'  He  had  not  sent  for  me.  At  breakfast  I  found  my  cof- 
fee salted.  At  dinner  the  cook  aided  me  in  my  revenge  by  salting  the  pies.  The 
first  victim  helped  himself,  and  when  he  discovered  the  trick  a  nudge  warned 
him  to  keep  quiet.  He  gained  time  by  putting  milk  on  the  pie  and  cutting  it,  pre- 
tending to  prepare  it  for  eating,  while  his  neighbors  followed  the  process  he  had 
gone  through.  Soon  nearly  all  the  company  were  fooling  with  their  dessert  wait- 
ing for  the  explosion  which  came  when  Capt.  Mackey  tried  a  mouthful  of  the  pie. 

"Late  in  March  there  being  a  well  grounded  apprehension  of  an  attack  on 
our  post,  the  officers'  wives  were  ordered  away.  The  grand  guards  were  cau- 
tioned to  be  extra  vigilant.  The  'ram'  up  the  river  was  known  to  be  finished, 
and  a  formidable  battery  had  been  erected  by  the  shore  at  the  upper  end  of  the 
town  mounting  a  200-pounder  rifled  g^n,  which  was  especially  intended  to  sink 
the  iron  monster.  The  gunboats  Miami  and  Southiield  were  lashed  together,  that 
in  case  the  ram  should  escape  destruction  by  the  shore  battery  they  could  rush 
upon  it  and  drag  it  to  the  bottom  with  them  if  sink  they  must.  Though  all  these 
maneuvers  were  deemed  necessary  the  soldiers  seemed  to  feel  no  uneasiness  on 
account  of  the  enemy.  My  old  comrade  Dill  was  ambitious  to  'become  a  commis- 
sioned officer  in  the  new  colored  regiments  then  forming  at  the  North.  I  pro- 
cured for  him  recommendations  from  most  of  our  officers,  and  he  secured  an 
order  to  appear  at  Washington  for  examination  before  Casey's  board.  He  passed 
for  the  rank  of  captain  and  then  returned  to  his  company  to  await  his  commis- 
sion. It  came  in  due  time,  and  he  was  assigned  to  the  43d  Regiment  Colored 
Troops  then  forming  in  Philadelphia.  He  left  Plymouth  on  the  morning  of  April 
17,  and  it  was  lucky  for  him  that  he  got  off  that  day." 

As  Corp.  John  F.  Rupert,  of  Co.  A,  was  one  of  the  most  staid  and  correct 
men  in  the  Regiment,  extracts  from  his  diary  have  a  historical  value.  It  is  the 
ordinary  every  day  humdrum  events  of  garrison  life  that  makes  history,  and  these 
extracts  are  given  to  amplify  the  meager  account  of  life  at  Plymouth,  already 

Saturday,  May  2.  This  morning  received  orders  to  pack  knapsacks  and  be 
in  readiness  to  move.  At  12  M.,  "fall  in"  with  knapsacks  and  march  to  the  New 
Bern  wharf  and  embark  on  the  transport  Thomas  Collyer  bound  for  Plymouth, 
N.  C.     Sail  tonight. 

Sunday,  3.  This  morning  on  the  waters  of  Albemarle  Sound;  pass  Eden- 
ton  ;  enter  the  Roanoke  river  at  its  mouth  and  after  sailing  8  miles  arrive  at  our 


destination.    At  12  o'clock  M.,  debark  and  march  to  an  adjoining  field  inside  iii- 
trenchments,  and  bivouac  for  the  night. 

Monday,  4.  Move  to  our  encampment.  The  position  assigned  to  Co.'s  A 
and  G,  inside  Fort  Williams. 

May  15.  A  company  of  3d  N.  Y.  Cavalry  arrives  overland  from  Wash- 

May  23.    Boys  finish  stockading  Fort  Williams. 

Sunday,  May  24.  Gen.  Foster  and  staff,  accompanied  by  Gen.  Wessells, 
visits  Fort  Williams. 

May  29.    Paved  inside  of  Fort  Williams  today. 

Sunday,  May  31.    Inspection  at  8  A.  M.  by  M|aj.  Gazzam. 

June  I.  Garrison  flag  at  half  mast  yesterday  and  to-day  in  honor  of  Col. 
J.  Richter  Jones,  58th  Penna.  Regiment,  killed  at  Bachelor's  Creek  Station  in  a 
skirmish  on  May  23.    Flag  kept  at  halfmast  in  his  honor  for  three  days. 

June  8.  Sergt.  J.  M.  Whitehill,  Corp.  J.  S.  Cooper,  Wm.  Davis,  Dan 
Barnacle,  David  Frampton  and  three  men  of  Co.  G,  go  with  a  six-pounder,  on  an 
expedition  to  Columbia,  N.  C. ;  starting  in  the  evening. 

June  9.  Expedition  that  left  for  Columbia  yesterday  evening  returned  this 
evening,  meeting  with  no  armed  opposition. 

June  II.  Companies  A  and  G  practice  on  the  5  pieces  in  Fort  Williams. 
After  firing  three  shots,  a  bursted  shell  set  the  slashing  in  front  on  fire,  which 
caused  a  cessation  of  target  practice  and  large  details  hurried  to  extinguish  the 

June  18.    Finish  sodding  the  fort. 

Sunday,  June  21.  Three  regiments  of  the  brigade  are  inspected  by  Col. 
Lehmann,  acting  Brigadier  General. 

Saturday,  June  27.  Co.  F  Leaves  to-day  for  Roanoke  Island.  Two  com- 
panies of  I2th  N.  Y.  Cavalry  arrive  here  to-day.  The  two  companies  that  were 
here  left  for  the  Peninsula. 

Saturday,  July  4.  Form  for  parade  at  7  A.  M.  The  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence read  by  the  acting  adjutant,  Lieut.  Kelly  of  Co.  H. ;  patriotic  speech 
by  Maj.  Gazzam.  A  national  salute  is  fired  by  24th  N.  Y.  Battery,  at  12  M., 
from  in  front  of  Fort  Williams. 

Sunday,  July  5.  Inspection  as  usual;  dress  parade  in  the  evening,  after 
which  30  men  of  Co.  A  are  ordered  to  prepare  for  a  light  march.  After  prepar- 
ing three  days'  rations  the  Regiment  is  marched  to  the  river  and  embarks  on  the 
gunboats  Valley  City  and  SouthHeld.  The  gunboats  on  this  expedition  are  the 
Whitehead,  carrying  five  guns,  one  one-hundred-pounder ;  the  Valley  City,  six 
guns;  one  one-hundred-pounder,  four  32-pounders  and  one  boat  howitzer; 
Commodore  Perry  and  Southiield,  each  carrying  a  battery  of  seven  guns — one 
lOO-pounder,  five  9-inch  Dahlgren,  and  one  12-pounder  howitzer. 

July  6.  Arrive  at  Jamesville,  12  miles  from  Plymouth,  at  day  break. 
Troops  stand  with  loaded  guns  in  anticipation  of  an  attack  by  the  enemy's  sharp- 
shooters from  the  river  bluffs.  Arrive  at  Williamston,  16  miles  from  Jamesville, 
in  the  evening,  having  left  Plymouth  at  8 130  P.  M.  the  previous  day.  The  enemy 
asks  till  9  P.  M.  to  remove  women  and  children  and  declines  to  surrender.  At 
9  P.  M.  the  gunboats  open  fire  on  the  town,  continuing  the  fire  throughout  the 
night  at  intervals  of  five  minutes. 

July  7.  Our  Regiment  with  the  loist  P.  V.,  go  ashore,  form  line  and  ad- 
vance on  the  town,  it  being  three-fourths  of  a  mile  from  the  river.  When  we 
arrive  at  the  town  we  find  the  enemy  gone  and  the  town  vacated.  We  return  to 
Plymouth  arriving  there  at  3  P.  M.  ,       .    , 

July  10.  Flag  at  half  mast  and  sixteen  ?uns  fired  to-day  m  honor  of  the 
Christian  Admiral  Foote,  who  died  June  26.    Co.  G  moved  outside  the  Fort. 

July  14.    Co.  G  captures  a  rebel  artilleryman  on  a  foraging  expedition  12 


miles  from  Plymouth.    The  captive  was  from  Wilmington,  visiting  his  parents 
in  this  vicinity.    Firing  on  picket  line  to-night. 

Sunday,  June  26.  Regimental  inspection  as  usual,  after  which  each  Co. 
is  ordered  to  be  in  readiness  for  a  light  march.  Co.  A's  orders  were  counter- 
manded and  we  remain  in  the  Fort.  Eight  companies  of  the  Regiment  march 
at  the  appointed  hour  with  the  loist  P.  V.,  85th  and  96th  N.  Y.  Vols. ;  leaving 
Plymouth  on  the  Long  Acre  Road,  Col.  Lehmann,  commanding. 

July  28.  Expedition  returns  at  2  o'clock;  two  men  of  the  12th  N.  Y.  Cav- 
alry wounded. 

July  29.  A  detail  of  nine  men  from  each  Co.  in  Regiment  (excepting  Co. 
A)  with  a  similar  detail  from  the  loist  P.  V.  and  85th  N.  Y.  Vols.,  embark  on 
the  Massasoit  for  Jamesville,  N.  C. 

July  31.  A  captain,  two  lieutenants,  two  corporals  and  six  men  embark  at 
12  M.  for  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  to  bring  drafted  militia  to  refill  the  Regiment. 

Aug.  4.  A  detail  of  13  men  from  each  Co.  of  the  Regiment  (excepting  Co. 
A)  embark  on  the  gunboats  on  an  expedition. 

Aug.  6.  At  one  A.  M.  Lieut.  J.  M.  Laughlin  arouses  seven  "boys"  of  Co. 
A,  to  go  with  a  6-pound  brass  piece  on  an  expedition. 

Aug.  8.  Detailed  for  guard.  The  Co.  (A)  marches  to  the  ordnance  office 
at  Plymouth  and  receives  first  class  Springfield  rifles  and  new  equipments.  Can- 
nonading to  be  heard  towards  Williamston. 

Aug.  ID.    Detailed  for  guard.    Two  corporals  and  14  men  present  for  duty. 

Aug.  II.  Relieved  from  guard.  The  ist  D.  C.  Negro  Regiment  arrives 
by  transport  this  evening. 

Aug.  12.  Detailed  for  guard.  Weather  very  warm ;  a  great  many  sick  in 

Aug.  13.  Relieved  from  guard  duty  at  guard  mount.  Corp.  C.  G.  W. 
Stover,  David  L.  Vandyke  and  Gazzam  Stewart  having  been  with  the  expedi- 
tion that  started  on  Thursday,  6th  inst.,  returned  this  morning  from  Roanoke 
Island,  sick. 

Aug.  14.  The  detachment  with  the  piece  of  artillery  that  left  on  6th  inst. 
returned,  having  been  on  the  Currituck  Sound  at  the  mouth  of  Alligator  River, 
and  Roanoke  Island. 

Aug.  18.     Negro  pickets  fire  on  the  lines  to-night. 

Aug.  20.  Sergt.  J.  M.  Whitehill,  Daniel  Barnacle,  Oliver  Colwell,  Ab- 
solom  S.  Timms,  William  Wion  and  myself  get  ready  to  go  on  an  expedition 
with  6-pounder. 

Aug.  21.  Embark  on  transport  Washington  Irving,  starting  at  2  A.  M.  and 
anchor  at  4  A.  M.  in  the  Scuppernong  River,  opposite  Columbia.  At  1 130  P.  M. 
40  men  of  8sth  N.  Y.  Vols,  go  ashore  with  the  Steamer  Dolly,  picket  the  town, 
while  a  small  force  marches  up  the  river. 

Aug.  23.  Set  sail  for  Plymouth  with  flat  load  of  captured  sheep,  at  4 
o'clock  (Sunday)  and  arrive  at  Plymouth  at  i  P.  M.  Sergt.  J.  M.  Whitehill  and 
Daniel  Barnacle  taken  to  hospital,  having  taken  fever  and  chills  while  on  the 
way  to  Columbia.    Andrew  Reece,  who  was  along,  also  sick  in  quarters. 

Aug.  26.  Sergt.  W.  C.  Mbbley,  Corp.  J.  S.  Cooper  and  six  men  with  6- 
pounder  go  on  an  expedition  with  two  days'  rations.  Expedition  went  to 

Aug.  27.    In  bunk  greater  part  of  the  day,  unwell.    Rainy  and  cool. 

Aug.  28.  Report  at  hospital  this  morning  being  unfit  for  duty;  sickness, 
fever  and  ague.  Slept  but  little  last  night,  having  a  bad  pain  in  the  head  and 
high  fever. 

Aug.  20.  Reported  sick  this  morning ;  excused  from  duty  by  Surg.  A.  P. 

Aug.  30.    Reported  sick;  excused  from  duty;  begin  to  shake  with  chills 


at  1 1 :30  A.  M.  and  shake  till  i  P.  M.,  afterward  have  heavy  fever — ^unable  to 
be  out  of  my  bunk  the  remainder  of  the  day.    This  is  my  first  shake. 

Aug.  31.    Reported  sick;  excused  from  duty  by  surgeon;  no  shake  to-day; 
mustered  for  pay  at  10  A.  M.,  by  Lieut.   Col.  Qarke,  8sth  N.  Y. 

Sept.  I.  Reported  sick;  excused  from  duty;  shake  from  11  A.  M.  till  i 
P.  M. ;  high  fever  the  remainder  of  the  day. 

Sept.  7.    Report  at  hospital ;  marked,  "returned  to  duty." 
Sept.  II.     Mount  a  32-pounder  on  the  first  bastion  of  the     Fort,  making 
the  armament  of  the  Fort,  four  32-pounders,  and  one  6-pound  brass  field  piece. 
Sept.  19.    Co.  G.  3d  N.Y.  Cavalry  arrive  here  today  from  New  Bern,  N.  C. 
Sept.  26.    Take  a  chill  in  the  evening;  have  the  fever  the  greater  part  of 
the  night. 

Sept.  27.  At  4  P.  M.  take  another  shake;  have  fever  throughout  the 

Sept.  28.  Have  a  shake  commencing  at  noon  and  lasting  an  hour  and  a 
half ;  fever  remaining  part  of  the  day. 

Sept.  29.  Report  at  hospital  for  medicine;  marked  for  duty;  return  from 
hospital  and  go  on  guard.  Have  a  chill,  commencing  at  i  P.  M.,  lasting  an  hour 
and  a  half. 

Sept.  30.  Relieved  from  guard ;  report  at  hospital ;  Gen.  Peck  inspects  the 
Fort  and  each  detachment  "falls  in"  at  its  piece  as  for  action  and  so  remain  until 
after  he  leaves. 

Oct.  4.  (Sunday).  Inspection  at  8  A.  M.  by  Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell.  At  10 
A.  M.  Co.  A,  with  rations  for  one  meal  embark  on  the  Massasoit,  with  a  Co. 
from  the  loist  P.  V.  to  escort  Gen.  Wessells  on  a  visit  to  Edenton,  N.  C.  We 
set  sail  at  11  A.  M.  and  arrive  at  Edenton  at  i  P.  M.  After  disembarking  a 
picket  is  immediately  posted  on  the  various  roads  entering  the  tovra,  part  of  Co. 
A  held  as  a  reserve  in  the  town.  Patrols,  consisting  of  a  corporal  and  three 
men,  are  sent  through  the  town.  Re-embark  at  3  P.  M.  and  are  back  at  Plymouth 
at  5  P.  M. 

Oct.  6.  At  drill  in  the  evening  at  Gen.  Wessells'  headquarters  the  Regi- 
ment is  formed  as  one  company,  commissioned  and  non-commissioned  officers 
forming  in  the  ranks. 

Oct.  7.    Company  memorials  arrived  to-day. 

Oct.  14.  At  an  election  held  yesterday,  the  result  is  given  as  follows :  A. 
G.  Curtin,  225 ;  Woodward,  25.  Buried  a  member  of  Co.  D,  the  first  death  in  the 
Regiment  since  coming  to  Plymouth. 

Oct.  30.  This  evening  when  Co.  was  formed  for  drill  Capt.  Alexander 
asked  all  those  who  would  re-enlist  as  veterans  to  signify  it  by  shouldering  arms ; 
not  a  single  piece  is  shouldered. 

Nov.  22.  Maj.  Gen.  Butler,  accompanied  by  his  staff,  inspected  Fort. 

Thursday,  Nov.  26.  National  Thanksgiving  day.  At  11  A.  M.  a  small 
number  met  at  the  church  where  Lieut.  Col.  Taylor,  loist  Penna.  Vols.,  and  ist 
Sergt.  (Stoddard)  of  24th  N.  Y.  Battery,  made  addresses. 

Dec.  9.  Embarked  on  board  transport  Charleston,  with  a  detachment  tak- 
ing a  brass  piece  from  the  Fort. 

Dec.  6.     Great  excitement  this  evening  in  Co.  barracks  in  regard  to  re- 
enlisting  as  veteran  volunteers.     Thirty-three  sign  their  names  to  a  paper  agree- 
ing to  re-enlist  providing  three-fourths  of  the  Co.  sign. 
Dec.  7.    Two  more  sign  the  re-enlistment  paper. 

Dec.  25.  Christmas.  Invited  to  hospital  to  take  dinner  with  Norval  D. 
Goe,  accompanied  by  Joseph  B.  Stewart,  James  S.  Cooper  and  Adam  Myers. 

Dec.  28.  At  the  hospital  till  11  P.  M.  with  Corp.  J.  B.  Stewart,  James  S. 
Cooper,  and  Adam  Myers  assisting  in  decorating  for  New  Years.    Corp.  Rupert 


in  a  memorandum  in  diary  gives  the  prices  for  clothing  in  1863,  as  follows : 
Great  coat,  $9.50;  blanket,  $3.60;  dress  coat,  $3.60;  blouse,  $2.40;  trousers,  $3.55 ; 
drawers,  95;  shirts,  $1.30  and  $1.46;  socks,  32  cents;  shoes,  $2.05;  cap,  56  cents; 
rubber  blanket,  $2.55;  knapsack,  $2.14;  haversack,  56  cents;  canteen,  44  cents. 


The  Battle  and  Capture  of  Plymouth. 

(From  April  17  to  April  20,  1864.) 

During  the  summer  of  1863  there  were  constant  rumors  that  the  enemy  was 
constructing  a  formidable  iron-clad  boat,  with  which  to  clear  the  Roanoke  river  of 
the  Federal  gunboats.  These  rumors  affected  only  the  timid  iii  the  command,  as 
the  men  generally  had  such  confidence  in  Gen.  Wessells  and  Lieut.  Com.  Flusser 
that  they  beUeved  they  would  be  able  to  handle  the  boat,  but  also  any  force  that 
the  Confederacy  could  afford  to  send  against  it.  The  men  who  had  re-enlisted 
as  veteran  volunteers  were  looking  forward  with  great  anticipations  to  the  prom- 
ised furlough.  On  January  25,  two  regiments  (15th  and  i6th  Connecticut), 
arrived  and  the  men  were  now  sanguine  that  the  furlough  would  soon  be  granted. 
Demonstrations  by  the  enemy  at  other  points  in  North  Carolina,  made  the  com- 
mander of  the  department  timid,  and  the  reinforcements  were  moved  away  early 
in  February.  On  April  5,  the  paymaster  made  his  appearance  and  disbursed  quite 
a  snug  sum  of  money  to  the  Veterans.  They  received  $100  bounty  due  them 
from  their  first  enlistment,  one  or  two  installments  of  the  new  bounty  (each 
installment  was  $50),  several  months'  pay  that  had  been  due  them,  and  one 
month's  pay  in  advance,  which  brought  their  pay  up  to  the  last  of  March.  The 
men  felt  sure  that  now  the  Government  had  started  to  fulfil  its  pledges,  and  that 
the  furlough  would  soon  come.  They  had  been  drawing  new  clothing,  in  order 
to  present  as  neat  an  appearance  as  possible,  when  they  met  their  relatives  and 
friends  after  more  than  two  years'  absence. 

On  a  quiet  Sunday  afternoon,  April  17,  1864,  about  four  o'clock,  the  cavalry 
videttes  in  advance  of  the  infantry  picket  line  on  the  Washington  road  were 
attacked  and  driven  in.    Capt.  Douoghy  says : 

"Then  a  company  of  cavalry  was  sent  out  to  reconnoiter  and  we  watched 
them  as  they  rode  gaily  towards  the  woods  nearly  a  mile  away.  Suddenly  from 
the  timber  came  a  murderous  volley,  and  some  of  the  saddles  were  emptied.  The 
squadron  was  momentarily  thrown  into  confusion ;  then  they  turned  and  galloped 
back  to  camp.  It  was  now  evident  that  the  enemy  had  come  in  force.  Companies  of 
skirmishers  were  sent  out  and  they  engaged  the  enemy  until  dark.  At  night  the 
camp  fires  of  our  foes  lighted  up  the  sky  nearly  all  around  our  front.  Prepara- 
tions were  made  for  the  morrow,  which  we  knew  would  bring  us  serious  work. 
Our  mess  kitchen  and  dining  hall  which  stood  outside  the  works  were  razed  to 
clear  the  way  for  artillery  fire.  At  three  o'clock  next  morning  we  were  in  line 
at  the  works,  but  beyond  picket  firing  there  was  no  fighting.  About  eight  o'clock 
I  was  ordered  with  my  company  to  relieve  that  of  Capt.  Morrow  [Co.  G.],  which 
was  skirmishing  on  the  Washington  road." 

In  addition  to  Capt.  Douoghy's  company,  Lieut.  S.  D.  Bums  of  Co.  H.,  took 
out  50  men  detailed  from  various  companies  of  the  Regiment,  who  were  deployed 
east  of  the  Lee's  Mills  road,  along  a  pathway  extending  from  the  latter  road 
around  to  a  barricade  where  the  bridge  was  destroyed  on  the  Columbia  road.  In 
the  afternoon,  when  the  enemy  pressed  in  on  the  pickets  and  the  firing  became 
brisk.  Company  H.,  commanded  by  Capt.  James  F.  Mackey,  was  hurried  out  to 
the  support  of  the  skirmishers,  forming  south  of  the  Lee's  Mills  road,  confronted 
then  by  three  companies  of  the  56th  N.  C.  (Confederate)  Regiment.  The  pickets, 
who  were  really  advanced  skirmishers,  when  pressed  by  the  enemy,  fell  teck  on 


the  supports,  Companies  F.  and  H.,  in  good  order,  and  returned  the  fire  of  the 
enemy  so  effectively  that  he  ceased  to  advance  until  nearly  sundown,  although 
keeping  up  a  brisk  fire  all  the  time.  About  dusk  the  pressure  of  the  enemy 
became  so  great  and  rapid  that  the  skirmish  line  was  forced  to  yield  and  retire 
rapidly  to  the  intrenchments. 

As  the  battle  of  Plymouth  is  fully  covered  elsewhere  in  this  volume  only  a 
brief  reference  to  the  action  of  the  Regiment  will  be  made  here.  A  few  days  prior 
to  the  attack,  Co.  A.  had  been  relieved  from  manning  the  guns  in  Fort  Williams, 
by  a  detachment  of  the  Second  Mass.  Heavy  Artillery,  and  had  taken  a  tem- 
porary position  outside  the  fort,  expecting  daily  to  receive  Veteran  furloughs. 
When  Gen.  Wessells  realized  that  the  attack  was  formidable,  Capt.  Alexander 
and  Co.  were  ordered  back  into  the  fort  and  co-operated  with  the  detachment 
of  the  2d  Mass.  commanded  by  Capt.  Ira  B.  Sampson,  until  the  fort  was 
forced  to  surrender.  Col.  Lehmann  was  assigned  to  command  the  central  line, 
the  command  of  the  Regiment  devolving  upon  Col.  Maxwell. 

During  Sunday  night  the  enemy  kept  comparatively  quiet,  but  at  break  of 
day  bombarded  Fort  Gray,  which  was  isolated  about  a  mile  from  the  rest  of  the 
garrison  above  the  town  on  the  bank  of  the  Roanoke.  This  fire  was  replied  to 
vigorously  and  after  a  couple  of  hours  the  enemy  became  quiet.  Incessant  skir- 
mishing continued  throughout  the  day,  the  enemy  using  some  artillery  southwest 
of  the  town  in  the  direction  of  the  85th  Redoubt.  After  the  skirmishers  had 
retired,  about  dark,  the  enemy  opened  a  heavy  fire  upon  the  town  from  every 
direction,  which  was  vigorously  returned  by  Fort  Williams,  the  24th  New  York 
Battery,  and  the  gunboats.  Lieut.  Zachariah  M.  Cline,  of  Co.  G.,  was  instantly 
killed,  a  fragment  of  shell  striking  him  near  the  brain.  During  the  night  the 
enemy  succeeded  in  carrying  the  85th  Redoubt,  the  garrison  making  a  desperate 
resistance.  On  Tuesday  morning,  April  19,  about  3  o'clock  the  enemy  again 
opened  a  heavy  fire  on  Fort  Gray,  during,  which  time,  under  cover  of  night  and 
shadow  of  the  trees  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Roanoke  river,  the  iron-clad  ram 
Albermarle  slipped  by  and  succeeded  in  sinking  the  gunboat  SoiithMd,  and 
driving  the  other  vessels  out  of  the  river.  During  the  brief  contest  between  the 
ram  and  the  fleet  the  commander  of  the  latter,  Lieut.  Com.  C.  W.  Flusser,  was 
killed.  Instantly  the  situation  was  changed.  The  men  of  the  garrison  realized 
with  the  Albemarle  in  command  of  the  Roanoke,  with  a  force  outnumbering  them 
at  least  five  to  one,  and  perhaps  double  that,  with  no  prospect  of  any  re- 
enforcements,  that  the  contest  was  hopeless.  However,  encouraged  by  their 
commander,  preparations  were  made  to  hold  out  as  long  as  possible.  Bomb- 
proofs  were  hurriedly  built  ini  the  rear  as  a  protection  from  the  fire  in  that 
direction.  At  daylight  on  Wednesday  morning,  the  enemy  made  a  serious  dem- 
onstration on  the  right  and  front,  while  advancing  in  great  force  on  the  left,  and 
succeeded  in  carrying  the  line  in  that  quarter,  penetrating  the  town  along  the 
river,  and  capturing  Battery  Worth,  with  the  200-pounder  rifle  gun.  Gen.  Wes- 
sells ordered  the  Regiment  to  form  in  line  at  right  angles  from  the  breastworks 
toward  the  river  in  hopes  of  checking  the  advance.  For  a  time  this  effort  suc- 
ceeded, but  the  enemy  had  succeeded  in  getting  in  a  position  to  fire  from  front 
and  rear,  as  well  as  enfilade  the  little  band,  and  concealed  himself  so  from  view 
that  the  contest  became  hopeless  and  the  men  were  forced  to  retire  into  the  bomb- 
proofs,  where  they  continued  to  fire  on  the  enemy,  not  wildly,  but  only  when  the 
enemy  exposed  himself  to  view.  Gen.  Hoke,  the  Confederate  commander, 
realizing  the  futility  of  further  defense,  ceased  firing  and  asked  for  a  personal 
interview  with  Gen.  Wessells,  at  which  he  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  remaind- 
er of  the  garrison — two-thirds  of  it  having  already  been  captured.  Gen.  Wessells 
demurred.  Gen.  Hoke  contended  that  further  resistance  was  useless,  as  the  position 
of  Gen.  Wessells  was  untenable,  that  there  was  no  possibility  of  relief,  and  that  the 
defense  was  all  that  ought  to  be  expected  of  brave  soldiers,  and  intimated  that 


further  resistance  might  lead  to  indiscriminate  slaughter.  This  intimation  was 
not  intended  as  a  threat;  neither  did  Gen.  Wessells  construe  it  as  such.  The 
bearing  of  Gen.  Hoke  throughout  the  entire  interview  was  most  courteous  and 
soldierlike.  Both  of  them  realized  at  this  time  that  the  little  garrison  could  not 
hold  out  much  longer.  Gen.  Wessells  knew  even  better  than  the  Confederate 
commander,  that  it  was  useless  to  contend  against  such  odds.  The  little  garrison 
was  completely  enveloped  on  every  side,  Fort  Williams  being  the  only  point  where 
there  was  the  least  hope  of  successfully  resisting  an  assault.  However,  Gen. 
Wessells  refused  the  demand  and  returned'  to  Fort  Williams.  For  nearly  an  hour 
after  his  return  the  enemy  slackened  his  fire,  except  the  firing  of  sharpshooters, 
who  were  concealed  in  every  available  spot.  If  a  head  appeared  above  the  parapet 
of  Fort  Williams,  or  from  the  bomb-proofs  on  either  side  of  it,  musket  balls  came 
from  many  directions.  Before  an  hour  had  elapsed  after  the  interview  between 
the  two  generals  a  concentrated  fire  was  opened  upon  the  doomed  part  from  four 
different  directions.  The  sharpshooters  of  the  enemy  made  it  impossible  to  man 
the  guns  in  the  fort,  and  the  shot  and  shell  was  poured  into  the  fort  without  any 
reply  being  made,  for  no  man  could  live  at  the  guns.  The  breast  height  was 
struck  by  solid  shot  on  every  side,  fragments  of  shells  sought  every  interior  angle 
of  the  work,  the  whole  extent  of  the  parapet  was  swept  by  musketry,  and  men  were 
killed  and  wounded  on  the  banquette  slope.  Gen.  Wessells  counselled  with  the 
officers  present  every  one  of  whom  urged  him  to  surrender,  and  between  lo  and 
1 1  o'clock  on  Wednesday,  April  20,  1864,  the  garrison  became  prisoners,  which 
embraced  the  entire  Regiment  except  Company  C,  detached  at  Roanoke  Island, 
N.  C,  and  the  men  of  other  companies  on  detached  duties,  sick  in  hospitals,  etc., 
in  all  about  450  men.  Gen.  Wessells  and  staff  were  at  once  separated  from  the 
troops,  and  they  were  never  again  permitted  to  serve  under  him.  He  remained 
at  Plymouth  until  Saturday,  April  23,  when  he  and  staff,  and  some  other  offi- 
cers, among  whom  was  Surgeon  Frick  of  the  103d,  left  Plymouth  by  the  Cotton 
plant,  for  Weldon.  Here  they  took  the  train  for  Richmond,  and  on  April  26,  he 
was  confined  in  Libby  Prison  at  Richmond.  On  May  7,  he  was  moved  to  Dan- 
ville where  he  remained  until  May  12,  when  he  was  taken  to  Macon,  Ga.,  where 
he  was  confined  until  June  10.  On  that  day  he  left  for  Charleston  arriving  there 
June  12.  He  remained  in  Charleston  until  Aug.  3,  when  he  was  exchanged,  and 
arrived  at  New  York  on  August  9,  1864. 


From  Plymouth  to  Andersonville  Military  Prison. 

(From  April  20  to  May  2,  1864.) 

At  noon,  the  Plymouth  captives  were  tramping  over  ground  made  familiar 
by  many  a  march,  under  very  different  conditions.  On  either  side  was  a  strong 
guard  of  Confederate  soldiers,  who,  although  natives  of  the  state,  with  but  few 
exceptions,  were  friendly  disjwsed  towards  their  defeated  foes,  and  manifested 
no  offensive  exultation  over  their  hard  earned  victory.  The  commissary  and  quar- 
termaster stores,  the  extra  camp  equipment,  and  the  deserted  houses  of  Plymouth 
had  made  it  possible  for  the  guards  to  supply  themselves  with  many  of  the  com- 
forts of  civilization  of  which  they  had  been  deprived  for  the  previous  two  or  three 
years.  Most  of  them  were  accoutred  with  a  motley  collection,  embracing  almost 
every  line  of  chattels  to  be  found  in  the  town,  and  this,  no  doubt,  was  a  good  thing 
for  fliose  in  their  custody,  as  it  removed  the  temptation  to  pilfer.  Foster's  Mills 
and  Jamesville  were  passed  during  the  afternoon.  A  halt  was  made  after  dark, 
four  or  five  miles  west  of  the  latter  place,  and  a  corn  field  was  selected  by  the 
captors  as  the  place  of  bivouac.  But  the  march  of  seventeen  or  eighteen  miles, 
in  a  broiling  Dixie  April  sun  made  any  resting  place  welcome.    The  second  day's 


march,  Friday,  April  22,  was  not  so  severe.  Shortly  after  noon  a  halt  was  made 
near  Williamston,  a  town  which  had  felt  the  devastation  of  war  more  than  once 
at  the  hands  of  many  of  those  who  were  now  captives  in  their  midst.  Here,  as 
elsewhere,  the  entire  community  had  turned  out  to  gaze  at  the  "Yankees."  Con- 
sidering the  treatment  that  at  least  one  expedition  from  Plymouth  had  given 
this  town,  in  which  the  writer  was  a  participant,  the  reception  accorded  the  cap- 
tives left  no  ground  for  complaint.  The  postmaster  of  the  town  was  among  the 
visitors,  and  proffered  his  services  to  get  letters  through  to  Northern  friends. 
Attout  the  middle  of  the  afternoon  the  march  was  resumed  and  continued  until  a 
little  before  dark,  when  a  halt  was  made  in  a  North  Carolina  meadow,  the  captors 
making  no  objection  to  the  confiscation  of  the  fence  rails  surrounding  it,  which 
were  used  to  keep  up  fires  to  dry  the  feet  made  wet  by  fording  numerous  streams 
during  the  ten  miles  covered  throughout  the  day.  The  site  of  this  resting  place 
was  convenient  to  excellent  water,  the  soldiers  best  beverage,  when  wearied  from 
a  fatiguing  march.  Both  officers  and  men,  comprising  the  guard,  seemed  desirous 
to  accord  their  prisoners  as  good  treatment  as  circumstances  would  permit,  select- 
ing comfortable  and  convenient  places  of  rest,  and  in  no  way,  interfering  where 
there  was  no  occasion.  Consideration  was  shown  to  the  sick,  and  in  every  way 
that  did  not  jeopardize  the  safety  of  those  in  their  charge,  the  guards  acted  in  a 
humane  and  Christian  manner.  Captivity  could  not  long  depress  the  wags  and  op- 
tomists  and  their  badinage  only  caused  friendly  laughter  from  the  guards  as  they 
trudged  along  together.  At  times  during  the  march  there  was  little  evidence  of 
captor  and  captive,  as  the  "light  hearts"  among  the  latter,  with  wit  and  song,  made 
all,  for  the  time,  oblivious  to  place  or  condition.  The  less  than  two  thousand  pris- 
oners represented  four  states  of  the  North ;  Connecticut,  Massachusets,  New  York 
and  Pennsylvania,  while  the  guards,  were  all  from  the  state  invaded  by  the  cap- 
tive :  five  states  represented,  each  one  of  which  had  been  part  of  that  illustrious 
galaxy,  the  Thirteen  original  states  which  formed  the  compact  the  severance  of 
which  was  now  threatened.  The  representatives  of  each  of  these  states  comprised 
the  best  citizenship  of  their  respective  commonwealths,  and  each,  captor  and  cap- 
tive, accepted  the  conditions  in  which  the  fortune  of  war  had  brought  them,  and 
acted  towards  each  other  as  friends  rather  than  foes.  When  the  jovial  spirits  among 
the  prisoners  started  on  that  most  popular  Yankee  marching  song  "John  Brown's 
Body  Lies  Mouldering  in  the  Grave,"  "As  We  Go  Marching  on,"  no  sign  of  pro- 
test was  made.  Even  when  that  verse  was  reached  that  was  most  likely  to  arouse 
the  passion  of  the  Confederate  soldier,  "We'll  hang  Jeff  Davis  on  a  sour  apple  tree, 
as  we  go  marching  on,"  evoked  only  a  smile.  The  men  comprising  the  rank  and 
file  of  the  Thirty-fifth  North  Carolina  Regiment  were  not  braggarts,  but  had  the 
qualities  that  make  brave  soldiers.  Brig.  Gen.  Ransom,  who  commanded  the  right 
wing  of  the  Confederate  force,  which  assaulted  and  carried  the  Federal  left  at 
Plymouth,  had  been  its  colonel,  and  subsequent  to  the  war,  represented  North 
Carolina  for  twenty-one  years  in  the  United  States  Senate  and  was  also  United 
States  minister  plenipotentiary  to  Mexico.  For  nearly  two  years  it  had  for  its 
adjutant  the  renowned  jurist,  Walter  Clark,  who  for  many  years  has  been  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  North  Carolina. 

Saturday,  April  23,  was  the  last  day  the  Thirty-fifth  guarded  the  Plymouth 
captives.  An  early  start  was  made  and  during  the  forenoon  the  town  of  Hamilton 
was  reached  and  a  rest  was  made  until  noon  the  next  day.  Here  the  captives 
were  regarded  as  safe  from  escape  and  the  Thirty-fifth  boys  were  relieved  of 
guard  duty  and  rushed  off  to  the  front.  A  new  set  of  "Johnny  Rebs"  took  charge, 
but  while  lacking  in  some  of  the  finer  qualities,  of  the  men  they  had  relieved,  their 
treatment  of  the  prisoners  was  fair  and  considerate.  On  Sunday,  the  24th,  the 
late  Plymouth  garrison,  was  regarded  by  the  natives  surrounding  Hamilton  as 
a  "circus."  Men,  women  and  children  for  miles  around  came  to  see  the  captured 
"Yankees."    About  noon  the  prisoners  were  formed  in  line  and  a  careful  search 


was  made  for  Buffaloes,  who  had  formerly  served  in  the  Confederate  army  and 
deserted.  A  number  were  detected,  and  taken  away,  and  met  the  fate,  no  doubt, 
which  the  laws  of  war,  of  all  nations  award  to  such.  This  search  being  over,  a 
march  of  twelve  miles  from  Hamilton  was  made  on  Sunday  afternoon,  and  about 
dark  a  halt  was  made  for  the  night,  during  which  there  was  a  light  rain-fall ; 
however,  the  place  of  bivouac,  a  friendly  pine  woods,  offered  a  slight  protection, 
and  further  than  dampening  the  blankets,  the  men  received  no  ill  effect  from 
Jupiter  Pluvius. 

On  Monday,  April  25,  the  bank  of  the  Tar  river  was  reached,  after  a  ten  mile 
march.  A  place  to  bivouac  was  assigned  the  captives  near  the  Tarboro  bridge,  and 
here  they  remained  until  Friday  morning,  April  29.  Tarboro  was  the  most  pre- 
tentious town  on  the  Tar  river  and  carried  on  considerable  traffic  with  Washing- 
ton, before  the  Federal  army  took  possession,  the  river  being  navigable  between 
the  two  points. 

During  the  three  days  stay  at  Tarboro,  "Yank"  and  "Reb"  carried  on  a  heavy 
traffic  and  the  men  who  were  fortunate  enough  to  have  the  Elizabeth  City  bank 
money  found  ample  opportunity  to  use  it  here  with  advantage.    The  citizens  were 
veritable  Shylocks  and  taking  advantage  of  the  necessities  of  the  prisoners  held 
every  thing  at  an  extortionate  price.    Before  reaching  Tarboro  the  limited  rations 
issued  by  the  captors  had  been  entirely  exhausted  and  the  men  were  in  a  fam- 
ished condition,  and  in  many  cases  submitted  to  the  extortion  to  appease  the  crav- 
ings of  the  stomach.    However,  in  time  the  representatives  of  the  commissariat 
made  a  distribution  to  each  man  of  a  cup  of  meal,  a  cup  of  black  peas,  a  tiny  piece 
of  bacon  and  a  meager  quantity  of  salt,  with  kettles  and  wood  to  aid  in  getting 
them  into  an  edible  condition.    Tarboro  being  a  railroad  town,  marching  was  now 
at  an  end,  except  to  and  from  stations.    The  order  to  leave  this  place  was  anxious- 
ly awaited  by  all,  although  Tarboro  itself,  was  a  pretty  town.    To  men  prohibited 
from  viewing  its  beauties  there  was  little  attraction,  and  as  the  temporary  stopping 
place  had  no  barracks  or  tents  to  shelter  from  the  sun  or  rain  life  here  soon  be- 
come monotonous.    No  one  had  any  regret  when  the  order  came  early  in  the  morn- 
ing of  the  29th  to  fall  in.    During  the  forenoon,  after  a  march  through  one  of 
Tarboro's  attractive  streets,  the  depot  was  reached  and  box  cars  were  boarded, 
and  by  ten  o'clock  the  train  was  moving  towards  Rocky  Mount,  where  the  Tar- 
boro branch  intersects  the  main  line  of  the  Atlantic  Coast  Line,  in  those  days 
known  as  the  Petersburg,  Weldon  and  Wilmington  Rail  Road.    A  stop  was  made 
at  Goldsboro,  56  miles  distant  from  Tarboro  by  rail,  where  rations  were  issued, 
consisting  of  three  hard  crackers,  and  a  small  piece  of  bacon.    Wilmington  was 
reached  during  the  night,  but  the  prisoners  were  kept  locked  in  the  closed  cars 
until  after  day  light,  when  they  alighted  and  marched  to  a  ferry  boat  which  was 
waiting  to  convey  them  across  the  Cape  Fear  river.    A  stop  of  several  hours  was 
made  on  the  dock  after  leaving  the  ferry  boat,  when  a  small  loaf  of  sour  wheat 
bread  and  some  bacon  were  distributed  to  each  man.    During  the  stop  here  the 
men  heard  the  firing  from  Federal  gunboats  which  prevented  a  blockade  runner 
from  passing  out  laden  with  Southern  products  for  foreign  ports.     They  had 
the  pleasure  of  witnessing  its  return.    The  smouldering  debris  of  a  vast  conflagra- 
tion, said  to  have  had  its  inception  through  a  Federal  prisoner-of-war,  who  had 
deliberately  placed  a  lighted  pipe  in  a  bale  of  cotton  was  a  cause  of  joyous  com- 
ment, rather  than  of  deprecation.     The  loss  was  admitted  to  have  been  great,  esti- 
mated at  several  millions  of  dollars  in  cotton  and  lumber  alone.    During  the  after- 
noon the  captives  took  their  departure  from  Wilmington  for  the  metropolis  of 
South  Carolina,  passing  several  train  loads  of  Confederate  soldiers  en  route  to 
join  the  army  in  the  direction  of  Petersburg  and  Richmond. 

A  surprise  was  given  the  captives  on  their  arrival  in  Charleston,  Sunday 
morning,  May  i,  a  place  universally  regarded  as  the  hot  bed  of  treason,  to  find 
many  evidences  of  loyalty  to  the  stars  and  stripes,  and  numerous  expressions  of 


sympathy  were  in  evidence,  some  even  of  a  tangible  nature.  However,  the  stay 
here  was  limited  to  two  or  three  hours,  when  platform  cars  were  boarded,  bound 
for  Savannah,  Georgia.  The  open  cars,  althoiigh  offering  no  protection  from  the 
Southern  sun,  presented  an  uninterrupted  view  of  the  surrounding  country,  even 
permitting  a  hazy  glimpse  of  Fort  Sumpter  from  the  bridge  crossing  the  Ashley 
river.  However,  before  the  journey  on  these  cars  came  to  an  end,  the  pleasures 
and  enjoyment  of  the  scenes  witnessed,  and  the  draughts  of  balmy  southern  air 
fragrant  with  the  perfume  of  the  magnolia  blossom,  were  well  paid  for  by  a 
drenching  rain. 

At  Savannah  a  change  of  cars  was  made,  the  last  change  of  this  pilgrimage, 
for  before  another  day  had  come  the  journey  was  at  an  end.  Previous  to  reaching 
Macon  a  stop  was  made,  rations  issued,  and  the  prisoners  permitted  the  privilege 
of  a  good  wash  in  running  water.  Another  stop  of  a  couple  of  hours  was  made 
at  Macon  and  about  six  o'clock  the  journey  was  resumed,  and  in  three  or  four 
hours,  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock,  Andersonville  station  was  reached,  and  the 
final  railroad  journey  of  hundreds  of  the  men  who  had  so  gallantly  defended 
the  town  of  Plymouth,  two  weeks  before  was  forever  at  an  end.  As  the  men  left 
the  cars,  a  careful  count  was  made,  and  after  a  short  march  an  open  field,  with 
inviting  fires,  was  reached,  where  a  halt  was  made  for  the  night. 

Early  the  next  morning,  Capt.  Henry  Wirz  made  his  appearance,  who 
with  bluster  and  profanity,  intermingled  with  sinister  imprecations,  introduced 
himself  to  the  Plymouth  captives  by  supervising  their  formation  into  detachments 
of  270 — subdivided  into  messes  of  90,  each  detachment  and  subdivision  being  un- 
der the  supervision  of  a  sergeant  captive,  whose  duty  it  was  to  draw  and  issue 
rations  and  call  the  roll,  the  latter  being  done  under  the  supervision  of  Confeder- 
ate guards.  Early  in  the  forenoon,  May  3,  (Tuesday)'  the  enlisted  men  of  the 
Regiment,  approximating  400  in  numbers,  entered  the  Andersonville  stockade. 

From  the  Capture  of  the  Regiment  to  the  Final  Discharge. 
(From  April  20,  1864,  to  July  13,  1865.) 

With  the  fall  of  Plymouth  the  headquarters  of  the  Sub-District  of  the 
Albemarle  was  transferred  to  Roanoke  Island.  Lieut.  Col.  Will  W.  Clark,  85th 
New  York  Regiment,  who  had  assumed  command  of  Roanoke  Island  Post  on 
April  II,  was  superseded  by  Col.  D.  W.  Wardrop,  of  the  99th  New  York  Vol- 
unteers, as  commanding  officer  of  the  Sub-District  of  the  Albemarle,  he  retain- 
ing Lieut.  Col.  Clark  on  his  staff  as  aide-de-camp.  The  command  of  the  Regi- 
ment devolved  upon  Capt.  Thomas  A.  Cochran  of  Co.  C,  who  had  been  doing 
garrison  duty  with  his  company  at  Fort  Reno,  Roanoke  Island,  for  several 
months.  As  soon  as  Capt.  Cochran  assumed  command  of  the  Regiment  he  made 
requisition  on  the  Adjutant  General's  Office  for  a  copy  of  the  last  muster  roll  of 
the  field  and  staff  and  the  nine  companies  captured  at  Plymouth.  In  due  time 
they  were  received  at  regimental  headquarters.  As  the  army  regulations  re- 
quired, besides  daily  and  quarterly  returns,  muster  rolls  of  the  field  and  staff,  and 
of  every  company  in  the  Regiment  to  be  made  bi-monthly,  in  which  every  man 
in  the  Regiment  had  to  be  accounted  for  under  the  head  of  remarks  as  these 
had  to  be  made  in  quadruplicate,  an  endless  task  of  clerical  work  devolved  upon 
Capt.  Cochran.  Every  man  belonging  to  the  absent  companies,  who  was  not 
otherwise  accounted  for  on  the  copy  of  the  muster  rolls  received  was  marked  as 
"Captured  at  Plymouth,  N.  C,  April  20,  1864."  In  addition  to  these  muster  rolls 
of  the  ten  companies,  and  the  field  and  staff,  Capt.  Cochran  made  out  a  muster 
roll  of  the  detachment,  which  comprised  members  of  the  captured  companies,  who 
were  absent  from  the  Regiment  at  the  time  it  was  captured.     At  the  first  mus- 


(From  the   official  records.) 

The  plate  from  which  the  above  map  is  printed  is  the  property  of  the  State  of  North 
Carolina  and  was  prepared  for  "North  Carolina  Regiments."  It  Is  used  here  by  courtesy  of 
the  state. 

Roanoke  Island  was  captured  by  Gen.  Burnside  Feb.  7,  1862.  The  Confederate  names 
of  the  forts  are  given  In  the  map.  These  were  changed  after  its  capture  by  the  Federal 
commander  in  honor  of  the  commanders  of  the  three  brigades  participating  in  the  capture: 
Brig.  Gens.  John  G.  Foster,  Jesse  L.  Reno  and  John  G.  Parke.  Ft.  Bartow  became  Ft.  Foster; 
Ft.  Blanchard,  Ft.  Reno,  and  F^.  Huger,  Ft.  Parke. 

After  the  capitulation  of  Plymouth,  April  20,  1864,  Roanoke  Island  became  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Sub-District  of  the  Albemarle,  and  was  garrisoned  by  fragments  of  the  regi- 
ments captured  at  Plymouth  until  the  war  was  practically  ended. 


ter  after  the  capture  of  the  Regiment,  April  30,  1864,  there  were  four  men  on 
the  muster  roll  of  the  detachment,  viz:  John  Cupp  (Co.  E),  George  W.  Dies 
(Co.  G),  Benjamin  Graham  and  Lemuel  Slagle  (Co.  F).  Cupp  had  been  granted 
a  furlough  for  30  days,  October  6,  1863 ;  was  taken  sick,  and  did  not  return  until 
April  26 ;  Dies  was  absent  from  the  Regiment  only  a  week  prior  to  the  capture 
of  Plymouth  on  leave  of  absence  granted  by  Gen.  Wessells ;  Graham  was  a  re- 
cruit, arriving  after  the  capture  of  the  Regiment,  and  Slagle  was  sent  from 
Plymouth  hospital  after  the  attack  was  made,  he  having  been  seriously  wounded 
three  months  before. 

By  August  31,  the  following  had  either  arrived  at     Roanoke     Island,  or 
official  notice  had  been  received  at  regimental  headquarters  of  their  whereabouts : 
Capt.  William  Fielding  (Co.  I),  ist  Lieut.  George  W.  Kelly  (Co.  H),  1st  Sergt. 
John  H.  Brown  (Co.  D),  ist  Sergt.  Watson  C.  Mobley  (Co.  A),  Sergt.  Thomas 
J.  Walters  (Co.  K),  Sergt.  John  Walters  (Co.  H),  Corp.  Thomas  Craft  (Co. 
K),  Corp.  Lewis  Woolford   (Co.  E),  Privates  Augustus  Abel   (Co.  B),  John 
Cupp  (Co.  E),  George  W.  Dies  (Co.  G),  Daniel  Greek  (Co.  G),  William  Hall- 
man  (Co.  H),  Thomas  Jewett  (Co.  G),  Henry  Kness   (Co.  F),  George  Mush- 
rush   (Co.  E),  Joseph  Shill   (Co.  H),  Thomas  A.  Smith   (Co.  K),  Andrew  J. 
SalHards  (Co.  F),  Lemuel  Slagle  (Co.  F),  Jethro  Warner  (Co.  G),  Samuel  A. 
Walker  (Co.  I),  Thomas  Burns  (Co.  K),  Helm  J.  McGill  (Co.  I),  George  W. 
Davidson  (Co.  D).    Davidson  had  been  honorably  discharged  by  reason  of  dis- 
ability on  Surgeon's  certificate,  August  29,  1862.    He  had  lost  his  discharge,  and 
was  apprehended  as  a  deserter  and  sent  to  the  Regiment  on  May  20,  1864.   There 
being  no  record  of  why  he  was  dropped  from  the  rolls  he  was  kept  on  duty  with 
the  detachment  until  August  22,  1864,  when  notice  of  his  discharge  was  received 
from  the  War  Department.     The  July  and  August  muster  rolls  show  that  30 
recruits  had  arrived  at  the  Regiment  for  the  captured  companies.     The  ram 
Albemarle,  although  secluded  up  the  Roanoke  River  many  miles  from  Roanoke 
Island,  kept  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Sub-District  of  the  Albemarle  in  con- 
stant dread  of  an  attack  from  the  enemy,  much  to  the  annoyance  of  the  men  on 
duty  on  the  Island.    The  negro  contrabands  were  furnished  with  arms  and  fre- 
quent orders  were  issued  from  headquarters  cautioning  the  troops  to  be  vigilant. 
Col.  Lehmann  returned  to  the  Regiment  in  December,  1864,  and  was  immediately 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Sub-District  of  the  Albemarle.     Capt.  Cochran 
was  superseded  as  commanding  officer  of  the  Regiment    by    Capt.  Cratty,  who 
was  his  senior  in  rank.    During  the  early  months  of  1865,  the  officers  and  men, 
who  had  been  prisoners  of  war,  began  to  return  to  the  Regiment  in  numbers,  and 
by  April  more  than  a  hundred  had  arrived.     Owing  to  their  long  absence,  and 
the  privations  they  had  suffered,  they  were  allowed  many  liberties,  and     were 
practically  exempt  from  duty.    When  their  numbers  had  approximated  a  hundred 
they  appeared  at  dress  parade  as  a  detachment  one  evening.     It  had  been  nearly 
a  year  since  they  had  been  on  dress  parade  or  had  drill  of  any  kind.     Without 
any  preliminary  practice,  whatever,  they  executed  the  manual  of  arms,  as  if  it 
were  done  by  one  man.    No  company  of  the  Regiment,  at  any  time  in  its  history, 
ever  surpassed  this  detachment  in  the  manipulation  of  arms,  as  it  was  executed 
on  this  occasion.     The  freedom  given  these  ex-prisoners    of  war  was  not  con- 
ducive to  discipline,  Roanoke  Island  afforded  many  opportunities  for  enjoyment, 
and  Scuppernong  wine  was  plentiful.     All  indications  pointed  to  an  early  end- 
ing of  the  war.    These  men  were  having  one  continual  holiday,  and  dances  were 
frequently  arranged  by  the  Terpsichoreans  and  citizens  on     the     Island.     The 
latter  were  glad  to  assist  in  arranging  these,  as  it  gave  them  an  opportunity  to 
dispense  at  a  fair  profit  the  Island's  principal  beverage.     In  the  meantime  eight 
companies  of  new  men,  with  a  full  complement  of  commissioned  officers,  had  ar- 
rived to  be  consolidated  with  the  Regiment.    A  similar  number  had  come  to  the 
Island  to  be  consolidated  with  the  lOist  Regiment.     The  officers  of  these  new 

r'VlsA-P^   »■.      _^ . __ 


troops  had  done  service  in  other  Regiments,  and  were  ambitious  to  gain  promo- 
tion. Complaints  were  frequently  made  during  this  period  of  depredations  com- 
mitted on  the  Island,  mostly  from  the  negro  contrabands.  Hen  roosts  were 
robbed  so  boldly  that  the  blame  fell  exclusively  on  the  ex-prisoners  of  war.  Col. 
Lehmann  issued  strict  orders  that  the  men  should  remain  at  quarters,  night  and 
day,  unless  given  permission  from  headquarters  to  leave.  The  men  paid  little 
attention  to  such  orders.  The  guards  from  Co.  C,  and  from  the  detachment 
made  up  of  those  who  had  not  been  captured  and  new  recruits,  permitted  the 
ex-prisoners  of  war  to  go  and  come  at  will,  irrespective  of  orders  issued.  Col. 
Lehmann  had  the  Island  patrolled,  day  and  night,  by  the  new  companies.  At  a 
dance,  one  night  the  house  where  it  was  held  was  surrounded,  and  25  or  30  men 
were  captured  by  one  of  these  new  companies.  The  prisoners  were  marched  to 
headquarters  and  put  in  the  guard  house.  It  was  a  log  house  with  a  ground  floor, 
with  only  one  door  which  was  locked  on  the  outside  by  a  pad-lock,  and  adjoin- 
ing it,  was  a  room  for  the  guard-quarters,  where  the  sergeant  of  the  guard,  and 
the  guard  off  duty  rested.  When  the  men  were  incarcerated  Col.  Lehmann  was 
notified  and  he  gave  orders  to  have  them  securely  guarded.  Shortly  after  dawn 
the  next  day  the  Colonel  made  his  appearance  and  asked  the  sergeant  in  charge 
to  unlock  the  door,  all  the  time  expressing  condemnation  of  the  imprisoned  men 
and  threatenening  them  with  punishment.  During  the  time  the  sergeant  was 
opening  the  door,  Col.  Lehmann  had  worked  himself  into  a  high  state  of  ex- 
citement with  his  denunciations — interspersed  with  thundering  expletives.  The 
door  was  opened  and  the  prison  was  found  vacant.  A  tunnel  had  been  dug  and 
the  prisoners  had  worked  so  stealthily  that  the  guards  had  no  suspicion  of  an 
attempt  being  made  to  escape.  The  Colonel  was  in  a  rage.  It  was  not  yet  time 
for  reveille,  but  he  went  immediately  to  the  quarters,  and  had  the  men  called  out 
in  line.  He  first  informed  the  men  he  knew  who  the  culprits  were,  and  he  wanted 
them  to  step  to  the  front.  Not  a  man  stirred.  Then  he  threatened  to  punish  all, 
but  the  men  remained  stolid  and  calm,  and  acted  as  though  his  denunciations  and 
threats  fell  on  deaf  ears.  Orders  were  issued  that  day  for  the  entire  detachment 
to  get  ready  to  move  to  Coin  Jock  on  the  Dismal  Swamp  Canal.  The  Colonel 
had  determined  to  isolate  them  again  from  civilization  as  punishment,  but  this 
made  the  innocent  suffer  as  well  as  the  guilty,  and  would  also  force  the  commis- 
sioned officers,  who  had  been  prisoners  of  war,  into  exile  also.  They  protested 
most  vigorously,  but  the  Colonel  remained  obdurate.  By  sfood  fortune  this  pun- 
ishment was  interrupted  by  orders  from  department  headquarters,  however 
with  no  intent  to  thwart  the  Colonel  in  his  purpose.  The  war  was  at  an  end  and 
the  Regiment  was  ordered  to  New  Bern,  N.  C,  to  be  mustered  out  of  the  service 
of  the  United  States.  This  was  delayed  for  some  reason,  proba:bly  for  lack  of 
transportation,  until  June  25,  1865.  This  muster  out  did  not  give  the  men  free 
rein  to  do  as  they  pleased;  they  were  still  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  officers, 
and  remained  so  until  after  they  received  the  final  pavment  due  them,  which 
was  given  them  simultaneously  with  their  discharge,  at  Harrisburg,  Penna.,  July 
13,  1865.  Subsequent  to  the  war  no  one  laughed  more  heartily  over  the  Roanoke 
Island  tunnel  escape  than  did  Col.  Lehmann,  when  meeting  the  men  who  were 
participants  in  it. 

FIELD    AND    STAFF  67 


Col.  W.  F.  Fox,  in  his  "Regimental  Losses,"  perhaps  the  most  trustworthy  statistical 
work  on  regimental  casualties  in  the  Civil  War  published,  says:  "There  are  other  reasons 
than  money  or  patriotism  which  induce  men  to  risk  life  and  limb  in  war.  There  is  the  love 
of  glory  and  the  expectation  of  honorable  recognition.  But  the  private  in  the  ranks  ex- 
pects neither.  His  identity  is  merged  in  that  of  his  regiment  and  its  name  is  every  thing. 
He  does  not  expect  to  see  his  own  name  on  the  page  of  history,  and  is  content  with  a  proper 
recognition  of  the  old  command  in  which  he  fought.  But  he  is  jealous  of  the  record  of  his 
regiment,  and  demands  credit  for  every  shot  it  fired  and  every  grave  it  filled.  The  bloody 
laurels  for  which  a  regiment  contends  will  always  be  awarded  to  the  one  with  the  longest 
roll  of  honor.  Scars  are  the  true  evidence  of  wounds  and  the  regimental  scars  can  be  seen 
only  in  the  record  of  its  casualties." 

Only  seven  Pennsylvania  Regiments  are  credited  in  "Regimental  Losses"  with  more 
deaths,  during  the  war,  than  the  103d  Regiment.  From  a  casual  examination  of  the  rosters 
of  the  regiments  whose  losses  are  greater  than  that  of  the  103d,  the  writer  believes  a  careful 
examination  will  show  that  a  greater  number  of  the  original  organization  of  the  Regiment — 
slightly  less  than  one  thousand — died  in  the  service,  than  that  of  any  other  regiment.  While 
it  is  true  the  private,  or  rather  enlisted  man,  is  jealous  of  the  record  of  his  regiment,  he 
also  takes  especial  pride  in  the  record  of  his  company.  As  the  company  is  the  unit  of  the 
regimental  organization,  it  seems  to  the  writer,  that  a  sketch  of  the  companies  should  be  an 
important  feature  of  a  regimental  history.  An  earnest  endeavor  has  been  made  to  gather 
reliable  data  as  to  the  organization  and  special  work  of  the  respective  companies,  Of  some 
there  have  been  no  authentic  data  secured,  and  the  references  to  those  are  necessarily  brief, 
Those  having  the  most  extensive  notices  have  caused  the  writer  and  his  collaborator,  less 
labor  than  those  most  meagerly  mentioned.  These  company  sketches  embrace  the  essential 
features  of  all  the  personal  reminiscences  sent  in.  The  latter  chiefly  referred  to  matters  al- 
ready fully  covered  in  detail  in  the  narrative  of  the  Regiment  and  were  generally  a  repeti- 
tion of  each  other.  The  biographical  notices  incorporated  into  the  field  and  staff  and  com- 
pany sketches,  will  be  of  interest  to  the  surviving  comrades,  and  would  have  been  more 
numerous  had  the  data  been  forthcoming. 


The  discipline  and  efficiency  of  a  regiment  of  volunteer  troops  depends  solely  on  the 
proficiency  in  military  knowledge  and  discipline  of  its  commanding  officers.  A  commander 
may  be  exceptionally  brilliant  in  military  science  and  yet  lack  the  qualities  that  tend  to 
discipline.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war  few  regiments  possessed  commanding  officers  with 
military  training,  except  as  acquired  in  the  State  militia.  The  103d  Regiment  at  its  organi- 
zation was  deemed  most  fortunate  in  possessing  in  its  chief  commanding  officer  a  man  of 
exceptional  proficiency  in  military  knowledge  and  a  strict  disciplinarian.  Col.  Lehmann 
not  only  had  the  early  training  of  a  German  military  school  and  the  experience  of  several 
years  as  a  commissioned  officer  in  the  German  army,  but  he  had  been  identified  for  several 
months  as  the  second  in  command  of  one  of  the  most  noted  regiments  going  out  from  the 
State,  thereby  acquiring  a  knowledge  of  incalculable  benefit.  As.  Col.  Lehmann  was  iden- 
tified with  the  Regiment  at  its  organization  and  was  mustered  out  with  it  after  the  war  had 
ended,  a  biography  of  him  will  be  of  interest  to  all  those  who  have  followed  the  activities 
of  the  Regiment. 

Col.  Theodore  Frederick  Lehmann  was  born  in  the  town  of  Eystrup,  Germany,  in 
the  year  1812.  He  attended  the  Gymnasium  (a  preparatory  school),  in  the  city  of  Olden- 
burg, and  subsequently  the  military  academy,  from  which  he  graduated  a  second  lieutenant 
in  1829.  He  resigned  from  the  army  in  1833,  and  began  the  study  of  drawing  and  painting, 
for  which  he  possessed  great  talent,  at  Ehisseldorf,  on  the  Rhine.  Later  he  went  to  Paris' 
in  pursuit  of  his  artistic  studies,  and  from  there  to  Nantes,  where  he  became  superintendent 
of  the  Academy  of  Fine  Arts.  Col.  Lehmann  married  there,  but  shortly  after,  in  1837  con- 
cluded to  try  his  fortune  in  America,  and  came  to  New  York  City.     He  had  not  resided 


there  long  before  his  eyesight  began  to  give  him  much  trouble,  and  the  health  of  his  young 
wife  began  to  fail.  Being  offered  a  position  as  Civil  Engineer  in  Texas,  he  went  south, 
traveling  all  the  way  on  horseback. 

In  Texas  he  surveyed  and  laid  out  the  land  for  several  towns — besides  designing 
the  boundary  lines  of  great  estates.  At  that  time  General  Houston  was  Governor  of  Texas, 
and  a  cordial  friendship  was  formed  between  him  and  Col.  Lehmann. 

His  wife  dying  in  1839  Col.  Lehmann  moved  to  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  where  he  ac- 
cepted a  professorship  in  a  college  near  there,  the  most  prominent  college  for  girls  in  the 

While  residing  there  Col.  Lehmann  met  and  married  his  second  wife,  Miss  Catherine 
Blanton  McMurtry,  in  1844.  He  removed  to  Henderson,  Ky.,  in  1852,  where  he  established 
a  fine  school  for  girls,  but  shortly  after,  in  1855,  superior  inducements  being  offered  in 
Morganfield,  a  nearby  town,  he  removed  his  school  there.  Here,  in  1856,  his  wife  and  son 
John  died  of  cholera  the  same  day. 

In  1858  Col.  Lehmann  married  Miss  Fannie  Lloyd,  a  daughter  of  Capt.  Lloyd,  de- 
ceased, of  the  English  army,  and  shortly  after  removed  to  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  where  he  ac- 
cepted the  position  of  superintendent  of  one  of  the  public  schools. 

The  civil  war  breaking  out  in  1861  brought  prominently  into  notice  the  military 
talents  and  training  of  Col.  Lehmann,  and  he  was  commissioned  Lieut.  Colonel  of  the 
62d  Regt.,  Penna.  Vol.  Infantry,  at  its  organization  in  1861.  He  was  transferred  from  the 
62d  Regiment  to  the  command  of  the  103d  Regiment,  Oct.  80,  1861,  assuming  command 
of  the  Regiment  Nov.  4,  and  was  mustered  out  with  it  at  New  Bern,  N.  C.,  June  25, 
1865,  retaining  command  of  it  until  July  13,  1865,  when  it  was  finally  discharged  and  dis- 
banded at  Harrisburg. 

Col.  Lehmann  was  a  man  of  many  talents.  He  was  an  artist  and  a  musician,  a 
chemist  and  a  civil  engineer,  a  linguist  and  an  inventor.  His  eldest  son,  in  a  letter  before 
the  writer,  says  of  his  father: 

"The  fly  in  the  ointment"  was  his  utter  lack  of  all  business  ability.  One  night  in  New 
York  City,  among  a  party  of  gentlemen,  he  made  a  remark  I  have  never  forgotten.  Said 
he,  "The  German  scientist  is  nearly  always  like  a  blind  hen :  She  scratches  for  her  chick- 
ens, but  cannot  scratch  for  herself,"  and  therein  lay  his  own  story.  He  lacked  the  element 
of  business  to  turn  his  own  work  of  chemical  investigation  and  inventions  to  advantage 
and  others  reaped  the  benefit  or  they  were  lost." 

When  his  relations  with  the  army  were  severed  Col.  Lehmann  returned  to  Pittsburgh, 
and  engaged  in  civil  engineering.  His  wife  died  in  1891,  and  he  removed  to  Washington, 
D.  C,  where  he  died  on  Friday,  Dec.  6,  1894,  aged  82  years.  He  was  buried  under  the 
auspices  of  the  G.  A.  R.,  Department  of  the  Potomac,  on  Sunday  afternoon,  Dec.  8,  1894. 

At  the  present  writing  (1910),  the  following  children  of  Col.  Lehmann  still  survive 
him :  Chas.  A.  Lehmann,  New  Albany,  Ind. ;  Mrs.  Fred.  A.  Lehmann  (daughter-in-law)  ; 
Mrs.  Kate  Zimmerman,  Miss  Lucy  I.  Lehmann,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  Mrs.  J.  Ed.  Cowen, 
Ernest  Lehmann,  Mrs.   Alice  Gilbert,   Pittsburgh,   Penna. 


The  Civil  War  demonstrated  one  important  fact,  that  to  preserve  this  Republic  a 
large  standing  army  is  unnecessary.  And  while  military  training  schools  for  officers  may 
be  necessary,  yet  even  without  them,  situated  as  we  are,  we  would  have  little  to  fear  from 
outside  nations. 

In  its  lieutenant-colonel  the  103d  Regiment  selected  a  man  without  any  military 
knowledge,  and  yet  it  is  doubtful  if  any  one  who  served  with  the  Regiment  from  the  be- 
ginning to  the  end  would  not  concede  that  the  Regiment  made  no  mistake  when  it 
selected  Wilson  C.  Maxwell  as  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  Regiment.  Just  how  it  came 
that  this  selection  was  made  may  never  be  made  perfectly  clear.  The  strong  personality 
of  Lieut.-Col.  Maxwell  was,  no  doubt,  a  dominating  factor.  There  were  three  men  in  the 
Regiment  more  mature  in  years  and  who,  for  that  time,  were  regarded  as  military  men, 
who  had  been  identified  with  the  Regiment  from  its  incipient  organization,  on  either  of 

FIELD    AND    STAFF  69 

whom,  it  would  seem,  this  position  should  have  gone  in  preference  to  this  quiet,  young 
man  who  lately  came  to  the  Regiment,  viz :  Captains  Laughlin,  Gillespie  and  Townsend. 
Perhaps  it  may  have  been  the  rivalry  between  these  men  for  the  position  that  made  it 
possible  for  Lieut.-Col.  Maxwell  to  assume  the  role  of  a  "dark  horse."  In  the  archives  of 
the  State,  there  is  preserved  a  petition,  signed  by  fully  three-fourths  of  the  Regiment,  re- 
questing Gov.  Curtin  to  appoint  Capt.  Wilson  C.  Maxwell  to  the  Lieutenant  Colonelcy. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Wilson  C.  Maxwell  was  born  in  1840  on  a  farm  near  Clintonville, 
Venango  County,  Penna.  He  received  his  school  education  in  the  district  schools  of  the 
County  and  at  Jame's  Union  Academy,  Clintonville.  Before  he  had  attained  his  majority 
he  became  a  district  school  teacher  and  attained  a  high  reputation  in  the  neighborhood 
where  he  was  reared  as  an  instructor.  His  parents  moving  from  Venango  County  to  Har- 
risville,  Butler  County,  a  short  time  before  the  war,  he  was  a  resident  of  that  place  when 
the  war  began.  However,  on  the  discovery  of  oil  in  Venango  County,  he  became  identified 
with  the  oil  business  on  Oil  Creek,  and  first  gave  evidence  of  a  predilection  for  military 
life  while  there.  During  the  summer  of  1861  he  assisted  in  recruiting  a  cavalry  company 
in  Venango  County,  and  was  promised  a  lieutenancy  in  the  company.  After  the  company 
arrived  at  Harrisburg,  or  Philadelphia,  there  was  a  disagreement  and  Maxwell  severed 
his  relations  with  the  cavalry.  Before  returning  home  he  received  authority  from  Gov. 
Curtin  to  recruit  a  company,  and  as  soon  as  he  arrived  at  Harrisville,  he  went  to  work 
with  great  enthusiasm  at  raising  another  company,  the  result  of  which  is  told  in  a  sketch 
of  Company  I,  in  this  volume. 

Lieut,  Col.  Maxwell's  military  career  has  already  been  told  in  the  chronological  nar- 
rative of  the  Regiment,  and  in  the  official  reports.  He  commanded  the  Regiment,  and  was 
captured  with  it  at  Plymouth,  N.  C.  During  his  imprisonment  he  contracted  disease  which 
baffled  the  best  medical  skill.  He  was  paroled  November  1,  1864,  and  discharged  on  ac- 
count of  his  health,  December  IS,  1864.  He  returned  to  his  home  at  Harrisville,  and  al- 
though receiving  the  best  of  medical  aid  he  gradually  weakened  until  final  dissolution  came. 
A  comrade  who  was  at  his  bedside  when  the  last  summons  came,  J.  W,  Orr  (since  de- 
ceased), wrote: 

"The  night  of  his  death  two  comrades  sat  beside  him  to  hear  what  he  might  say, 
John  W.  Shull,  just  returned  from  the  78th,  and  myself.  His  last  words  were,  'Turn  me 
over  a  little  again,  boys.'  Seeing  the  end  fast  approaching,  we  summoned  the  family,  the 
goodbyes  were  said,  and  Col.  Maxwell  passed  peacefully  into  the  great  beyond.  The  cort- 
ege of  the  funeral  was  large,  the  'boys'  who  had  returned  from  the  war  forming  an  escort 
on  either  side  of  the  hearse,  under  command  of  Capt.  Hugh  A.  Ayres  of  the  78th  Regi- 
ment. He  was  buried  in  Prairie  Cemetery,  at  Harrisville,  Pa.,  along  side  the  brother  whose 
remains  he  had  sent  home  from  Yorktown  in  May,  1862." 

Lieut.  Col.  Wilson  C.  Maxwell  was  a  representative  of  the  highest  and  best  citizen- 
ship of  the  young  manhood  of  America,  who  responded  to  the  call  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 
He  was  in  the  highest  sense  a  good  man — he  was  a  good  soldier. 


Audley  William  Gazzam,  Major  of  the  103d  Regiment,  was  born  in  Pittsburgh,  Pa., 
May  8,  1836.  He  was  the  eldest  son  of  Dr.  Edward  Despard  Gazzam,  also  a  native  of 
Pittsburgh,  having  been  born  in  that  city  in  1803.  Maj.  Gazzam's  father  was  at  one  time 
postmaster  of  Pittsburgh,  and  had  the  distinction  of  having  been  the  first  Republican  State 
Senator  from  Allegheny  County,  having  been  elected  to  that  position  in  1856.  At  an  early 
age  Maj.  Gazzam  was  admitted  to  the  Allegheny  County  bar.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil 
War  he  was  President  of  the  Firemen's  Association  of  Pittsburgh,  from  which  body  he 
recruited  a  company  for  the  three  months'  service,  known  as  the  Fire  Zouaves,  of  which 
he  was  captain.  On  March  1,  1862,  he  was  appointed  and  mustered  as  Major  of  the  103d 
Penna.  Regiment,  his  commission  and  muster  dating  from  Nov.  1,  1861. 

Owing  to  the  absence  of  the  Colonel  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  the  command  of  the  Regi- 
ment devolved  upon  Maj.  Gazzam  during  most  of  the  Peninsula  campaign.  It  was  under 
his  leadership  that  the  Regiment  received  its  baptism  of  fire  at  the  battle  of  Williamsburg, 


and  it  was  under  his  command  that  the  Regiment  checked  the  advance  of  Garland's 
Brigade  of  a  half  dozen  regiments  of  Hill's  Division,  which  led  the  attack  of  Casey's  Di- 
vision at  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks.  While  leading  the  Regiment  in  the  dense  woods  in  front 
of  the  abatis  in  advance  of  Casey's  position  Maj.  Gazzam  was  swept  from  his  horse  by  the 
limb  of  a  tree,  and  was  momentarily  stunned  by  his  head  striking  a  log  in  the  fall.  How- 
ever, he  quickly  regained  his  feet,  remounted,  and  after  the  Regiment  had  been  scattered 
into  fragments  by  the  overwhelming  force  of  the  enemy,  and  the  almost  impenetrable 
woods  through  which  it  had  to  retire,  succeeded  in  rallying  nearly  two  hundred  of  the 
men,  and  kept  them  together  throughout  the  day.  The  immense  strain  of  this  campaign, 
and  the  continued  exposure  finally  compelled  Maj.  Gazzam  to  succumb  to  disease,  and 
after  the  Regiment  arrived  at  Harrison's  Landing,  he  was  sent  to  the  General  Hospital  at 
Fortress  Monroe.  Subsequently  he  returned  to  the  Regiment  at  New  Bern,  N.  C,  and 
remained  with  it  until  the  Autumn  of  1863,  when  he  was  sent  to  Pennsylvania  on  recruiting 
service.  His  impaired  physical  condition  caused  him  to  be  transferred  to  the  Veteran  Reserve 
Corps,  and  he  remained  in  this  department  of  the  service  until  after  the  end  of  the  war, 
when  he  resigned,  his  resignation  being  accepted  in  July,  1865.  After  severing  his  connec- 
tion with  the  army  Maj.  Gazzam  removed  to  Utica,  N.  Y. ;  subsequently  moving  to  New 
York  and  later  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  continued  to  reside  until  his  death,  which  oc- 
curred after  an  illness  of  but  a  few  hours,  on  Saturday,  May  10,  1884.  At  the  time  of  his 
death  he  was  attorney  general  for  the  National  Cremation  Society,  and  he  was  the  first 
member  of  that  society  to  be  cremated,  the  incineration  taking  place  at  the  La  Moytie  Crema- 
tory, Washington,  Penna.,  then  the  only  crematory  in  the  United  States.  The  ashes  were 
taken  to  Utica,  N.  Y.,  and  buried  in  the  family  lot  in  Forest  Hill  Cemetery  in  conformity 
to  the  written  desire  of  Maj.  Gazzam.  Maj.  Gazzam  was  well  known  in  Pittsburgh,  Utica, 
New  York  City  and  Philadelphia  as  a  lawyer  of  ability,  making  a  specialty  of  bankruptcy 
cases.  This  branch  of  the  law  is  indebted  to  him  for  several  important  works,  among  them 
being  "Gazzam  in  Bankruptcy"  and  a  "Digest  of  American  and  English  Decisions  in  Bank- 

Maj.  Gazzam  was  twice  married:  the  first  time  at  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  to  Mary  Elizabeth 
Van  Deusen,  daughter  of  Rev.  Edwin  M.  Van  Deusen,  formerly  rector  of  St.  Peter's  P.  E. 
Church,  Pittsburgh,  and  of  Grace  Church,  Utica,  N.  Y.  Mrs.  Mary  Gazzam  died  in  Utica, 
N.  Y.,  April  12,  1871.  His  second  marriage,  to  Isabella  Rogers,  of  New  York,  occurred  in 
1876.     Mrs.  Gazzam  is  now  (1909)   residing  at  South  Norwalk,  Conn. 

Children  of  Maj.  Gazzam  and  Mary  Elizabeth  Van  Deusen  Gazzam:  Antoinette 
Elizabeth;  married  to  John  Stanley  Frederick  of  Baltimore,  Md.  She  is  now  (1909)  re- 
siding at  Miami,  Florida.  Mary  Van  Deusen;  married  to  the  Rev.  George  Abbott  Hunt, 
of  the  P.  E.  Church;  resides  now  (1909)  at  Narberth,  Penna.  Dr.  Edwin  Van  Deusen 
Gazzam,  who  graduated  in  medicine  from  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Class  of  1892, 
and  who  for  ten  years  successfully  practised  medicine  in  New  York  City.  Owing  to  serious 
injuries  received  in  a  cable  car  accident  he  was  obliged  to  relinquish  his  profession  for 
nearly  a  year,  and  then  moved  to  his  old  home,  at  Utica,  N.  Y.,  where  he  is  now  (1907) 
in  active  practice.  He  was  married  to  Miss  Clara  Margaret  Griffith,  of  Utica,  N.  Y.  Irene 
Gilbert;  married  to  Edward  Hagaman  Hall,  of  New  York  City;  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hall  now 
(1907)  reside  at  12  West  103d  street.  New  York  city.  Maria  Florence,  married  (Jeorge  W. 
Kosel,  of  Homestead,  Florida,  where  they  reside  now   (1907). 

Children  of  Major  Gazzam  and  Isabelle  Rogers  Gazzam:  Joseph  Murphy  Gazzam, 
Jr.,  Attorney  at  Law ;  in  1903  married  Miss  May  Perkins  Lewis,  of  New  London,  Conn. ; 
address  (1907)  44  Court  street,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. ;  residence  201  Qinton  street,  Brooklyn, 
N.  Y.  Lilabel  Gazzam,  present  address  (1907)  South  Norwalk,  Conn.,  where  she  resides 
with  her  mother. 

In  the  first  dispatches  from  the  battle  field  of  Fair  Oaks,  Major  Gazzam  was  reported 
among  the  dead.  His  younger  brother,  the  Hon.  Joseph  M.  Gazzam,  then  residing  at  Pitts- 
burgh, at  once  started  for  the  battle  field  for  the  remains  of  his  brother,  but  much  to  his 
surprise  and  joy,  among  the  very  first  persons  to  greet  him  on  his  arrival  on  the  Peninsula 
was  Maj.  Gazzam.    Hon.  Joseph  M.  Gazzam  now  (1909)  resides  at  Philadelphia,  Penna. 

FIELD    AND    STAFF  71 


Major  James  F.  Mackey  was  mustered  into  the  service  as  Captain  of  Co.  H,  to  date 
from  Feb.  20,  1862.  He  was  the  most  fortunate  of  all  the  original  captains  of  the  Regiment 
in  retaining  his  health,  and  participated  with  the  Regiment  in  all  its  campaigns,  from  the 
battle  of  Williamsburg  until  the  final  capitulation  at  Plymouth,  N.  C,  Apr.  20,  '64.  Capt. 
Mackey  was  a  man  of  the  highest  probity  and  was  universally  esteemed  by  the  officers  and 
men  of  the  Regiment.  The  contents  of  his  diary  while  a  prisoner  of  war,  which  appears 
in  this  volume,  will  give  the  reader  an  index  as  to  his  character.  The  history  of  the  Regi- 
ment tells  his  military  career.  Maj.  Mackey  was  a  good  soldier,  a  conscientious  officer, 
and  exemplified  in  the  highest  degree  a  true  disciple  of  the  divine  Master  throughout  his 
entire  army  career. 

Maj.  Mackey  was  mustered  out  of  the  service  as  Captain  of  Company  H  on  March 
12,  1865,  on  account  of  reduction  of  command.  Subsequently  he  was,  by  order  of  the  War 
Department,  mustered  as  Major  to  date  from  December  15,  1864.  After  the  war  he  en- 
gaged in  the  oil  business,  residing  at  Franklin,  Penna.  His  death  occurred  at  his  residence 
at  Franklin,  Friday  evening.  May  11,  1883,  in  the  62d  year  of  his  age. 


Adjutant  Samuel  B.  Kennedy  was  a  protege  of  Col.  Lehmann,  and  was  among  the 
very  first  appointments  made  by  the  Colonel  after  he  assumed  command  of  the  Regiment. 
Lieut.  Alvin  H.  Alexander  had  been  acting  as  adjutant  of  the  Regiment,  and  the  advent 
of  Kennedy,  to  supplant  Alexander,  without  the  concurrence  of  Col.  Finlay,  caused  some 
friction  between  the  Colonel  and  some  of  the  Company  officers.  Adjutant  Kennedy  was 
suave  and  tactful,  and  soon  gained  the  good  will  of  both  officers  and  men.  He  was  acci- 
dentally wounded  by  a  shot  from  a  revolver  in  the  hands  of  Capt.  Laughlin,  at  Suffolk, 
Va.,  and  as  a  result  was  discharged  on  Surgeon's  certificate,  Nov.  29,  1862.  Adjutant  Ken- 
nedy's father  kept  a  gun  store  on  5th  Avenue,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  during  and  subsequent  to 
the  war,  and  for  a  time  after  he  left  the  army  the  Adjutant  was  identified  with  the  busi- 
ness, but  seemed  always  as  though  he  desired  to  keep  aloof  from  his  former  comrades 
in  arms. 


Adjutant  William  H.  Irwin  was  mustered  into  service  as  First  Lieutenant  of  Com- 
pany G,  Jan.  10,  1862.  Adjutant  Irwin,  while  very  quiet  and  reserved  in  manner,  was 
very  popular  with  both  officers  and  men.  He  was  with  the  Regiment  in  all  its  marches 
and  engagements  from  the  Peninsula  campaign  until  it  was  captured  at  Plymouth,  N.  C, 
Apr.  20^  '64,  and  was  paroled  at  Wilmington,  N.  C,  March  1,  1865.  The  writer  has  before 
him  several  letters  written  from  Confederate  prisons  by  Adjutant  Irwin  to  his  father, 
then  an  eminent  citizen  of  Allegheny  City,  Pa.  These  letters  are  published  here  because 
they  will  not  only  be  of  interest  to  all  surviving  members  of  the  Regiment,  but  because 
they  also  give  a  different  insight  into  Southern  prison  life  from  that  generally  published. 

C.  S.  Military  Prison^  Charleston,  S.  C,  Sept.  24,  1864. 

Dear  Father :  I  wrote  to  mother  by  the  last  flag  of  truce  communication  and  re- 
quested her  to  tell  you  to  send  me  some  money.  For  fear  that  she  should  not  receive  the 
letter  I  thought  I  would  write  to  you.  I  wish  you  would  please  send  me  twenty  dollars  in 
gold,  or  Fifty  dollars  in  U.  S.  currency  (whichever  is  the  most  convenient)  by  Adams  Ex- 
press to  Hilton  Head,  care  of  Maj.  Gen.  Foster.  I  also  need  some  clothing,  which  you  can 
send  the  same  way.  One  pair  boots ;  one  pair  pants ;  two  flannel  shirts,  two  pr.  drawers, 
three  or  four  pr.  socks,  towels,  brush  and  comb;  one  tin  plate,  knife,  fork  and  spoon.  A 
small  quantity  of  coffee  and  sugar,  and  anything  else  you  can  send  in  a  small  box.  My 
health  is  very  good,  and  I  am  getting  along  very  well. 

Affectionately,  your  son.  Will. 

C.  S.  Military  Prison,  Columbia,  S.  C,  Oct.  13,  1864. 

Dear  Father :  Your  letter  of  the  16th  ult.  came  to  hand  on  the  4th  inst.  Glad  to  hear 
that  you  are  all  well  at  home.  On  the  5th  inst  we  were  removed  from  Charleston  to  Colum- 
bia and  are  now  encamped  about  two  miles  from  the  city.  We  are  not  very  comfortably  sit- 
uated at  present,  but  probably  will  be  in  a  few  days.    I  am  glad  to  hear  that  you  are  going 


to  send  me  a  box.  I  trust  I  may  get  it  soon.  Capt.  Robinson,  Capt.  Chalfant  and  Lieut. 
Spence  are  well.  Capt.  Robinson  received  a  box  from  home  last  week,  and  Capt.  Chalfant 
received  one  at  Charleston.    My  health  is  good.    Write  soon  and  direct  to  Columbia. 

Affectionately,  your  son, 

Wm.  H.  Irwin. 
C.  S.  Military  Prison,  Columbia,  S.  C,  Nov.  27,  1864. 
Dear  Father :  I  thank  you  for  the  box  you  sent  me.  It  came  to  hand  in  good  order  on 
the  23d  inst.  and  the  articles  it  contained  were  very  acceptable.  I  received  two  letters  yes- 
terday, one  from  Hannah  and  one  from  Jack.  I  wrote  to  you  when  I  was  at  Charleston 
for  some  clothing  that  I  required.  If  you  received  the  letter  I  would  like  for  you  to  send 
me  the  articles  immediately  as  I  expect  to  spend  the  winter  in  the  Confederacy.  I  am  very 
comfortably  situated  at  present.  Capt.  Robinson  and  Lieut.  Spence  are  well.  Do  not  be 
anxious  about  me.    I  am  "all  right."  Aff.  your  son, 

Wm.  H.  Irwin. 
C.  S.  Military  Prison,  Columbia,  S.  C,  Dec.  9,  1864. 
Dear  Father:  Your  letter  dated  Oct.  22,  '64,  came  to  hand  this  A.  M.  Glad  to  hear 
that  you  are  all  well  at  home.  I  have  not  received  the  money  you  sent  me  but  I  think  I  will 
get  it  sometime  soon.  Capt.  Robinson  and  Col.  Frasier  are  going  to  start  for  home  this  A.  M. 
Capt.  R.  will  call  and  see  you,  and  tell  you  how  I  am  getting  along,  etc.  I  rec'd  the  box  you 
sent  me  in  good  order  and  it  was  very  acceptable.  I  wrote  to  you  acknowledging  the  receipt 
of  it  soon  after  I  got  it.    My  health  is  good,  but  I  am  very  anxious  to  be  exchanged. 

Affec.  your  son.  Will  H.  Irwin. 

P.  S.  I  rec'd  a  letter  from  mother  this  A.  M.,  dated  Oct.  28,  1864,  and  will  answer  it 
in  a  few  days.  Will. 

Officers'  Hospital,  Annapolis,  Md.,  March  6,  1865. 
Dear  Father:  I  arrived  here  last  evening  from  Wilmington,  N.  C,  where  I  was  de- 
livered to  our  authorities  on  the  1st  inst.  I  will  have  to  remain  here  until  I  am  paid  and 
receive  my  leave  of  absence  before  I  can  start  for  home.  I  have  very  comfortable  quarters, 
and  it  is  possible  that  I  will  not  get  my  leave  for  a  week  or  ten  days,  therefore  I  would  like 
to  hear  how  you  are  all  getting  along  at  home.    I  am  well,  and  hope  to  see  you  soon. 

Affectionately,  your  son, 

Wm.  H.  Irwin. 

After  his  return  from  the  army  Adjutant  Irwin  engaged  in  the  foundry  business, 
and  for  many  years  before  his  death  was  the  successful  proprietor  of  the  Rosedale 
Foundry  in  Allegheny,  Pa.,  now  known  as  the  Rosedale  Foundry  and  Machine  Works, 
and  of  which  Adjutant  Irwin's  son,  Henry  T.  Irwin,  is  manager. 


The  Quarter  Master  of  the  Regiment,  Oliver  R.  McNary,  was  mustered  into  the 
service  March  1,  1862.  Just  what  influence  obtained  him  the  position  is  not  shown  by  the 
record  and  it  is  not  known  to  the  surviving  members.  As  he  took  no  part  in  recruiting  the 
Regiment,  and  was  not  known  to  the  oiBcers  and  men  of  the  Regiment  until  after  they  had 
left  the  State,  his  selection  was  probably  made  by  Col.  Lehmann.  He  was  an  efficient 
officer,  and  was  captured  with  the  Regiment  at  Plymouth,  and  was  for  a  long  time  a  pris- 
oner of  war,  was  finally  paroled,  but  never  returned  to  the  Regiment.  After  his  ex- 
change was  effected  he  was  on  detached  service,  continuing  so  when  the  Regiment  was 
mustered  out.  After  the  war  he  was  quite  active  in  the  "Prisoners  of  War  Association," 
and  was  appointed  historian  of  the  organization. 


Surgeon  William  R.  Stavely  was  mustered  into  the  service  Nov.  21,  1861,  and  took 
an  active  part  in  the  troubles  that  arose  between  Col.  Finlay  and  Col.  Lehmann.  The  lat- 
ter sent  him  to  Harrisburg,  to  present  his  side  of  the  controversy.  Later,  however,  he 
and  Col.  Lehmann  quarreled,  and  he  resigned  Nov.  19,  1862,  lacking  two  days  of  one  year 
in  the  service. 


Surgeon  A.  P.  Frick  was  promoted  to  Surgeon  of  the  Regiment  on  Nov.  24,  1862,  com- 
ing from  the  101st  Regiment,  in  which  he  had  been  mustered  as  Assistant  Surgeon 
October   15,  1861.     Surgeon   Frick  remained  with  the   Regiment  until   it  was  captured  at 

FIELD    AND    STAFF  73 

Plymouth,  N.  C,  April  20,  1864.  He  remained  at  Plymouth  for  three  days  after  the  sur- 
render attending  to  the  wounded,  and  accompanied  Gen.  Wessells  and  staff  to  Libby 
Prison,  at  Richmond,  Va.  After  a  confinement  there  of  only  three  or  four  day,  he  was 
unconditionally  released  as  a  non-combatant.  After  his  reslease  he  was  ordered  to  return 
to  the  Regiment,  after  a  twenty  days'  leave  of  absence.  En  route  to  the  Regiment,  he 
was  assigned  to  duty  for  several  weeks  at  a  hospital  at  Fortress  Monroe,  after  which 
he  was  assigned  to  duty  as  Surgeon-in-chief  of  the  Sub-District  of  the  Albemarle,  with 
headquarters  at  Roanoke  Island,  N.  C.  He  was  discharged  from  the  service  Jan.  25,  1865, 
and  when  last  heard  from,  September  18,  1906,  his  residence  was  in  the  State  of  Texas. 

Surgeon  John  Q.  A.  Meredith  was  mustered  into  the  service  July  1,  1862,  as  As- 
sistant Surgeon  of  the  Regiment.  He  was  also  captured  at  Plymouth,  N.  C.,  April  20, 
1864,  with  the  Regiment.  However,  he  was  not  so  fortunate  as  Surgeon  Frick,  as  he  was 
forced  to  stay  in  the  Confederate  prisons  for  several  months,  with  the  officers,  as  if  he 
were  a  combatant.  He  finally  succeeded  in  getting  unconditionally  released  and  returned 
to  the  Regiment.  He  was  promoted  to  Surgeon  March  23,  1865,  and  was  mustered  out 
with  the  Regiment,  June  25,   1865. 


Assistant  Surgeon  Theodore  Jacobs  was  mustered  into  the  service,  Nov.  19,  1861, 
and  resigned  June  25,   1862. 

Assistant  Surgeon  David  M.  Marshall  was  mustered  into  the  service  August  6,  1862; 
and  remained  with  the  Regiment  until  Jan.  28,  1863,  when  he  was  promoted  to  Surgeon 
of   the   167th   Penna.   Regiment. 

Assistant  Surgeon  John  T.  Walton  was  mustered  into  the  service  March  18,  1863. 
He  was  captured  at  Plymouth,  N.  C,  April  20,  1864;  was  unconditionally  released  and 
returned  to  duty  with  the  Regiment  in  October,  1864,  and  was  promoted  to  Surgeon  of 
the  78th   Penna.  Regiment  June  19,   1865. 


The  Regiment  had  three  Chaplains  during  its  term  of  service,  and  most  of  the  time 
was  without  the  service  of  any. 

Rev.  David  McCay  was  mustered  into  service  as  Chaplain  of  the  Regiment  Feb.  22, 
1862.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  he  was  pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  at  Callensburg, 
Clarion  Co.,  Penna.  During  his  pastorate  at  Callensburg,  Rev.  McCay  was  instrumental 
in  establishing  an  academy  at  that  place,  in  which  many  of  the  young  men  of  Company 
A  had  been  students.  During  the  Peninsular  campaign  Chaplain  McCay  contracted  typhoid 
fever.  During  his  illness  he  resigned,  his  resignation  taking  effect  May  17,  1862.  When 
returning  home  from  the  army  Chaplain  McCay  visited  the  scenes  of  his  boyhood 
days  at  Lewistown,  Penna.,  and  while  there  succumbed  to  his  illness,  sometime  during  the 
month  of  June,  1862.     His  remains  were  taken  to  Callensburg  for  interment. 

Rev.  McCay  was  born  Feb.  17,  1816.  He  graduated  from  Jefferson  College,  June, 
1838,  and  from  Princeton  Theological  Seminary  in  1841.  He  went  to  Qarion  County  in 
1842,  where  he  was  pastor  of  three  churches,  remaining  there  until  he  entered  on  the 
duties  as  Chaplain  of  the  Regiment.  Chaplain  McCay  was  an  excellent  singer  and  could 
lead  the  music  in  any  assembly.  He  left  four  children,  one  of  whom  died  in  childhood. 
Three  daughters  are  still  living:  Mrs.  Thomas  D.  Davis,  261  Shady  Ave.,  Pittsburgh, 
Pa. ;  Mrs.  John  M.  Pardee,  502  CoUins  Ave.,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. ;  Hodessa  J.  McCay,  Man- 
chester,  Ky.,  the  latter  being  engaged  in   missionary  work. 

Chaplain  McCay  was  well  esteemed  by  both  officers  and  men  and  it  was  with  pro- 
found regret  to  the  religious  men  of  the  Regiment  that  he  was  compelled  to  leave  the 
service.  On  a  memoranda  page  of  a  diary  before  the  writer  is  the  following  notation : 
"Our  Chaplain's  parting  words,  'This  is  in  all  human  probability  the  last  time  I  will  meet 


with  you.     If  I  would  have  a  parting  word  it  would  be  "Trust  in  God."      Carry  on  these 
meetings ;  He,  who  is  stronger  than  any  human  assistance,  promises  to  be  with  you.' " 

Rev.  Theodore  Bird,  the  second  Chaplain  of  the  Regiment,  was  mustered  into  the 
service  October  13,  1862,  and  resigned  February  13,   1863.     During  his  chaplaincy  of  four 
months  the  activities  of  the  Regiment  were  such  that  comparatively  few  of  the  enlisted 
men  of  the  Regiment  made  his  acquaintance. 

Rev.  John  H.  Rowling,  the  third  and  last  Chaplain  assigned  to  the  Regiment,  was 
mustered  into  the  service  December  26,  1863,  and  honorably  discharged  from  the  service 
May  31,  1864,  as  per  Special  Order,  No.  192,  War  Dept.,  on  account  of  physical  disability. 
During  the  nearly  four  years'  service  of  the  Regiment,  the  aggregate  service  covered  by 
the  three   Chaplains  was  less  than  a  year. 


Henry  H.  Bell,  the  first  Sergeant  Major  of  the  Regiment,  was  mustered  into  the 
service  in  Co.  F.  Dec.  7,  1861;  transferred  to  Co.  G.  Jan.  10,  1862,  and  transferred  to  the 
Regimental  staff  on  same  date.  Bell's  health  was  poor  and  he  did  little  service  with  the 
Regiment  and  was   discharged  early  in  1862. 

During  the  absence  of  Sergt.  Maj.  Bell  and  for  a  time  after  his  discharge.  Private 
Samuel  Murphy  officiated,  Samuel  Murphy  was  promoted  to  Sergt.  Major  Sept.  1,  1862, 
from  Co.  C.  and  served  as  such  until  Jan.  1,  1863,  when  he  was  appointed  acting  second 
lieutenant  of  Co.  K.,  but  was  carried  on  the  rolls  of  Co.  C.  as  sergeant 

James  H.  Chambers  was  promoted  to  Sergt.  Major  Jan.  1,  1863.  He  was  one  of 
the  original  sergeants  of  Co.  C.  and  had  been  color  bearer  of  the  Regiment  from  the  time 
it  had  received  its  colors.  He  was  promoted  to  1st  Lieut.  Co.  F.,  July  4,  1863,  having  acted 
as  such  from  May  1,  1863. 

John  C.  Applegate  was  promoted  to  Sergt.  Major  May  1,  1863.  He  was  transferred 
to  the  field  and  staff  from  Co.  I.  and  was  discharged  from  the  service  Feb.  14,  1865.  Watson 
C.  Mobley  was  appointed  sergeant  major  April  19,  1865,  from  first  sergeant  of  Co.  A. 
Mobley  was  absent  on  recruiting  service  when  his  company  was  captured,  but  returned  to 
the  Regiment  early  in  the  summer  of  1864.  He  was  mustered  out  with  the  Regiment  June 
25,  1865,  and  finally  discharged  July  13,  1866. 

Joseph  B.  Pollock  served  as  Quarter  Master  Sergeant  of  the  Regiment  from  its 
organization  until  it  was  mustered  out,  except  while  absent  as  a  prisoner  of  war. 

Charles  C.  Lang  was  appointed  Hospital  Steward  at  the  organization  of  the  Regi- 
ment. He  was  transferred  from  Co.  C,  in  which  he  was  mustered  Sept.  16,  1861.  He 
was  captured  at  Plymouth,  N.  C,  April  20,  1864,  and  paroled  March  30,  1865.  He  was 
discharged  May  30,  1865,  more  than  eight  months  after  his  three  years'  term  of  enlistment 
had  expired.  Norval  D.  Goe  was  appointed  to  succeed  Hosp.  Stew,  Lang  May  31,  1865. 
He  had  been  Assistant  Hospital  Steward  before  the  Regiment  was  captured,  and  after 
his  return  from  southern  prisons  assumed  the  full  functions  of  the  office,  and  was  mustered 
out  with  the  Field  and  Staff  June  25,  1865,  receiving  his  final  discharge  July  13,  1865,  at 
Harrisburg,  Pa.  Thomas  J.  Laughlin  was  appointed  Commissary  Sergeant  at  the  organ- 
ization of  the  Regiment.  He  was  mustered  into  the  service  Sept.  7,  1861,  in  Co.  A,  from 
which  he  was  transferred  to  Co.  G,  in  order  to  credit  that  company  with  the  position.  He 
was  captured  at  Plymouth,  and  died  at  Andersonville  Nov.  4,  1864.  He  was  succeeded  by 
Private  John  R.  Kron,  of  Co.  G,  who  was  mustered  into  the  service  in  that  company  Jan. 
10,  1862,  had  re-enlisted  as  a  veteran  and  had  been  a  prisoner  of  war,  paroled,  and  re- 
turned to  the  Regiment.  Kron  was  mustered  out  with  the  Field  and  Staff  June  25,  1865, 
receiving  his  final  discharge  at  Harrisburg  July  13,  1865,  as  Commissary  Sergeant. 

Two  Bien  who  were  not  mustered  into  the  service,  but  who  were  identified  with  the 
Regiment  from  the  time  it  engaged  actively  on  duty  until  it  was  captured  deserve  recogni- 

Corp.   James  S.   Cooper. 
(Co.  A.) 

1st   Sergt.   Sam.   F.   Shields. 
(Co.  A.) 

Corp.   G.  W.    K.  Stover. 
(Co.  A.) 


COMPANY  A  '^^ 

tion  in  a  history  of  the  Regiment,  viz:   Sutler  Adolph  Krebs  and  his  chief  clerk    CL 
Straub,  the  latter  familiarly  known  to  the  boys  as  "Louie."     No  Sutler  was  held  m  higher 
esteem  by  the  officers  and  men  of  the  regiment  to  which  he  was  attached  than  was  Mr. 
Krebs.    Absolutely  honest  and  upright  in  all  his  dealings,  his  bills  were  never  disputed   and 
he  was  never  censured  for  charging  extortionate  prices.     Especially  to  the  officers  ot  the 
Regiment  was  he  a  "friend  in  need,"  as  he  was  always  supplied  with  the    sinews  of  war, 
even  if  the  exigencies  of  the  service  prevented  him  from  getting  his  store  supplies.    In  emer- 
gencies the  enlisted  men  did  not  hesitate  to  call  on  him  for  cash,  and  in  a  measure  he  was 
the  banker  of  the  Regiment.     He  was  captured  with  the  Regiment  at  Plymouth  and  suf- 
fered the  privations  of  Andersonville,  for  nearly  a  year  the  same  as  if  he  had  been  an  en- 
listed man.    On  his  release  he  was  so  ill  and  emaciated  that  several  months  elapsed  before 
he  recovered  his  health.    He  conducted  a  lithographing  establishment  at  Pittsburgh,  which 
he  relinquished  to  become   Sutler.     After  the  war  he  returned  to   his   former  vocation, 
establishing  his  business  at  Cincinnati,  conducting  it  successfully  until  his  death,  which  oc- 
curred some  years  ago.    "Louie"  Straub  was  a  brother-in-law  of  Sutler  Krebs,  the  latter 
being  married  to  his  sister.    He  was  one  of  the  "boys"  of  the  Regiment,  and  frequently  ac- 
companied them  on  expeditions,  carrying  a  musket.     He  narrowly  escaped  capture  on  the 
Peninsula  when  Stuart  made  his  raid  in  rear  of  the  army.    He  was  coming  up  with  sup- 
plies and  hearing  the  enemy  was  in  the  rear  he  secluded  his  wagon  in  a  copse  until  after 
the  raiders  disappeared.    He  was  at  Plymouth  when  the  attack  was  made  but  left  to  bring 
up  some  stores,  but  was  prevented  from  returning  by  the  success  of  the  ram  Albemarle.    He 
has  been  identified  with  the  insurance  business  at  Pittsburgh  since  the  war. 


Callensburg,  Clarion  County,  furnished  the  first  group  of  men  to  enter  the  rendezvous 
camp  who  were  enrolled  in  the  103d  Regiment.  Capt.  Reynolds  Laughlin  with  fifteen  men 
arrived  at  Camp  Orr,  Kittanning,  on  Aug.  30,  1861,  all  of  whom  came  from  Callensburg, 
or  from  the  townships  contiguous  to  it.  A  number  of  these  had  been  students  at  the  Cal- 
lensburg Academy,  an  institution  established  in  1858,  largely  through  the  instrumentality  of 
Rev.  David  McCay,  pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  Callensburg,  and  who  became 
the  first  chaplain  of  the  103d  Regiment.  Capt.  Laughlin  was  assisted  in  recruiting  the  com- 
pany by  Alvin  H.  Alexander,  Watson  C.  Mobley,  Norval  D.  Goe,  and  George  D.  Schott. 
The  village  of  Callensburg  furnished  in  all  21  members  of  Co.  A,  viz :  Reynolds  Laughlin, 
Alvin  H.  Alexander,  George  D.  Schott,  Watson  C.  Mobley,  Norval  D.  Goe,  Reed  Goe,  David 
I.  Wallace,  David  R.  Frampton,  William  G.  Davis,  Reed  Beggs,  Robert  C.  Thorn,  Joseph 
K.  Vaughn,  Simeon  H.  Kiester,  Gazzam  Stewart,  John  Williams,  Peter  M.  Dunkle,  Isaac 
Guiher,  Justus  George,  John  Williams,  Thomas  Dunkle,  Matthew  H.  Dunkle  and  John  M. 
Laughlin;  all  but  the  last  two  named  were  among  the  first  enrolled. 

Co.  A  was  not  only  the  first  company  of  the  Regiment  to  be  represented  at  the  ren- 
dezvous camp,  but  it  was  the  first  company  to  have  its  maximum  quota.  In  fact,  before  the 
Regiment  left  Camp  Orr  the  enlistments  to  this  company  exceeded  the  maximum  quota  by 
18,  the  entire  enrollment  of  the  company  while  at  the  rendezvous  camp  being  121.  Before 
the  Regiment  left  Camp  Orr  the  Co.  was  reduced  to  the  maximum  quota  by  transferring 
the  excess  to  other  companies  of  the  Regiment,  five  being  discharged  on  Surgeon's  certificate 
of  disability,  and  three,  who  failed  to  return  to  the  company,  were  marked  on  the  rolls 
as  deserters;  the  latter  were  John  Rider,  Samuel  Reedy  and  Jacob  Barr,  2d.  Those  dis- 
charged on  Surgeon's  certificate  at  Camp  Orr  were  Amos  Highblower,  George  W.  Reedy, 
Uriah  Saxton,  James  Stanford,  and  William  Whitman.  The  following  were  transferred 
to  other  companies:  Lewis  Barlett  (Co.  C),  John  Myers  (Co.  E),  David  Anderson,  Sam- 
uel A.  Mooney,  and  Milton  Thompson  (Co.  F),  Jacob  Weaver,  Thomas  Moore,  Thomas 
J.  Laughlin,  Albert  M.  Russell  and  George  Shakely  (Co.  G).  The  following  were  killed 
in  battle  or  died  of  wounds  received  in  action:  2d  Lieut.  Geo.  D.  Schott,  Corp.  Alvin  C. 
Grandy ;  Privates  Jacob  Barr,  1st ;  John  R.  Bowman,  Corp.  Elias  Myers  and  Private  Edward 
Loughner;  the  first  four  at  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  and  the  two  latter  at  the  battle  of 
Kinston.    According  to  the  last  return  prior  to  the  battle  of  Plymouth,  Co.  A  had  56  men 


present  when  the  Regiment  was  captured  at  Plymouth,  N.  C,  April  20,  1864.  Of  these  17 
died  while  prisoners  of  war,  or  immediately  after  being  released.  They  were:  William  B. 
Cunningham  (Camp  Parole),  George  Echelberger  (Charleston,  S.  C),  Thomas  M.  George 
(Charleston,  S.  C),  George  Hahn  (Camp  Parole),  Israel  D.  Hughes  (Florence),  John  N. 
Kiester  (Andersonville),  Edward  Kremp  (Andersonville),  John  Loughner  (Camp  Parole), 
Sylvanus  G.  Rosansteel  (Florence),  Amaziah  Saxton  (Florence),  Henry  Schorman  (Flor- 
ence), Corp.  Joseph  B.  Stewart  (Andersonville),  David  L.  Vandyke  (Andersonville),  Jo- 
seph K.  Vaughn  (Andersonville),  Sergt.  James  S.  Wilhelm  (Florence),  William  Wion 
(Florence).  Fourteen  others  of  Co.  A  died  of  disease  while  in  the  service.  Of  the  original 
enrollment  the  following  were  mustered  out  with  the  Co.  at  New  Bern,  N.  C,  June  25,  1865, 
and  received  their  final  discharge  at  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  July  13,  1865 :  Capt.  A.  H.  Alexander, 
1st  Sergt.  S.  F.  Shields,  Sergt.  W.  Gaithers,  Corp.  J.  S.  Cooper,  Corp.  S.  Judson,  Corp.  J. 
Moyer,  Corp.  C.  G.  W.  Stover;  Privates  C.  B.  Alt,  D.  Barnacle,  Reed  G.  Beggs,  O.  W. 
Colwell,  P.  M.  Dtinkle,  D.  R.  Frampton,  Andrew  Guiher,  Clark  Guiher,  Sylvester  McCall, 
Adam  Myers,  Walter  R.  Small,  Patrick  Smith,  Gazzam  Stewart,  Absalom  S.  Tims,  Jere- 
miah P.  Wilson.  Quite  a  number  of  others  of  the  original  enrollment  of  Co.  A,  who  had 
been  transferred  to  the  field  and  staff  and  to  other  companies,  were  mustered  out  with  the 
Regiment,  viz:  Sergt.  Maj.  W.  C.  Mobley,  Quar.  Mas.  Sergt.  Joseph  B.  Pollock,  Hosp. 
Stew.  Nerval  D.  Goe.  Music.  Lewis  Barlett  (Co,  C),  Private  Albert  M.  Russell  (Co.  G). 
Patrick  Smith  was  absent  when  the  Co.  was  mustered  out  and  did  not  receive  his  discharge 
until  August  3,  1865,  which  was  to  date  from  June  25,  1865.  Thirteen  were  discharged  by 
General  Orders  of  the  War  Department,  after  being  released  as  prisoners  of  war,  some  of 
whom  were  sick  or  absent  on  furlough  when  the  Co.  was  mustered  out. 

The  following  were  wounded  in  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  Va.,  May  31,  1862:  William 
B.  Cunningham,  Matthew  H.  Dunkle,  Thomas  Dunkle,  Justus  (ieorge,  Ed.  W.  Loughner, 
Sylvester  McCall,  George  W.  Paup,  Andrew  Reese,  William  H.  H.  Thomas ;  at  the  battle 
of  Kinston,  N,  C,  Dec.  14,  1862:  Joseph  Kremp  (2d  Lieut.),  Oliver  McCall,  Elias  Myers, 
George  Echelberger,  George  Hahn,  Ed.  W.  Loughner,  Daniel  N.  Titus ;  at  battle  of  Ply- 
mouth :    Jeremiah  P.  Wilson  and  Andrew  Guiher. 

Lieut.  George  D.  Schott,  who  was  killed  in  the  advance  at  Seven  Pines,  was  from 
Calknsburg,  Qarion  Co.,  Pa.  His  final  papers,  in  the  Auditor's  Office  of  the  War  Depart- 
ment, show  that  he  was  married  to  Caroline  E.  Glaze,  Sept,  7,  1854. 

Shortly  after  the  Goldsboro  expedition,  while  the  Regiment  lay  at  New  Bern,  N.  C, 
Capt,  Laughlin  tendered  his  resignation  in  the  following  terms : 

"Headquarters  lOSd  P.  V.,  New  Bern,  N,  C,  Jan.  20,  1863. 
"To  Col.  Southard  Hoffman,  A.  A.  G,  18th  Army  Corps ; 

"Having  served  as  a  line  officer  in  the  103d  Penna.  Vols,  for  over  eighteen  months, 
and  having  been  exposed  to  all  the  vicissitudes  of  the  campaign  on  the  Peninsula,  and 
being  in  my  56th  year,  my  declining  health  admonishes  me  that  to  attempt  to  do  the  duties 
of  a  line  officer  any  longer  would  be  injustice  to  myself,  as  well  as  injurious  to  the  service 
to  which  I  have  been  so  long  attached;  I,  therefore,  for  the  above,  and  many  other  reasons, 
do  hereby  tender  to  you  my  resignation  of  the  office  of  Captain  Co,  A,  103d  Reg't,  Penna. 
Vols,  R,  Laughlin." 

Capt.  Laughlin's  departure  from  the  Regiment  was  pretty  generally  regretted  by  the 
men  and  by  most  of  the  officers.  He  was  a  courageous  man,  brave  even  to  rashness,  and 
the  men  admired  him  most  because  of  this  quality.  He  had  his  enemies  among  the  officers, 
chiefly  due  to  his  brusque,  outspoken  manner.  Had  he  been  called  on  by  the  commanding 
general  of  the  18th  Army  Corps  to  give  the  "many  other  reasons"  for  tendering  his  resigna- 
tion, he  would  have  been  delighted. 

Co.  A  was  assigned  to  garrison  the  main  fortification  at  Plymouth,  N.  C,  Fort  Will- 
iams, when  the  brigade  moved  to  that  place.  It  was  the  central  fortification,  mounting  six 
guns — four  32-pounders — and  two  6-pounders.  A  few  days  before  the  attack  was  made  on 
that  place  the  Co.  was  relieved  by  a  Co.  of  the  2d  Mass.  Heavy  Artillery,  under  Capt.  Ira 
B.  Sampson,  but  when  Gen.  Wessels  realized  the  enemy's  movement  was  formidable,  he 
immediately  sent  orders  to  have  Capt.  Alexander  return  to  the  Fort  with  his  Co.,  and  it  was 
among  the  last  to  surrender.  Gen.  Wessells  making  his  headquarters  in  Fort  Williams. 


On  Wednesday  morning,  before  the  surrender  of  the  garrison,  an  enlisted  man  lay 
wounded  outside  Fort  Williams.  Although  it  seemed  like  certain  death  to  venture  above 
the  parapet  of  the  Fort,  "Jerry"  Wilson  of  Co.  A  did  not  hesitate  a  moment,  but  jumped 
down  over  the  parapet,  grabbed  the  wounded  man,  and  brought  him  in  to  the  Fort  by  climb- 
ing up  the  parapet,  however,  receiving  a  severe  wound  in  the  thighs  before  reaching  cover. 
Andrew  Guiher,  while  manning  a  gun  in  Fort  Williams,  received  a  wound  in  the  face,  a 
musket  ball  striking  him  below  the  right  eye  and  passing  diagonally  through  the  head  with- 
out touching  a  vital  spot.  Although  a  prisoner  of  war  for  more  than  eight  months,  he  re- 
covered, and  was  mustered  out  with  the  Co.  "Jerry"  Wilson  also  passed  through  the  Con- 
federate prisons  safely,  and  was  mustered  out  with  the  Co. 

Among  the  few  of  the  103d  Regiment  who  were  prisoners  of  war,  and  who  took  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Confederacy,  was  Philander  Everett  of  Co,  A.  In  the  archives  of 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania  is  a  letter  from  him  which  is  a  defense  of  his  course.  As  Everett 
was  a  good  soldier  before  his  capture,  and  re-enlisted  as  a  Veteran,  he  certainly  is  entitled 
to  a  hearing,  and  the  letter  is  produced  here  in  full.    It  is  as  follows : 

"Winnemucca,  Nevada,  Oct.  18,  L*8.j. 
"Hon.  Pressley  N.  Guthrie,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 

Dear  sir :  Having  occasion  to  again  address  you,  I  take  the  liberty  to  do  so.  I  have 
written  to  the  Adjutant  General  of  the  U.  S.  Army  at  Washington  three  times  for  an 
honorable  discharge.  His  reply  to  each  is  that  I  have  no  consideration  in  that  ofBce ;  that 
I  appear  on  the  rolls  at  his  office  as  having  enlisted  in  the  Rebel  army,  and  was  recaptured 
in  arms  against  the  Government.  As  to  the  enlisting,  I  do  not  deny  it.  Under  the  cir- 
cumstances I  feel  justified.  I  had  been  a  prisoner  for  nearly  a  year ;  and  that  I  did  as 
many  others  did  at  the  same  time.  After  thinking  the  matter  over  I  came  to  the  con- 
clusion that  it  was  the  only  thing  we  could  do  to  save  our  lives.  We  had  no  shelter,  food 
or  clothing;  was  naked  at  the  time  of  our  pretended  enlistment,  and  was  at  the  time  loyal 
to  the  Union,  and  that  we  gave  ourselves  up  at  the  first  opportunity.  Having  thrown  away 
our  arms  without  firing  a  shot.  Believing  that  I  am  entitled  to  an  honorable  discharge, 
I  appeal  to  you  once  more.  At  the  present  time  I  am  an  inmate  of  the  County  Hospital, 
and  have  not  been  able  to  earn  my  living  for  nearly  a  year,  suffering  from  the  effects 
of  that  terrible  imprisonment.  Anything  that  you  can  do  in  my  favor  will  be  thankfully 
accepted.  I  have  the  affidavits  of  my  first  Captain  R.  Laughlin,  that  I  was  an  able-bodied 
young  man  and  a  faithful  soldier  whilst  under  him.    I  remain  yours  with  respect, 

"Philander  Everett,  Late  of  Co.  A,  103d  Pa.  Infy.  Vols. 

"Winnemucca,  Humboldt  Co.,  Nevada." 

In  "History  of  Clarion  County"  by  A.  J.  Davis,  published  in  1887,  a  corrected  roll  of 
Co.  A  appears,  the  corrections  being  made  by  Captains  Laughlin  and  Alexander.  The  fol- 
lowing footnote  appears  below  the  preface  to  the  roster : 

Bates  has  James  H.  Lobaugh,  of  Co.  A,  103  P.  V.,  marked  'Deserted,  date  un- 
known.' This  to  the  writer  seems  an  unjust  record.  He  received  a  discharge  Jan.  20, 
1863.  Having  been  examined  three  times  to  go  to  his  regiment,  and  each  time  sent  iaack 
to_  his  quarters,  Lobaugh  was  finally  examined  for  a  discharge  by  a  Dr.  Thompson,  who 
said  he  ought  to  be  sent  home.  Lobaugh  went,  as  ordered,  to  the  detail  tent  on  the  20th 
and  received  his  discharge  from  Charles  Holden,  the  confidential  clerk  of  Charles  A  Mc- 
Call,  M.  D..  the  Surgeon  in  charge  of  Mt.  Pleasant  Hospital.  On  this  discharge  he  was 
paid  in  full  some  ninety-odd  dollars,  and  also  received  a  special  rate  card  for  transporta- 
tion home.  In  1884  the  Adjutant  General  wrote  Lobaugh  that  the  paper  purporting  to  be  his 
discharge  which  he  had  presented  to  that  office,  was  a  forgery,  perpetrated  bv  an  employe 
of  Mt.  Pleasant  Hospital;  that  it  had  been  stamped  and  retained  in  that  office'  Forgery  or 
not,  it  is  the  settled  conviction  of  the  writer  that  it  was  received  by  the  soldier  in  good 
faith,  and  if  a  forgery,  that  he  was  not  a  party  to  it.  The  case  implies  bribery  and  that 
offense  could  not  have  been  committed  without  money.  Lobaugh  always  had  been  was 
then,  and  is  now,  a  poor  man.  If  he  be  the  victim  of  a  forgery,  this  record  refuses  to 
hold  him  as  a  deserter.  It  accepts  the  paper  in  question  to  be,  as  far  as  James  H  Lobaueh 
is  concerned,  an  honorable  discharge.  * 


Co.  B  was  recruited  chiefly  in  the  counties  of  Armstrong,  Butler,  Clarion  and  Venango 
by  George  W.  Gillespie  of  Pittsburgh,  and  Joseph  Rodgers  and  Daniel  L.  Coe,  of  Armstrong 
County,  all  of  whom  were  subsequently  captains  of  the  Co.  Capt.  Rodgers  recruited  in  Sugar 
Creek  Township,  many  of  his  recruits  coming  from  the  district  schools  in  that  neighborhood 


From  this  section  of  the  county,  which  lays  some  12  or  15  miles  northwest  of  Kittanning, 
some  26  or  30  were  enrolled  by  Capt.  Rodgers,  among  whom  were  Isaac  Newton  Swartz- 
lander,  George  W.  Swartzlander,  Thomas  Hays,  J.  M.  Hays,  J.  M.  Carson,  Cyrus  K.  McKee, 
Charles  W.  Rumbaugh,  Thomas  J.  Devenney,  Samuel  Smith  Sanderson,  Thomas  Hart,  Isaac 
Barnhart,  William  Reese,  John  L.  Hile,  Simon  Hile,  James  Brenneman,  Louis  A.  Brenne- 
man,  Ephraim  Hankey,  John  B.  Hankey,  Abram  Snyder,  Charles  M.  Truby,  James  Shields, 
George  Waterson,  Reuben  Burford,   William  Burford,  Keziah  Hayes,  James  Sweet,  John 
M.  Jones,  Jacob  Reese,  Samuel  J.  Gibson,  David  Daubenspeck,  Conrad  Petsinger  and  David 
Ross.     Capt.  Coe,  who  then  resided  at  Monterey,  recruited  a  number  from  that  neighbor- 
hood and  elsewhere  throughout  the  county  and  the  bordering  counties,  among  whom  were 
Sherman  M.  Crisswell,  George  Shakely,  William  D.   Woodruflf,  Richard    Kelley,    Newton 
Joseph,   Robert   M.   Crawford,   John  A.   Crawford,  James  Harvey    Crawford,    Daniel    L. 
Rankin,  Benjamin  Rankin,  Benjamin  F.  Coe,  Harrison  W.  Coe,  Gideon  W.  Gibson,  Samuel 
J.  Gibson,  William  D.  Keefer,  Andrew  Judson,  Joshua  A.  Campbell,  Uriah  Sloan,  Presley 
Sloan,  Matthew  J.  McCay,  Joseph  McCay,  A.  J.  Hilliard,  Peter  Hilliard,  Lorenzo  W.  Frantz, 
Abram  Adams,  David  W.   Jordan,   William  Gray   Pierce,   Alexander   C.   Jackson,  John  P. 
Erwin,  William  Harrison,  Harvey  B.  McClure,  Thomas  L.  McClure,  Nicholas  Snow,  Augus- 
tus Abel,  Alfred  Campbell,  Hamilton  Robb,  and  James  Cumberland.    The  remainder  of  the 
company  was  chiefly  recruited  by  Capt.  Gillespie. 

When  these  squads  arrived  at  Camp  Orr  they  were  soon  merged  into  one  company 
by  a  mutual  agreement  in  which  all  the  men  concurred,  with  the  understanding  that  the  com- 
pany was  to  be  officered  as  follows:  George  W.  Gillespie,  Captain;  Joseph  Rodgers,  1st 
Lieut. ;  Daniel  W.  Coe,  2d  Lieut.  In  addition  to  this  it  was  understood  the  non-commis- 
sioned officers  were  to  be  apportioned  from  among  the  three  squads.  Co.  B  had  a  total 
enrollment  of  123,  eight  of  whom  were  killed  in  battle  or  died  of  wounds  received  in  action; 
41  died  of  disease,  31  of  whom  either  died  while  prisoners  of  war  or  within  a  short  time 
after  being  released  from  prison;  22  were  discharged  by  reason  of  disability  on  Surgeon's 
certificate;  2  deserted;  3  resigned;  8  were  transferred;  3  were  discharged  on  expiration  of 
term  of  service;  17  were  discharged  by  General  Orders  of  War  Department  about  the  time  the 
Co.  was  mustered  out  of  the  service,  and  twenty  were  mustered  out  with  the  Co.,  June  25, 
1865,  receiving  their  final  discharge  and  pay  July  13,  1865,  at  Harrisburg,  Pa.  Ten  only  of 
the  original  enrollment  were  mustered  out  with  the  Co.,  viz :  Harrison  W.  Coe  (absent  on 
furlough  at  the  time),  David  Daubenspeck,  John  P.  Erwin,  G.  W.  Gibson,  Thomas  Hart 
(absent  on  furlough),  William  Penburthy,  D.  L.  Rankin,  A.  W.  Smith,  James  Sweet,  Geo. 

Those  killed  in  battle  or  died  of  wounds  received  in  action  were:  Capt.  George  W. 
Gillespie ;  Privates,  John  B.  Bish,  Barney  Deany,  Lorenzo  Frantz,  Samuel  Granville,  Newton 
Joseph,  Robert  McCleary,  Henry  C.  Shakely.  All  the  foregoing  were  killed  at  the  battle 
of  Fair  Oaks,  Va.,  except  Samuel  Granville,  who  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Plymouth,  N.  C., 
April  20,  1864.  Newton  Joseph  was  killed  on  the  picket  line  at  Fair  Oaks  about  daybreak 
May  29.  He  was  the  first  man  killed  in  action  in  the  Regiment,  and  was  evidently  killed  at 
close  range,  as  his  forehead  was  crushed  in  as  if  by  a  blow  from  a  musket.  The  enemy 
attacked  the  picket  line  where  Co.  B  was  on  duty  at  daybreak,  under  cover  of  a  heavy 
fog.  Maj.  John  E.  Kelley  (96th  N.  Y.),  who  was  in  command  of  the  pickets,  was  killed  at 
the  first  onslaught  of  the  enemy.  Capt.  Gillespie  assumed  command  of  the  pickets  as  soon 
as  he  learned  that  Maj.  Kelley  had  fallen.  At  first  the  pickets  were  driven  back  but  Capt. 
Giltespie  rallied  them  and  forced  the  enemy  back,  and  the  pickets  maintained  their  position 
without  being  reinforced.  Gen.  Casey,  in  a  dispatch  to  the  commanding  general  of  the 
corps,  complimented  the  pickets  as  behaving  nobly,  mentioning  Capt.  Gillespie  by  name  as 
behaving  well.    Two  days  later  Capt.  Gillespie  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks. 

When  Maj.  Gazzam  rushed  the  Regiment  to  the  support  of  the  picket  line  after  the 
attack  was  made,  he  placed  Co.'s  B  and  G  south  of  the  Williamsburg  road  and  the  re- 
mainder of  the  Regiment  north  of  the  road.  The  advance  of  the  Confederates  north  of  the 
road  preceded  by  twenty  minutes  the  attacking  column  south  of  the  road.  The  Confederate 
reports  bear  testimony  that  Co.'s  B  and  G  were  not  idle,  although  not  attacked  in    front. 



Who    brouflht    the    Flag    from    Andersonville 


Who   helped    make   the   Flag. 

COMPANY   C  79 

Gen.  Garland,  who  led  the  advance  north  of  the  road,  says  in  his  report  that  Maj.  Wilson, 

who  was  with  the  skirmishers  (2d  Miss.  Regiment),  near  the  Williamsburg  road,  reported 

that  they  were  subjected  to  a  fire  from  the  south  of  the  road.     When  the  Regiment  north 

■of  the  road  was  driven  back  Capt.  Gillespie  succeeded  in  keeping  most  of  the  men  south 

of  the  road  together,  and  formed  them,  with  others  under  command  of  Captains  Laughlin 

and  Mackey,  to  the  right  of  Spratt's  battery,  where  they  remained  until  the  advance  line 

was  driven  back.     He,  with  the  other  two  officers,  rallied  the  men  at  the  intrenchments, 

-where  they  remained  until  the  entire  force  was  driven  back.     Capt.   Gillespie  was  iinally 

killed  on  the  line  where  the  last  rally  of  Wessells'  brigade  was  made  in  advance  of  Couch's 

division.     Capt.  Gillespie  was  one  of  the  most  popular  officers  of  the  Regiment,  and  yet 

after  the  war,  there  were  none  of  his  company  who  knew  anything  of  his  history,  further 

than  that  he  was  from  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  where  he  had  been  admitted  to  the  bar.    His  father, 

William  Gillespie,  made  application  to  recover  all  arrears  of  pay,  etc.,  due  Capt.  Gillespie 

on  Oct.  20,  1862.    The  father  was  then  a  resident  of  Peebles  Township,  Allegheny  County, 

Pa.,  and  82  years  old.    He  stated  in  his  affidavit  that  Capt.  Gillespie  was  unmarried,  had  no 

children,  and  that  his  last  residence  had  been  Pittsburgh,  Penna.    Capt.  Gillespie  had  served 

as  a  non-commissioned  officer  in  the  "Three  Months"  service  (12th  Regiment)  and  was  the 

most  proficient  officer  in  military  tactics  in  the  embryonic  days  of  the  Regiment  at  Camp  Orr, 

and  acted  as  instructor  to  the  Regiment  while  in  the  rendezvous  camp. 

The  teacher  of  the  Blaney  School  of  Sugar  Creek  Township,  Armstrong  County,  the 
year  prior  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war  was  J.  M.  Carson  of  Sarversville,  Butler  County,'  Pa. 
He  enlisted  in  Co.  B,  and  all  the  boys  who  had  attended  his  school,  who  were  old  enough 
to  be  accepted,  followed  his  action,  among  whom  were  Thomas  Hays  and  his  brother  J.  M. 
Hays,  and  Charles  Rumbaugh.  While  the  Co,  was  in  Camp  Orr  the  girls  who  were  attend- 
ing the  Blaney  School  made  a  flag  for  the  Co.,  which  has  a  unique  history.  The  girls  were 
three  days  in  making  the  flag,  doing  all  the  sewing  by  hand.  When  it  was  completed,  the 
entire  school,  accompanied  by  nearly  all  the  residents  for  miles  around,  journeyed  to  Camp 
Orr  in  wagons  and  buggies  to  present  it  to  the  Co.  The  vehicles  were  filled  with  edibles 
and  a  sumptuous  feast  was  prepared  for  the  boys  by  the  women  accompanying  the  school 
The  flag  was  duly  presented,  and  it  was  entrusted  to  the  care  of  the  former  teacher  Tames 
M.  Carson.  Although  the  latter  was  a  young  man  of  rugged  physique,  he  was  not 'able  to 
yithstand  the  privations  of  the  Peninsula  campaign,  and  fell  a  victim  to  typhoid  fever  his 
death  taking  place  at  White  House  Landing,  Va.,  June  13,  1862,  two  weeks  after  the  battle 
of  Fair  Oaks.  On  the  death  of  Carson  the  flag  was  turned  over  to  Conrad  Petsinger  for 
safe  keeping.     When  the  latter  realized  that  the  Regiment  would  be  forced  to  canitulate 

1  r-""°t;''-  ^-  •'^T^'f  '""^  ^'^  "^  "^^PP'"^  ■*  "-"d  his  bodjlnderneaft  hi 
clothing.     When  he  arrived  within  the  Andersonville  stockade  he  buried  it  undernea  h  h 
habitation  until  he  left,  and  as  he  was  moved  from  place  to  place,  he  carried  it  with  hi 
.ntil  he  was  paroled   Dec.  10,  1864,  and  then  brought  it  home,  retailing   tn  his  possession 
He  was  honorably  discharged  from  the  service  June  12,  1865   bv  General  nrT.r/?., 
War  Department.    Before  his  death  he  bequeath  d  the  flag  to  hTs  fon   H   W   P  /  . 

Pittsburgh,  who  intends  to  have  it  preserved  to  posterity  in  AUerhenv  c!^'  t     aT"  ° 
Hall.    Most  of  the  school  girls  who  assisted  in  making    he  flag  are  vet  L'-  - 

are  Mrs.  Thomas  Hays,  then  Miss  Kizzie  J.  Foster-  Mrs  ThomL  Patton  fh  'T'^  IT 
A.  Foster;  Mrs.  Sarah  Lewis  of  Butler  County,  Pa.    then  MU^sS  A     tH  ^^ 

William  Storey  of  Fairview,  Butler  County  Pa  hen  Miss  FH^A  M  \  TV  ^"• 
ner,  then  Miss  Sarah  A.  Templeton,  and  Mi^s  ElirMcGarvev  He.e.  7'^  "^  ^f"^  ^'^'"- 
the  flag,  and  a  portrait  of  Mrs.  Hays,  whj  a^Sed  t^k^gTetag  Vnd' tf^tri 
Petsinger,  who  carried  it  through  Andersonville,  appear  in  this  volume.  ^'^ 


T  ^\  ^,r'  ^°''^^^  ^^  merging  the  nuclei  of  three  companies  recruited  hv  ?;m„.  t, 
Townsend,  Albert  Fahnestock  and  John  M.  Cochran  Townsend  and  rl\  ^  Simon  P. 
their  men  in  Armstrong  County,  the  central  recruit^g  por*  "bein"^^^^^^^^^  mT'*'"! 
Spring  Church.    They  were  assisted  by  Thomas  A.  Coc'hran  Ind  Sti^H.^^^tt     '^h'^^^^ 


stock's  recruits  came  chiefly  from  Pittsburgh,  a  group  of  them  being  school  boys  from  the 
neighborhood  of  Squirrel  Hill,  then  a  suburb  of  the  city.  Fahnestock's  Co.  was  known  as 
the  "Howe  Cadets,"  the  Armstrong  County  company  as  "McQellan's  Guards."  Fahnestock's 
and  Cochran's  recruits  entered  Camp  Orr  early  in  September,  Townsend  following  shortly 
afterward.  The  merging  of  the  three  squads  practically  assured  the  maximum  quota  in  a 
short  time,  although  about  a  score  more  was  needed.  The  organization  of  the  Co.  having 
been  prearranged  before  the  merging  of  the  three  groups,  it  was  effected  by  the  selection 
of  the  following  officers:  Simon  P.  Townsend,  Capt. ;  Albert  Fahnestock,  1st  Lieut.;  John 
M.  Cochran,  2d  Lieut. ;  Thomas  A.  Cochran,  1st  Sergt. ;  David  Scarem,  James  H.  Chambers, 
William  T.  Coleman,  W.  Nelson  Barr,  Sergts. ;  William  Leech,  Robert  M.  Dunn,  James 
Madison  Wilson,  William  P.  Courter,  Andrew  M.  Wilson,  John  Low,  Salem  Crura,  Andrew 
J.  Scott,  Corporals. 

Co.  C  had  a  total  enrollment  of  128.  Of  these  4  were  killed  in  battle;  3  were  dis- 
charged by  reason  of  wounds  received  in  action ;  11  died  of  disease  while  in  the  service ;  8 
were  transferred ;  26  were  discharged  on  Surgeon's  certificate ;  10  were  either  discharged  or 
deserted  from  the  rendezvous  camp ;  3  are  recorded  as  deserting  after  leavmg  the  State ;  2 
resigned;  1  was  discharged  by  court  martial;  19  were  discharged  at  the  expiration  of  the 
three  years'  term ;  5  were  absent  when  the  company  was  mustered  out  and  36  were  mus- 
tered out  with  the  company,  at  New  Bern,  N.  C,  June  25,  1865,  and  received  their  final  dis- 
charges at  Harrisburgh,  Pa.,  July  13,  1865.  Those  killed  in  battle  were :  Thomas  A.  Mere- 
dith, Joseph  Austin,  Jacob  Stiffey,  and  Corp.  Andrew  M.  Wilson;  the  first,  at  the  battle  of 
Fair  Oaks,  Va.,  May  31,  1862;  the  others  at  the  battle  of  Kinston,  N.  C,  Dec.  14,  1862. 
Those  discharged  by  reasons  of  wounds  received  in  action  were :  Alexander  Fleming, 
Edward  Rogers,  and  James  Sutch;  the  latter  was  wounded  and  captured  at  the  battle  of 
Fair  Oaks,  subsequently  exchanged,  and  discharged  Oct.  1,  1862 ;  Rogers  was  wounded  on 
an  expedition  to  the  Blackwater,  near  Franklin,  Va.,  Oct.  3,  1862,  by  a  shell,  which  ricochet- 
ted  in  front  of  the  company,  striking  him  on  a  leg,  which  had  to  be  amputated ;  he  was  dis- 
charged March  12,  1863;   Fleming  was  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Kinston,  N.   C,  Dec.  14, 

1862,  and  was  discharged  April  9,  1863.  Two  were  transferred  to  the  Veteran  Reserve 
Corps,  by  reason  of  wounds  received  in  action,  viz :  Samuel  Elgin  and  William  H.  Shaffer ; 
the  latter  was  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  May  31,  1862,  and  was  transferred  to 
Co.  A,  3d  Regiment  Veteran  Reserve  Corps,  July  1,  1863,  and  served  in  it  until  Dec.  6,  1864, 
when  he  was  honorably  discharged ;  Elgin  was  wounded  at  battle  of  Kinston,  Dec.  14,  1862, 
and  was  transferred  to  the  Veteran  Reserve  Corps,  July  27,  1863;  the  other  six  transferred 
were  Sergt.  James  H.  Chambers,  promoted  to  Sergt.  Maj.  of  the  Regiment;  Charles  C. 
Lang,  promoted  to  Hosp.  Stew,  of  the  Regiment ;  David  A.  Kennedy,  transferred  to  Signal 
Corps,  November  1,  1862,  and  Sergt.  David  Scarem,  Corp.  William  Leech  and  Winfield  S. 
Birch  to  the  Veteran  Reserve  Corps  on  account  of  physical  disability;  Leech  on  Sept.  1, 

1863,  and  Scarem  and  Birch  on  Sept.  24,  1863.  The  11  who  died  from  disease  were:  William 
Altman,  June  30,  1862,  between  White  Oak  Swamp  and  Malvern  Hill,  during  the  "Seven 
Days'  Battles" ;  Tomer  Anthony,  during  the  "Seven  Days'  Battles,"  near  White  Oak  Swamp, 
Va. ;  Corp.  William  P.  Courter,  at  Rose  Hill  Hospital,  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  May  26,  1862,  as  a 
result  of  an  accidental  gun  shot  wound  while  at  Camp  Winfield  Scott,  near  Yorktown,  Va. ; 
Luther  Cribbs,  July  15,  1862,  on  board  hospital  ship ;  Solomon  A.  Dentzell,  June  20,  1862,  at 
White  Oak  Swamp,  Va. ;  William  J.  Murdock,  June  27,  1862,  near  White  Oak  Swamp,  Va. ; 
John  R.  Smith,  March  26,  1862,  at  Camp  Lloyd,  Meridian  Hill,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  John 
Yount,  May  29,  1862,  near  Savage  Station,  Va. ;  William  W.  Cochran,  Jan,  6,  1864,  at 
Roanoke  Island,  N.  C. ;  Henry  Pifer,  August  14,  1864,  at  Roanoke  Island,  N.  C. ;  J.  Hines, 
July  9,  1865,  at  St,  James,  General  Hospital,  Baltimore,  Md.  The  only  official  connection 
Hines  has  with  the  company  is  through  his  "list  of  effects,"  on  which  he  is  credited  with 
belonging  to  Co.  C,  103d  Penna.  Regiment.  It  is  barely  possible  that  he  may  have  been  re- 
cruited for  the  company  and  his  descriptive  list  lost  in  transit,  but  it  is  more  probable  that 
he  belonged  to  some  other  regiment;  William  W.  Cochran,  enlisted  June  10,  1863,  and  was 
therefore  only  with  the  company  a  few  months  before  his  death.  He  was  a  younger  brother 
of  Capt.  John  M.  Cochran  and  George  W.  Cochran,  both  of  whom  had  left  the  company 

COMPANY   C  81 

before  his  death;  his  remains  were  buried  on  Roanoke  Island,  but  subsequently  were  moved 
to  the  National  Cemetery,  New  Bern,  N.  C„  and  were  interred  in  plot  7,  grave  number  1,205 ; 
Henry  Pifer  was  also  a  recruit,  and  was  with  the  company  only  a  few  months  before  his 
death;  he  was  a  younger  brother  of  George  W.  Pifer,  one  of  the  original  members  of  the 
company ;  he  was  buried  at  Roanoke  Island,  but,  subsequently,  his  remains  were  transferred 
to  the  National  Cemetery,  at  New  Bern,  N.  C,  plot  7,  grave  1,119.  Ten  left  the  company 
while  yet  in  Camp  Orr ;  they  were :  George  Couch,  John  Couch,  Joseph  McGuire,  Hiram 
Price,  who  left  camp  the  day  before  Christmas,  1861,  and  never  returned;  they  are  marked 
as  deserters ;  John  Davis  and  William  R.  Stewart  were  discharged  by  the  civil  authorities, 
by  Habeas  Corpus  writ,  Feb.  21,  1861 ;  William  G.  Risher  was  discharged  on  Surgeon's 
certificate,  Jan.  21,  1862 ;  Jacob  Stockdill  was  discharged  by  order  of  Col.  Lehmann,  evi- 
dently at  the  request  of  his  parents ;  Adam  Davis  left  camp  during  Feb.,  1862,  and  never 
returned,  and  is  therefore  marked  as  a  deserter ;  David  Altman  was  discharged  on  Surgeon's 
certificate,  Feb.  17,  1862.  Those  recorded  as  deserting  after  the  Regiment  left  the  State 
were :  Jacob  Beighley,  June  30,  1862 ;  Jacob  Gilby,  Apr.  16,  1862,  at  Warwick  Court  House, 
Va. ;  Isaac  Stifley  is  recorded  as,  "Deserted  Sept.  16,  1861."  On  the  company's  muster  roll 
on  which  Private  Stiff ey  was  dropped  (January  and  February,  1863),  is  the  following  nota- 
tion, given  as  a  reason  for  marking  him  a  deserter :  "Absent  sick  since  Sept.  16,  1861 ;  hear 
through  reliable  authority  that  he  joined  an  artillery  company."  On  the  preceding  muster 
roll  (November  and  December,  1862)  he  is  accounted  for  as  follows:  "Sick  at  Fort  Monroe 
since  Sept.  18,  1862."  When  the  Regiment  received  orders  to  break  camp  in  September,  1862, 
then  between  Fortress  Monroe  and  Hampton  Roads,  Stiffey  was  lying  seriously  ill  in  camp. 
He  was  removed  from  his  tent  to  a  hospital  near  by,  carried  there  by  his  brother,  Jacob 
Stiffey,  and  Private  Robert  Bash.  When  he  became  convalescent  he  was  sent  to  Governor's 
Island,  N.  Y.  As  he  recuperated  he  was  transferred  to  Fort  Hamilton  Hospital  wliere  he 
did  light  duty  until  he  recovered.  He  was  there  transferred  to  Co.  E,  5th  Regiment  of  Ar- 
tillery, U.  S.  army,  and  served  until  a  year  and  half  after  the  war  ended.  The  writer  has 
before  him  two  discharges  of  Comrade  Stiffey's,  giving  him  a  record  of  which  any  soldier 
would  be  glad  to  possess.  The  first  discharge  reads,  in  part,  as  follows :  "Know  ye,  that 
Isaac  Stiffey,  a  Private  of  Captain  Truman  Seymour's  Company  (E)  of  the  Fifth  Regiment 
of  Artillery,  who  was  enlisted  the  Twenty-first  day  of  January,  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  Sixty-two,  to  serve  unexpired  period  of  three  years,  is  hereby  discharged  from  the  Army 
of  the  United  States  in  consequence  of  Re-enlisting,  per  G.  O.  No.  25,  W.  D.  A.  G.  O. 
Wash.,  Jan.  18,  1864."  Under  the  space  for  character,  the  record  is  marked,  "Good."  The 
second  discharge  is  dated  Jan.  29,  1867,  and  "Excellent"  is  the  character  given  him.  His 
last  discharge  is  endorsed  by  Capt.  Seymour  as  follows : 

"Private  Isaac  Stiffey  has  served  with  the  Company  in  the  following  engagements 
viz.;  Wilderness,  Spottsylvania,  Cold  Harbor,  Siege  of  Petersburg,  Petersburg  April  2d' 
1865,  Sailor's  Creek,  Surrender  Lee's  Army."  '  ' 

The  date  of  enlistment  given  in  the  first  discharge  is  obviously  an  error  and  should 
have  been  1863,  instead  of  1862.  Jacob  Stiffey,  instantly  killed  on  the  firing  line  Dec.  14, 
1862,  was  a  younger  brother  of  Isaac  Stiffey.  While  the  latter  was  with  Co.  C  he  did  his 
duty  faithfully  and  well.    Both  he  and  his  brother  were  classed  with  the  "boys"  of  the  Co. 

In  confirmation  of  the  above  the  writer  has  before  him  the  following  communication 
from  the  War  Department,  dated  March  21,  1910,  over  the  signature  of  The  Adjutant  Gen- 
fnol-  T,"^*^^  charge  of  desertion  on  the  record  of  Isaac  Stiffey  as  a  member  of  Company  C 
103d  Pennsylvania  Infantry,  is  erroneous.  He  was  discharged  the  service  as  of  that  organ- 
ization January  20,  1863,  by  reason  of  enlistment  on  the  following  day  in  Battery  E  5th 
United  States  Artillery." 

Those  discharged  on  Surgeon's  certificate  after  the  company  left  Camp  Orr  were: 
Sergt.  W.  N.  Barr.  March  11,  1863;  Corp.  Salem  Crum,  May  13,  1862;  Corp.  Andrew  J. 
Scott,  June  20,  1863;  Corp.  Isaac  Warner,  June  20,  1863;  Henry  M.  Ammendt,  April  26, 
1863;  James  Beatty,  March  28,  1863;  James  Canfield,  Jan.  13,  1863;  John  Clark,  April  1, 
1863;  George  W.  Cochran,  Dec.  4,  1863;  Jackson  Davis,  June  20.  1863;  David  H.  Dickasoni 
Sept.  1.  1S62;  William  Dougherty,  March  28,  1863;  Jeremiah  George,  Nov.  2,  1862;  John 


Goudy,  Sept.  16,  1863;  Thomas  Hammer,  Feb.  5,  1863;  William  Harkleroad,  Dec.  26,  1862; 
William  Hays,  March  9,  1864;  Joseph  B.  Travice,  March  26,  1863;  Peter  W.  Hetrick,  March 
3,  1863;  Jacob  Linsinbigler,  March  23,  1863;  Joseph  Mclntire,  Aug.  24,  1862;  George  Mos- 
baughel,  Feb.  17,  1863;  John  Richards,  March  28,  1863;  Israel  Sadler,  June  19,  1862;  Sharp 
W.  Scott,  Aug.  29,  1862 ;  Samuel  Thompson,  Jan.  18,  1865. 

The  following  were  honorably  discharged,  Sept.  16,  1864,  by  reason  of  the  expiration 
of  the  three  years'  term  of  enlistment :  Lieut.  Baptist  H.  Scott,  Sergt.  William  T.  Coleman, 
Sergt.  Robt.  M.  Dunn,  Sergt.  John  Low,  Corp.  Thomas  J.  McKee,  Drummer  John  C.  Austin, 
Privates  Philip  Anthony,  Adam  Bargerstock,  Thomas  Connell,  Dennis  Connor,  James 
Elgin,  John  Fleming,  John  L.  Jones,  James  McCroskey,  George  W.  McKee,  Samuel  Murphy, 
John  F.  Shoup,  Matthew  L.  Teaff,  and  John  Graden ;  disch.  Feb.  13,  1865.  The  following 
were  absent  sick  when  the  company  was  mustered  out :  James  E.  Lafferty,  David  Kingmore, 
Woodward  Carter,  David  Hetrick,  Philip  Smith;  Hetrick  and  Smith  belonged  to  the  orig- 
inal enrollment;  Kingmore  and  Carter  were  recruits,  mustered  into  the  service  August  13, 
1864,  and  accredited  to  the  company  but  never  joined  it;  Lafferty  joined  the  company  July 
21,  1864,  but  no  descriptive  list  was  ever  received.  Taken  sick,  he  was  sent  to  the  hospital 
and  last  report  from  him  he  was  in  Jarvis  Hospital,  Baltimore,  Md.  Capt.  Simon  P. 
Townsend,  resigned  July  7,  1862;  Capt.  Albert  Fahnestock,  who  was  promoted  captain  to 
date  from  July  7,  1862,  resigned  Jan.  14,  1863;  Capt.  John  M.  Cochran,  who  was  promoted 
to  1st  lieutenant  July  7,  1862,  and  to  captain  January  14,  1863,  was  dismissed  by  court  mar- 
tial June  16,  1863.  As  there  is  a  stigma  attached  to  a  dismissal  from  the  service,  the  writer 
thinks  it  is  due  to  Capt.  John  M.  Cochran  that  the  facts  leading  up  to  the  dismissal  should 
appear  in  the  Regimental  History.  The  Regiment  had  no  braver  officer  than  he,  and  he 
was,  perhaps,  as  strict  a  disciplinarian  as  was  in  the  Regiment.  He  detested  shams  of  any 
kind,  and  he  had  a  blunt  way  of  speaking  his  mind.  He  had  no  charity  for  any  one  who 
shirked  duty.  A  copy  of  the  muster  roll  made  out  by  him  is  before  the  writer.  On  it  eight 
men  with  the  Co.  are  dropped  as  deserters.  The  reasons  assigned  for  marking  them  de- 
serters were  as  follows :  "Were  taken  sick  and  sent  north ;  have  had  no  official  notice  of 
their  whereabouts;  have  heard  through  others  that  they  were  at  home  and  well."  With 
one  exception  these  men  returned  to  the  Co.,  but  Capt.  Cochran  believed  they  were  trying 
to  evade  duty.  In  this  same  group,  marked  deserters,  was  one  who  had  been  severely 
wounded  at  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  and  never  returned  to  the  Co.  The 
reason  noted  on  the  muster  roll  for  dropping  him  is,  "Slightly  wounded  at  the  battle  of 
Fair  Oaks ;  have  never  heard  from  Surgeons.''  Once  in  action  one  of  the  company  was 
slightly  but  painfully  wounded  and  hurriedly  left  the  ranks,  and  was  sent  to  a  general  hos- 
pital for  a  short  time.  On  his  return  he  was  soundly  berated  by  Capt.  Cochran  because  he 
had  left  ranks.  These  instances  are  cited  merely  to  show  that  an  officer  so  severe  in  dis- 
clipine  would  have  enemies  in  his  ranks,  and  he  had  quite  a  number,  but  they  were,  as  a 
general  rule,  men  who  shirked  duty,  more  or  less.  Capt.  Cochran  was  the  most  pugnacious 
officer  in  the  Regiment,  and  he  was  second  to  none  in  courage.  As  the  Regiment  was  sup- 
porting a  battery  in  close  range  of  the  enemy,  the  commanding  officer  of  the  regiment  en- 
gaged with  the  enemy  in  the  immediate  front  got  "rattled,"  and  in  a  loud  voice  gave  the 
command  to  retreat,  repeating  the  command  several  times.  This  brought  cheers  from  the 
enemy.  Capt.  Cochran  immediately  called  the  men  of  the  Co.  to  respond  in  cheers,  which 
was  done  quite  heartily. 

Once  in  advancing  on  the  enemy  under  a  severe  fire  part  of  the  Regiment  passed 
over  some  men  of  another  regiment  who  were  "hugging"  the  ground  to  avoid  the  fire. 
Evidently  some  of  the  Regiment  had  boasted  about  this  and  it  had  come  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  others.  Shortly  after  this  event  the  Regiment  in  changing  quarters  marched  by  the 
camp  of  the  regiment  referred  to,  and  a  group  of  its  officers  was  by  the  road  side  viewing 
the  passersby,  and  when  they  spied  the  colors  of  the  Regiment,  one  of  them  exclaimed,  in 
a  sneering,  ironical  manner,  "This  is  the  regiment  that  marched  over  us."  Capt.  Cochran, 
hearing  this,  walked  up  to  the  group  and  replied  by  saying,  "By  !  we  are  the  iden- 
tical boys  who  did  walk  over  you."  No  other  officer  in  the  Regiment  would  have  had  the 
audacity  and  temerity  to  have  done  this.     At  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  although  sick  and 

Capt.  John  M.  Cochran.  Private  George  W.  Cochran.  Private    Wm.    W.    Cochran. 


Private   Lemuel   H.   Slagle. 
(Co.   F.) 

John    F.    Rupert. 
(Corporal  Co.   A.) 


excused  from  duty,  he  rallied  a  number  of  men  who  were  absent  when  the  Regiment  went 
to  the  support  of  the  pickets,  and  formed  them  to  the  left  of  Casey's  Redoubt.  He  re- 
mained there  until  he  was  so  severely  wounded  that  he  had  to  be  assisted  from  the  field. 
He  would  not  have  been  court-martialed  had  it  not  been  for  his  pugnacity  and  stubborn- 
ness. His  offense  was  intended  only  as  a  joke  on  a  couple  of  brother  officers,  and  with 
no  intention  of  harming  them.  He  and  another  officer  of  the  Regiment  called  on  some 
women  who  lived  a  short  distance  beyond  the  picket  line  and  introduced  themselves  as 
Col.  Maxwell  and  Capt.  Mackey,  two  of  the  most  staid  and  upright  characters  of  the  Regi- 
ment. One  of  Capt.  Cochran's  most  implacable  foes  was  on  picket  duty  and  got  the  story 
from  the  women  shortly  after  the  officers  left,  and  the  next  day  he  reported  it  to  Col. 
Maxwell,  and  when  confronted  with  the  charges  the  officers  admitted  the  offense.  Charges 
were  preferred  against  the  offending  officers  and  the  ultimatum  given  them  to  apologize 
and  resign.  Capt.  Cochran's  companion  accepted  the  ultimatum  and  was  honorably  dis- 
charged, but  the  captain  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  pleadings  of  his  friends,  refused  to  apolo- 
gize, and  was  court-martialed.  The  Regiment  had  no  better  or  braver  officer  than  Capt. 
John  M.  Cochran. 

Capt.  Simon  P.  Townsend  was  one  of  the  most  substantial  and  influential  farmers 
of  Western  Pennsylvania,  and  for  that  time,   held  a  high  reputation  as   a  military  man, 
serving  in  the  State  militia  as  brigade  inspector  of  Armstrong  County  for  two  years  prior 
to  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  war.     His  paternal  ancestor  had  participated  in  the  Revo- 
lutionary War,  and  he  had  imbibed  patriotic  ideas,  no  doubt,  through  his  paternal  lineage. 
Capt.  Townsend  was  born  in  1823,  at  Salina,  Armstrong  County,  Pa.     His  parents,  Robert 
Townsend  and  Elizabeth  Hine  Townsend,  moved  to  Westmoreland  County  shortly  after 
his  birth,  residing  there  only  a  few  years,  when  they  settled  on  a  farm  at  Olivet,  Arm- 
strong County,  about  the  year  1830.     It  was  here  he  was  reared  and  educated,  in  the  dis- 
trict and  subscriptions  schools,  living  the  ordinary  life  of  the  farmer's  boy,  early  learning 
all  the  duties  pertaining  to  farm  life.    In  1852  he  joined  fortune  with  five  others,  viz :    John 
J.  Scott,  John  Baxter,  Alexander  Wilson,  and  Samuel  George.     These  six  entered  into  a 
mutual  agreement,  which  was  duly  signed  by  each  one,  that  they  would  unite  their  for- 
tunes in  making  a  quest  for  gold  in  California.     In  the  compact  entered  into,  each    one 
agreed  to  help  the  others  by  all  legitimate  means  to  acquire  a  fortune,  pledging  himself 
to  stand  by  the  others  to  the  extent  of  his  ability.    The  trip  was  made  by  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama,  during  which  they  had  a  rough   experience,  at  times  knocked   about  by  heavy 
storms,  and  again  suffering  from  lack  of  wind,  in  which  their  vessel  was  completely  be- 
calmed, prolonging  the  trip  until  they  ran  short  of  provisions,  and  were  threatened  with 
starvation.    He  returned  to  Olivet  two  or  three  years  before  the  war.     Capt.  Townsend 
was  an  exceptionally  pious  man;  was  an  elder  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  and  while  in 
the  rendezvous  camp,  and  until  the  Regiment  went  to  the  front,  conducted  worship  in  the 
company's  quarters  every  night. 

At  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  Capt.  Townsend  was  suffering  with  the  illness 
then  so  common  among  both  officers  and  men,  and  did  not  accompany  the  men  to  the 
picket  line  on  the  evening  before  the  battle.  However,  he  relieved  Lieut.  Fahnestock  early 
the  next  morning,  and  had  the  honor  of  commanding  the  advance  troops  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  that  opened  the  first  great  battle  between  that  army  and  the  Army  of  North- 
ern Virginia.  Capt.  Townsend  arrived  at  the  picket  line  before  eight  o'clock  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  first  day's  battle  at  Seven  Pines.  Half  of  his  company  was  deployed  as  pickets 
along  the  edge  of  a  woods,  facing  a  field  some  four  or  five  hundred  yards  wide,  the  other 
half  being  held  as  a  reserve,  a  hundred  yards  to  the  rear.  Shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Captain,  the  enemy  was  seen  to  arrive  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  field  and  halt.  The  open- 
ing in  front  of  the  pickets  was  covered  by  a  dense  thicket,  with  clusters  of  small  trees 
here  and  there,  obstructing  the  view,  except  at  points.  Wherever  it  was  possible  to  get  a 
view  of  the  ground  on  the  opposite  side,  the  enemy  could  be  seen  in  large  groups.  Capt. 
Townsend  had  a  field  glass  which  was  in  constant  use  all  morning.  The  Captain,  as  soon 
as  he  saw  the  enemy  was  massed  in  force,  sent  word  to  Gen.  Casey  by  a  vidette  that  an 
attack  was  impending.     He  kept  passing  along  the  picket  line  cautioning  the  men  to  be  on 


the  alert,  but  not  to  fire  until  the  enemy  advanced  in  force.  The  best  view  of  the  enemy 
could  be  had  from  the  first  picket  post  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  and  there  Capt. 
Townsend  made  his  headquarters.  He  was  at  this  post  when  the  enemy's  guns  were  fired,  as 
a  signal  to  advance,  and  the  missiles  from  these  guns  passed  through  the  tree  tops, 
near  where  he  was  standing.  Gen.  Casey  says  in  his  report  of  the  battle  that  he  received 
word  twice  by  videttes  that  the  enemy  was  preparing  for  an  attack.  This  word  was  sent 
by  Capt.  Townsend.  As  soon  as  the  smoke  cleared  away  from  the  signal  guns  the  enemy 
was  seen  advancing,  and  the  pickets  immediately  opened  fire.  The  fire  at  first  was  en- 
tirely from  the  pickets  of  Co.  C,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  posts  to  their  right  and  one 
to  their  left.  The  pickets  kept  up  a  rapid  fire  and  maintained  their  position  along  the  edge 
of  the  woods  until  after  the  Regiment  had  arrived  and  formed  in  rear  near  the  point  at 
which  the  reserve  part  of  the  company  was  quartered.  The  fire  of  the  picket  had  checked 
the  enemy's  skirmishers  and  forced  the  regiments  of  the  attacking  brigade,  which  were 
moving  by  the  right  flank  at  deploying  distances,  into  line  of  battle.  It  was  the  steady  and 
continuous  fire  of  the  pickets  that  drew  the  heavy  fire,  which  struck  the  Regiment  while 
it  was  being  aligned  in  the  woods.  The  fire  of  the  pickets  was  so  rapid  and  continuous 
that  their  gun  barrels  became  uncomfortably  hot,  and  the  position  at  the  edge  of  the  woods 
was  maintained,  so  far  as  Capt.  Townsend's  company  extended,  until  the  enemy's  line  of 
battle  was  within  a  few  yards  of  the  position,  a  portion  of  the  pickets  not  retiring  until 
they  had  received  the  heavy  fire  that  struck  the  Regiment  while  its  alignment  was  being 
made.  In  a  dispatch  to  Secretary  Stanton  Gen.  McClellan  said:  "On  Saturday  Casey's 
pickets  rushed  in  without  attempting  a  stand."  As  the  writer  views  it  now,  Capt.  Town- 
send's mistake  was,  that  he  did  not  order  the  pickets  to  fall  back  before  the  enemy  had 
approached  so  closely.  As  it  was  the  pickets  were  forced  to  get  back  rapidly,  and  before 
some  of  them  succeeded  in  getting  out  of  the  woods  their  own  batteries  were  shelling  them. 
Although  the  privations  of  the  trip  up  the  Peninsula  had  impaired  Capt.  Townsend's 
rugged  constitution,  the  excitement  of  the  battle  of  Seven  Pines  seemed  to  have  given  him 
new  vitaHty,  and  he  remained  in  command  of  the  company,  but  as  the  excitement  was  al- 
layed his  physique  became  enervated  and  he  resigned  immediately  after  the  Peninsula  cam- 
paign had  come  to  an  end,  July  7,  1862. 

Capt.  Albert  Fahnestock  succeeded  Capt.  Townsend,  but  owing  to  impaired  health  he 
resigned  January  14,  1863,  much  to  the  regret  of  the  "boys"  of  the  company.  The  majority 
of  Fahnestock's  recruits  were  young  men  and  boys  and  if  he  had  an  opportunity  to  favor 
them  in  any  way  he  always  did  it  graciously.  However,  not  through  partiality,  for  he  was 
considerate  of  all,  and  it  is  doubtful  if,  when  he  left  the  company,  there  was  one  who  had 
any  grudge  or  ill  feeling  towards  him. 

The  following  were  mustered  out  with  the  company  at  New  Bern,  N.  C,  June  25, 
1865,  and  received  their  final  discharge  July  13,  1865,  at  Harrisburg,  Pa. :  Capt.  Thomas 
A.  Cochran,  1st  Lieut.  James  M.  Wilson,  1st  Sergt.  Wilson  S.  Cochran,  Sergt.  Samuel  M. 
Evans,  Sergt.  John  A.  Gwinn,  Sergt.  William  McElfresh,  Sergt.  William  J.  Stoup,  Corp. 
Francis  M.  Fleming,  Corp.  Luther  S.  Dickey,  Corp.  George  Forward,  Corp.  Samuel  A. 
Kier,  Corp.  George  W.  Pifer,  Corp.  Robert  M.  Watson,  Fifer  Lewis  Barlett,  Drummer 
Dallas  B.  Taylor ;  Privates  Robert  Bash,  Thomas  M.  C,  Beer,  David  M.  Dickey,  Samuel 
Findley,  1st;  Samuel  Findley,  2d;  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  J.  Gallagher,  Martin  Harkle- 
road,  George  D,  Herick,  Hezekiah  Hilty,  Emanuel  Lore,  William  McKillip,  John  Noble, 
Crowder  Pacien,  George  W.  Pontious,  Jeremiah  Schreckengost,  Reese  Shay,  John  Shultz, 
John  C.   Speer,   Patrick  Welsh,  Jesse  B.  Wilson. 

Capt,  Thomas  A.  Cochran's  military  career  has  already  been  told  in  the  Regimental 
narrative,  and  in  the  sketch  of  the  company.  From  the  first  he  was  more  intimately  ac- 
quainted with  the  members  of  the  company  than  anyone  else,  on  account  of  his  official  posi- 
tion as  orderly  or  first  sergeant.  But  being  with  the  company  in  official  position  from  the 
time  it  was  first  organized,  until  it  was  disbanded  at  Harrisburg,  July  13,  1865,  holding 
the  positions  of  first  sergeant,  second  lieutenant,  first  lieutenant,  and  finally  captain,  brought 
him  closer  to  the  men  than  any  other  of  the  officers.  Even  while  he  commanded  the  Regi- 
ment, he  held  the  dual  relation  also,  as  commander  of  the  company.    It  is  no  reflection  on 



Co.  D  was  formed  by  merging  the  r^uclei  of  '-°  ^^^f '  ^VirFurnace    in'the 
K.  Hamilton  in  the  neighborhood  of  Putneyvil.e    Oak  and  and  C    weH     Furnas,  .n  th^ 


Tf  the  men  enrolled  failed  to  appear,  less  than  50  men  accompanymg  the  officers  mto  camp^ 
Th  s  inTerfered  with  the  acceptance  of  the  Co.  in  the  78th,  much  to  the  d.sappomtmen  to 
the  offers  and  men,  as  they  were  anxious  to  get  to  the  front,  and  it  was  expected  tha 
te  ?8th  would  leav    within  a  few  days.     After  the  arrival  of  the  Co.  m  the  rendezvou 
camp  a  spirited  contest  took  place  between  the  two  squads  for  the  2d  Lieutenancy,  one 
favoring  Fletcher  Smullin,  the  other  G.  W.  Stoke.    The  ballot  resultmg  m  a  tie,  the  captam 
refraining  from  voting  when  the  ballot  was  taken,  decided  the  result  by  casting  his  vote 
for  Smullin,  who  became  2d  lieutenant.     The  commissioned  officers  selected  the  non-com- 
missioned officers  as  follows:     1st  Sergt..  James  O'Donnell;  2d  Sergt.,  A.  Luther  Fhike; 
3d  Sergt    Thomas  Henry  Gray;  4th  Sergt.,  Levi  Nolf;  5th  Sergt.,  Samuel   S.  Hamilton; 
Corporals    John  H.  Brown,  John  Humphries,  John  S.  Moorehead,  Daniel   Stoke,   George 
T    Carrier,  Samuel  E.  Hamilton,  Adam  Nolf,  Anthony  Spangler.     The  men  were  given 
furloughs  home  for  the  purpose  of  recruiting,  and  as  there  was  considerable  rivalry  be- 
tween the  two  squads  as  to  which  could  secure  the  greatest  number  the  maximum  quota  of 
101  was  soon  secured.    After  the  78th  Regiment  left,  and  the  men  having  neither  uniforms 
nor  muskets,  with  nothing  to  do  but  drill  in  squads  or  by  company,  which  consisted  in  fac- 
ing and  marching,  began  to  express  discontent,  and  the  officers,  to  encourage  them,  made 
speeches  assuring  them  they  would  soon  get  to  the  seat  of  war,  making  profuse  promises 
of  how  they  would  stand  by  the  men  until  the  last.     .One  of  the  officers  made  use  of    a 
phrase  the  men  never  forgot,  inasmuch  as  two  of  them  had  severed  their  relations  with  the 
company  within  a  few  months  thereafter.    He  said,  "Boys,  if  you  will  stay,  we  will  stick 
to  you  as  long  as  there  is  a  button  on  our  coats.''    However,  at  least  one  of  them  had  good 
reasons  for  leaving.     Capt.  Hamilton  resigned  April  9,  1862,  he  having  typhoid  fever  in  a 
most  malignant  form,  hovering  between  life  and  death  for  days  after  he  reached  his  home. 
He  had  two  sons,  twins,  in  the  Co.,  one  of  whom,  Sergt.  Samuel  S.  Hamilton,  died  June 
1,  1862,  at  Washington,  D.  C,  while  the  other  lay  at  death's  door  for  several  months,  his 
illness  occurring  at  the  same  time  the  other  two  were  at  the  point  of  death.    He  was  dis- 
charged for  disability,  and  when  he  reached  home  he  was  merely  a  shadow  of  what  he 
had  been  when  entering  the  service.    Meredith  was  promoted  to  Capt.  and  Smullin  to  1st 
Lieut.,  to  date  April  10,  1862,  and  G.  W.  Stoke  was  appointed  2d  Lieut,  by  Col.  Lehmann  at 
the  same  time.    Meredith  resigned  July  15,  1862,  and  as  Lieut.  Smullin  was  absent  in  Phil- 
adelphia, Pa.,  with  typhoid  pneumonia,  by  reason  of  which  he  did  not  return  to  the  Co. 
until  the  first  week  of  the  following  November,  the  command  of  the  Co.,  in  the  meantime, 
fell  on  Stoke,  who  had  been  appointed  Capt.  by  Col.  Lehmann.     However,  shortly  after 
Smullin's  return  to  the  Co.  he  received  his  commission  as  Capt.,  dated  July  15,  1862.    While 
Stoke  was  acting  as  Capt.,  A.  L.  Fluke  was  appointed  2d  Lieut,  his  commission  dating  April 
10,  1862.    On  the  return  of  Smullin  to  the  Co.,  Stoke  returned  to  the  ranks  as  a  private, 
although  he  had  been  acting  as  Capt.  for   several  months,   satisfactorily  to  all  the  men. 
Subsequently  he  was  commissioned  2d  Lieut.,  and  transferred  to  Co.  B.     Of  original  com- 
missioned officers  Capt.  Smullin  was  with  the  Co.  when  it  was  captured  at  Plymouth,  and 
was  a  prisoner  of  war  for  over  11  months,  receiving  his  parole  March  26,  1865.     In  re- 
ferring to  the  "button  promise,"   Smullin  says:     "I  never  made  any  button  promise,  but 
while  I  was  in  Confederate  prison  my  coat  became  so  badly  worn  that  it  would  not  hold  a 


button,  and  had  it  riot  been  for  Col.  Maxwell's  generosity  when  I  was  paroled  I  would 
have  been  coatless." 

Four  days  after  Capt.  SmuUin  was  paroled  he  was  honorably  discharged  by  Special 
Order  of  the  War  Department,  No.  152,  paragraph  69,  by  reason  of  reduced  command. 

Of  the  original  enrollment  six  were  transferred,  viz:   W.  B.  Kroesen,  George  Smith, 
William  Todd,  to  Co.  K;  James  Ritchey,  to  Co.  B;  William  Dailey,  to  8th  N.  Y.  Batt'y; 
George   W.   Stoke  to   Co.   B.     One  deserted,  viz :   William  Duncan.     Two    resigned,    viz : 
Capts.  Hamilton  and  Meredith.     Thirty-three  died  while  prisoners  of  war,  or  immediately 
after  being  paroled,  viz:  Benj.  J.  Ailer,  James  A.   Beeham,  Robert  Cathcart,  William  H. 
Craig,  Thomas  H.  Gray,  Henry  Gumbert,  Peter  Haller,  Jeremiah  Henry,  Thomas  J.  Hooks, 
John  Martin,  Isaac  S.  Moorhead,  William  Oliver,  James  T.  Parsons,  Samuel  Reese,  Michael 
Pugh,  Adam  Shreckengost,  James  Smeltzer;   all  the  foregoing  named  are  known  to  have 
died  at  Andersonville ;  Aaron  F.  Bowser,  James  F.  Brown  and  William  O.  Pontious  died  at 
Charleston,  S.  C. ;  David  Myers  and  Jacob  Myers  died  on  board  transport  conveying  them 
to  Annapolis,  Md.,  after  being  paroled ;  William  H.  Kness  and  Levi  Nolf  died  at  Annapolis, 
Md.,  shortly  after  being  paroled ;  Eli  Simmers  died  at  Wilmington,  as  he  was  about  to  be 
paroled ;   William  N.  Blake,  Samuel  Clark,  Job  Elder,  Lewis  Griffin,  Levi  Henry,   Samuel 
E.  Hamilton,  Henry  Spong,  and  John  J.  Stoke  are  reported  by  comrades  as  dying  in  prison 
but  place  not  given ;   most  probably  at  Florence,  or  en  route  from  one  point  to  another. 
Six  were  killed  in  battle  or  died  of  wounds  received  in  action,  viz :  Emanuel  Bucher,  James 
O'Donnell,   Jacobs    Stults ;    in   battle   of   Fair   Oaks,   Va.,    May  31,   1862,     Sergt.    Anthony 
Spangler,  and  William  H.  Wheeler,  at  battle  of  Kinston,  N.  C,  Dec.  14,  1862;  Corp.  Geo. 
T.   Carrier,  at  Plymouth,   N.  C,  April  20,  1864.     Sergt.  Spangler  was  color  bearer  at  the 
time  he  was  killed,  and  received  two  fatal  bullets,  almost  simultaneously.     Twenty-two  were 
discharged  on  Surgeon's  certificate ;  7  were  transferred  to  the  Veteran  Reserve  Corps,  viz : 
Joshua   Baughman,  Thomas  Shall,  Thompson   Simpson,   George   K.   Slagle,   George   Smith, 
William  Todd  and  Isaac  Trolinger.     In  addition  to  the  6  killed  in  action  and  the  33  died 
who  were  prisoners  of  war,  13  died  of  disease,  making  the  total  mortality  of  the  Co.  52. 
Those  who  died  of  disease  were  Chambers  Armstrong,  at  Camp  Orr;   James  Brooks,  at 
Yorktown,  Va. ;  William  Brown,  at  Yorktown,  Va. ;  James  H.  Crow,  at  Harrison's  Land- 
ing, Va. ;   William   Galentine,  Jr.,  at  Philadelphia,   Pa. ;   Samuel   S.  Hamilton,  Washington, 
D.   C. ;   Robert  Hays,   White  Oak   Swamp,  Va. ;  Barnhart   Metzler,  at   Plymouth,    N.     C. ; 
James  Porter,  Philadelphia,  Pa. ;  Leonard  Stein,  Yorktown,  Va. ;  Z.  C.  Smullin,  Harrison's 
Landing,  Va. ;   William  Shall,  Orrsville,   Pa. ;   Andrew  Wolfe,  New   Bern,   N.  C. 

Capt.  Madison  Monroe  Meredith  was  a  brother  of  Hon.  Jonathan  Meredith,  who  has 
been  Speaker  of  the  Penna.  House  of  Representatives.  He  was  a  native  of  Qarion  County, 
and  had  attended  school  in  Kittanning.  He  quit  school  when  16  years  old  to  accompany  a 
party  of  gold  prospectors  to  California,  but  returned  to  Pennsylvania,  and  was  engaged  in 
mercantile  business  at  Brookville,  Pa.,  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  The  campaign  on  the 
Peninsula  undermined  his  constitution,  and  he  was  forced  to  resign,  although  he  had  been 
promoted  to  the  captaincy  of  the  Co.  but  three  months  before.  He  returned  to  Brookville 
after  leaving  the  army,  and  became  a  practicing  attorney  there.  In  1882  he  was  appointed 
Corporation  Qerk  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth.  He  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Dauphin  Co.  Bar  and  author  of  "Meredith's  Corporation  Laws  of  Pennsylvania." 
In  1888  he  entered  the  legal  department  of  the  Lehigh  Valley  Railroad.  After  an  illness 
covering  several  months  Capt.  Meredith  died  at  the  Grand  View  Sanitarium,  Wernersville, 
Pa.,  April  19,   1904,  in  his  72d  year. 


Co.  E  was  composed  entirely  of  Butler  County  boys  and  men,  two  townships  alone. 
Clay  and  Cherry,  contributing  25  of  the  original  enrollment.  A  number  of  these  had  done 
service  in  the  "Old  13th,"  during  the  early  months  of  the  war.  Among  these  were  Robert 
J.  Thompson,  W.  S.  Dickson,  Wallace  Frick,  Chas.  H.  McQung,  Eli  G.  Cratty,  C.  M.  Otto, 
Peter  Wisenstine.  The  recruits  from  Sunbury  and  the  surrounding  neighborhood  were 
conveyed   from  West   Sunbury  to  Butler  in  farm  wagons,  by  courtesy  of    the    farmers   of 


the  neighborhood.  Groups  of  recruits  from  other  parts  of  the  county  concentrated  at  Butler 
and  all  were  transported  to  Camp  Orr  in  wagons,  reaching  the  rendezvous  camp  the  latter 
part  of  November,  1861.  After  the  arrival  at  Camp  Orr  the  organization  of  the  Co.  was 
effected  by  the  election  of  officers,  which  resulted  as  follows:  Capt,  Samuel  Martin;  1st 
Lieut.,  C.  M.  Otto;  2d  Lieut.,  E.  G.  Cratty;  1st  Sergt.,  R.  R.  Bryson;  Sergts.,  C.  H.  Mc- 
A.  Wagner,  Samuel  Roth,  Jefferson  Burtner,  H.  C.  Croup,  W.  N.  Stevenson,  J.  H.  Scott, 
J.  M.  Byers ;  musicians,  A.  B.  Hughes,  drummer,  John  Myers,  fifer ;  the  latter  having  been 
transferred  from  Co.  A. 

The  total  enrollment  of  the  company  was  110,  the  maximum  quota  of  101  having  been 
enrolled  while  at  Camp  Orr.  Of  the  original  enrollment  the  following  were  recruited  from 
Cherry  Township:  James  R.  Allison,  N.  K.  Allison,  R  P.  Black,  J.  B.  Campbell,  Dickson 
Christy,  S.  B.  McCandless,  P.  O.  Morrow,  Braden  Porter,  W.  E.  Stevenson,  Samuel 
Thompson,  Lewis  Woolford.  Later  Cherry  Township  furnished  three  recruits  to  Co.  E, 
viz :  J.  M.  Black,  Adam  Grossman  and  Jonathan  Hockenberry,  making  a  total  of  14  from 
that  township.  Clay  Township  furnished  14  also,  as  follows:  William  Beighly,  W.  S. 
Dickson,  Gabriel  Duffy,  Thomas  Eshenbaugh,  Wallace  Frick,  Walter  Gold,  J.  L.  McCand- 
less, J.  N.  McCarrier,  W.  S.  Mechling,  William  Miller,  Solomon  Moses,  J.  M.  Webb, 
Richard  Wick.  Of  the  total  enrollment  of  110,  fifty-one  died  while  in  the  service;  30  of 
whom  died  while  prisoners  of  war  or  immediately  after  being  released;  three  were  killed 
in  battle,  and  18  died  of  disease  contracted  while  in  camp  or  on  the  march,  16  of  whom  died 
during  the  first  year  of  service,  in  1862.  Patrick  Norris  and  Nathaniel  Allison  were  killed 
in  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  and  Sergt.  Samuel  Logan  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Plymouth. 
The  following  died  at  Andersonville,  Ga.,  while  prisoners  of  war :  Privates  Edward  Bark- 
man,  William  Beighly,  John  Burns,  Moore  M.  Davis,  Samuel  Davis,  Charles  Lepley,  James 
Martin,  Thomas  Mayer,   Solomon  Moser,  Milton  Myers,   Richard   Wick. 

The  following  died  while  prisoners  of  war  at  Florence,  S.  C. :  1st  Sergt.  Charles  H. 

McClung,  Sergt.  Frederick  A.  Mondy,  Corp.  James  H.  Scott ;  Privates  William  W.  Davis, 

William  S.  Dickson,  Joseph  Goldinger,  John  Wilson.     The  following  died  at  Charleston, 

S.  C,  while  prisoners  of  war :   Music.  John  Myers ;  Privates  Samuel  B.  McCandless,  Perry 

O.   Morrow,  John  Varley.     The  following   died  at   Camp   Parole,   Annapolis,   Md.,   from 

disease  contracted  while  prisoners  of  war:     Corp.  James  M.  Byers;   Privates  Thomas    S. 

Byers,  John  B.   Campbell,  Dickson  Christy,  Weston   Hall,   Joshua   H.    Perkins,   James   e' 

Rolston.     Private  Martin  W.  Banker  is  reported  by  comrades  as  dying  while  a  prisoner 

of  war,  with  no  record  of  date  or  place,  but  probably  while  en  route  from  one  point  to 

another.     Capt.   Samuel  Martin  was  carried  from   his   tent  in    Regimental    camp    on    a 

stretcher  wh.le  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  was  raging.    He  died  a  week  later,  June  8   1862   at 

White  House,  Va.     Private  Hamilton  C.  Kennedy  was  placed  into  an  ambulance  during 

the     Seven  Days'  Battle,"  June  27,  1862,  in  a  dying  condition,  and  was  never  afterwards 

seen  or  heard  from  by  any  of  his  comrades.     Private  Hugh  McElroy  was  also  missing 

durmg  the  "Seven  Days  Battles,"  and  has  never  since  been  seen  or  heard  from     Five  vet 

erans,  who  were  prisoners  of  war  and  were  paroled,  were  honorably  discharged '  by  General 

Order  of  the  War  Department  in  the  spring  of  1865,  when  the  war  was  practically  ended 

Corp^  Jefferson  Burtner;  Privates  R.  P.  Black,  Emanuel  Emminger,    Thomas  Eshenbaugh" 

and  John  Kennedy     Corp.  Burtner  was  severely  wounded  at  the  bat  le  of  Plymouth   NC 

by  the  fragment  of  a  shell  and  had  a  leg  amputated.    He  is  still  living  and  haTheld  a  hi^h 

offical  pos,fon  in  the  Auditor  General's   Office  of  the  State  of   Pennsylvania   for   maS 

years.     Seventeen  were  mustered  out  with  the  Co.  at  New  Bern    N    C    TVe  25    iLl7^ 

CaTEVo'' Crtf  1^7"^  t  ?""'"^^'  ^^-  ^"'^  ''•  ''''■  They're'!; Il^^s 
SrnV  r  T^n  n  '  \^- .^'y'°"-  1=*  Sergt.  W.  B.  Sedwick,  Sergt.  John  N  Mc 
earner,  Corp.  H.  C  Croup.  Music.  Aaron  B.  Hughes,  Privates  Adam  Banner  James  M 
Bracken,  George  Barr,  Gabriel  Duffy,  Harrison  Pugh,  James  B  Rutter  Will^^  V 
Stevenson  John  M.  Black,  Henry  J.  Burns,  Cyrus  H.'croup,  Jonathan  Ho'kel;  the 
ast  four  havmg  jomed  the  Co.  during  the  last  year  of  the  war.  After  Capt  CraTt;  re 
turned  to  the  Regiment  from  being  a  prisoner  of  war,  by  virtue  of  seniority  in  rant   h^ 


assumed  commanH  of  the  Regiment ;   Col.   Lehraann  then  being  in  command  of  the  Sub- 
District  of  the  Albemarle,  and  Lieut.  Bryson  commanded  the  Co. 


Co.  F.  was  a  Qarion  County  Regiment,  as  fully  four-fifths  of  its  number  came  from 
that  county,  and  its  nucleus  was  known  as  the  "Clarion  Tenth."  It  was  recruited  in  the 
main  by  Matthew  B.  McDowell,  Josiah  Zink  and  David  Rimer,  from  the  neighborhood  of 
Rimersburg.  The  Co.  was  organized  at  Camp  Orr  by  the  election  of  the  following 
officers :  M.  B.  McDowell,  Capt. ;  Josiah  Zink,  1st  Lieut. ;  John  Donaghy,  2d  Lieut. ; 
David  Rimer,  1st  Sergt.  The  company  was  mustered  into  the  service  Dec.  7,  1861,  and 
before  the  Regiment  left  Camp  Orr  it  had  the  full  maximum  quota  of  101.  The  total 
enrollment  up  to  the  end  of  its  service  was  114.  Of  these  7  were  killed  or  died  of  wounds 
received  in  action,  viz. :  Sergt.  Wm.  McElhany,  at  Kinston ;  Corp.  Colin  Boyd,  at  Fair 
Oaks;  Corp.  Benj.  Mortimer,  at  Plymouth ;  J.  Rankin  Boyle,  died  Aug.  17,  '62,  of  wounds 
received  at  Fair  Oaks;  William  Sanford,  of  wounds  received  at  Kinston;  Michael  Wenner, 
Kinston ;  Harmon  Dunkle,  of  wounds  received  at  Plymouth.  Twenty-nine,  captured  at 
Plymouth,  died  while  prisoners  of  war  or  immediately  after  being  released  at  Camp 
Parole,  from  disease  contracted  while  in  Southern  prisons ;  of  these  14  are  known  to 
have  died  at  Andersonville,  Ga. ;  1  at  Charleston,  S.  C. ;  1  at  Milledgville,  Ga. ;  7  died  at 
Camp  Parole  shortly  after  being  released,  and  6  have  never  been  accounted  for,  but 
are  supposed  to  have  died  en  route,  or  at  Florence,  S.  C. ;  they  are  William  Akins,  Jacob 
Brock,  J.  S.  Delp,  Daniel  Jones,  J.  Lowers  and  John  Smuthers.  Six  were  transferred, 
four  to  Co.  G.,  one  to  the  Veteran  Reserve  Corps,  and  one  promoted  to  Captain  U.  S. 
Colored  Troops.  Three  resigned :  Captains  McDowell  and  Zink,  and  Lieut.  Neely.  Two 
were  discharged  by  reason  of  the  expiration  of  3  years  term ;  one  was  absent  at  muster 
out  of  Co.,  and  one  was  not  on  muster  out  roll.  Twenty-nine  were  discharged  on  Surgeon's 
certificate ;  12  were  discharged  by  G.  O.  of  the  War  Dept.  shortly  after  being  paroled  as 
prisoners  of  war,  by  reason  of  the  collapse  of  the  Confederacy  and  five  were  mustered  out 
with  the  Co.,  June  25,  1865,  receiving  their  final  discharge  at  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  July  13,  1865. 
They  were:  1st  Sergt.  Allen  B.  Cross;  Privates  William  Boarts,  Wilder  M.  Boyle;  Benja- 
min Graham ;  David  Hartman.  Those  honorably  discharged  by  G.  O.  of  the  War  Depart- 
ment after  being  paroled  or  escaping  from  Southern  prisons  were :  Capt.  John  Donaghy, 
who  successfully  escaped  Nov.  20,  1864;  was  discharged  Dec.  9,  1864;  1st  Lieut.  James 
H.  Chambers,  paroled,  and  discharged  March  15,  1865 ;  Sergt.  John  H.  White,  successfully 
escaped,  April  22,  1865,  discharged  June  7,  1865  to  date  May  24,  1865;  Corp.  Samuel  H. 
Stewart,  was  absent  on  furlough  when  the  Co.  was  mustered  out ;  Music.  William  D. 
Keefer,  paroled  Feb.  26,  I860,  discharged  June  12,  1865,  to  date  May  15,  1865;  Private 
Samuel  W.  Anderson,  paroled  April  21,  1865,  discharged  May  31,  1865,  to  date  May  18, 
1865;  John  H.  Friel,  paroled  Dec.  11,  1864;  discharged  May  7,  1865,  to  date  June  25,  1865; 
William  A.  Fulton,  discharged  August  15,  1865,  to  date  June  25,  1865;  Alexander  Keith, 
paroled  Dec.  11,  1864;  discharged  June  19,  1865;  William  L.  Reed,  paroled  Dec.  11,  1864, 
discharged  March  24,  1865,  to  date  December  17,  1864 ;  Theodore  G.  Sloan,  successfully 
escaped  March  24,  1865 ;  discharged  June  7,  1865,  to  date  May  24,  1865 ;  Milton  Thompson, 
paroled  April  21,  1865,  discharged  June  2,  1865,  to  date  May  18,  1865;  William  B.  Watterson, 
paroled  April  21,  1865,  discharged  June  2,  1865,  to  date  May  18,  1865. 

Sergt.  John  H.  White,  who  was  with  the  Co.  from  the  time  it  left  Camp  Orr  until  it 
was  captured,  and  who  successfully  made  his  escape,  referring  to  Andersonville  prison,  says : 

"James  Burns  was  the  first  to  die ;  he  was  a  good  soldier ;  never  off  duty  in  all  his 
service.  Sergt.  Armagost,  Sergt.  Graham,  Jacob  Ruff,  Sebastian  Zirl,  Reese  Thompson, 
David  Anderson,  Robert  McGarrah,  all  died  in  Andersonville.  I  was  in  the  first  detach- 
ment to  leave  the  prison ;  went  to  Savannah,  and  from  there  to  Blackshear  Station,  where 
I  was  taken  sick  and  then  was  moved  to  Thomasville,  Ga.,  where  I  was  put  in  an  old 
church ;  and  from  there  I  was  taken  back  to  Andersonville,  where  I  arrived  on  New 
Year's  day,  1865.  Gill  Sloan  made  his  escape  on  the  way  back  to  Andersonville  and  got 
through  to  our  lines,  near  the  Dry  Tortugas,  Fla.  He  was  twice  recaptured  en  route,  but 
finally  succeeded  in  reaching  our  lines.     I  made  my  escape  from   Andersonville  in  April, 


1866,  and  after  covering  pretty  nearly  all  of  the  State  of  Georgia,  I  finally  struck  Wilson's 
Cavalry  and  stayed  with  them  until  Lee's  men  commenced  to  come  back.  I  succeeded 
in  getting  a  Rebel  uniform  and  flunked  in  with  some  returning  Rebels,  and  played  off  as 
Reb.  I  drew  rations  at  Kirby  Smith's  Camp,  and  finally  reached  Dalton,  Ga.,  about  a 
month  after  I  made  my  escape." 

The  following  received  severe  wounds  in  action :  At  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  Va.,  May 
31,  1862:  Samuel  H.  Stuart,  William  Bostaph,  Harmon  Dunkle,  Michael  Kissinger,  Michael 
McNanny,  Theodore  G.  Sloan;  at  Plymouth:  Capt.  Donaghy,  Lieut.  Chambers,  William  L. 

Private  Lemuel  C.  Slagle,  who  was  wounded  on  Jan.  27,  1865,  on  an  expedition  from 
Plymouth,  N.  C,  to  Bertie  County,  N.  C,  and  who  was  transferred  to  Co.  A.,  18th 
Regiment,  Veteran  Reserve  Corps,  on  account  of  his  wounds,  had  a  close  call  for  his 
life.  Slagel  belonged  to  the  rear  guard  and  was  mistaken  for  the  enemy.  The  bullet  struck 
him  between  the  sixth  and  seventh  ribs,  within  two  inches  of  the  spine.  Surgeon  Frick, 
referring  to  this  wound  says  : 

"It  was  easily  diagnosed  as  a  penetrating  wound  of  the  chest,  and  as  no  exit  wound 
existed,  and  the  bullet  could  not  be  located,  the  inference  was  that  it  lodged,  hopelessly 
within  the  cavity  of  the  chest,  and  would  be,  necessarily,  hopeless  as  to  recovery.  I  had 
the  patient  made  as  comfortable  as  possible  in  the  cabin  of  our  Hdqrs.  boat.  We  reached 
Plymouth  at  12  o'clock  that  night,  and  finding  the  patient  no  worse,  I  returned  to  the 
hospital  early  next  morning  and  re-examined  the  patient.  I  discovered  a  small  nodule, 
not  visible,  but  manifest  to  the  touch,  which  then  led  to  the  diagnosis  that  the  bullet  had 
securely  lodged  between  the  1st  and  2d  ribs  in  front.  A  careful  incision  revealed  the  cor- 
rectness of  this  diagnosis,  and  I  succeeded  in  extracting  it  without  its  dropping  back  into 
the  cavity  of  the  chest.  I  then  kept  the  entire  chest  enveloped  with  hot  fomentations 
changed  every  few  hours,  after  a  method  at  that  time  recommended  in  the  German  med- 
ical schools,  and  published  in  our  medical  journals.  I  obtained  a  water-bed  on  which 
the  patient  rested  with  so  much  comfort  that  subsequently  in  his  delirium  he'  would  try 
to  catch  water-beds  for  the  use  of  his  comrades,  imagining  that  he  saw  them  floating  in 
the  air  around  him  On  the  Sunday  evening  that  Plymouth  was  attacked  Slagle  was 
among  the  patients  that  T  sent  with  the  steamer  Massasoit  to  Roanoke  Island'  His  wound 
was  thoroughly  convalescent.  After  my  release  from  Confederate  prison  while  on  dutv 
at  Chesapeake  Hospital,  near  Fortress  Monroe,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  a  visit  from  Slade 
as  he  passed  through  on  his  way  to  join  the  Veteran  Reserve  Corps."  -^"^K": 

Comrade  Slagle  was  at  the  last  Reunion  of  the  Regiment,  and  was  then  hale  and 
hearty.  He  resides  at  East  Brady,  where  he  has  been  engaged  in  business  for  many  years 

Corp.  William  Bostaph,  who  was  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  and  discharged 
from  the  service  on  account  of  being  disabled  as  a  resuh  of  the  wounds,  is  Senior  Vice 
Commander  in  Chief  of  the  G  A.  R.,  having  been  elected  to  that  position  at  the  National 
Encampment  at  Salt  Lake  City  in  August,  1909.  He  is  a  resident  of  Ogden,  Utah  and  L 
by  profession  a  civil  and  hydraulic  engineer.  ' 

V,  .-fi^r^  .!?""^^^^''  ,'"^<^.°""'  °f  *e  organization  of  the  Co.,  or  rather  how  he  became 
Identified  with  it,  is  told  in  his  "Army  Experience."  He  had  served  with  tZ  .,'"'"'"' 
Greys"    (12th  Regiment)    in  the  three  months'  service  and   was   assists  in  ?"""' 

company  at  Pittsburg  before  he  went  to  Camp  Orr.    He  says  ^         """'""^   " 

of  theTitt  thHldett  ctSny^rgam^ronl^VfJ^sbu^r^'""  '"^.^^^"^^^  S'"-''  ^o.  A 
the  company.  Seven  men  were  aH  theThad  enhst^d  .nH^f  ^^%«"deavoring  to  reorganize 
at  Kittanning.  I  was  not  sworn  in  but  consented  tA  J=  •  ^"'  ^'°"!  ^'*  ^^'^  '°  "mp 
men  while  the  Captain  and  Lieutenant  reSed  in  ti.??it'"  "'"P.,?"^  take  charge  of  the 
the  required  number.  The  men  had  not  vet  been  nnifor^.J  ^  recruiting  the  company  up  to 
settled  in  camp  than  T  began  to  rlriirmvcnTu  ""'^°™ed  nor  armed.  We  were  no  sooner 
which  left  me  six  me^a"  mo  t  fo7drnr  bTrr:^,^-  ..°"'  !"u'"  \"^  ^^'^^^^'^  ^^^  <=ook. 
that  so  small  a  squad  could  perform  I  succeeded  in^.H,,T  *'l'L°"^''  ^"-  ^^^  evolutions 
manders  of  other  squads  some  of  wJminT*  t  •  '".attracting  the  attention  of  the  com- 
«ke  their  recruis  and  themselves  t^arHv  fnVo^  ^^'^  ""'"'"J  TP"'*"*^^  asked  me  To 
myself  in  command  of  me^eilrugh  S'?o  m'ar^rdrm  irtrrchoor^ofll'-     '  ^"^"^  *°""d 

tain;  for  they  suspected  that  the  man  who  had  been  their  1st  choi«%or  Zt"poSn^w^; 


about  to  sell  out  to  some  other  person.  Strange  to  say,  my  ambition  was  not  then  up  to 
the  Captain  mark,  and  besides  it  seemed  to  me  that  the  person  who  was  expecting  that 
office  was  acting  fairly  with  his  men,  so  I  did  not  encourage  them  in  their  project.  They 
were  determined  to  have  me  with  them.  The  man  whom  they  expected  to  have  for  first 
lieutenant  was  popular  with  them,  and  he  wanted  that  position  whether  the  other  man  or  I 
should  be  captain,  so  they  decided  that  the  man  whom  they  had  favored  for  second  lieutenant 
should  fall  back  to  the  position  of  first  sergeant,  that  I  might  become  second  lieutenant.  I 
consented  to  that  arrangement  and  joined  the  company.  An  election  the  next  day  but  con- 
firmed that  disposition  of  the  officers — viz.:  Mathew  B.  McDowell,  Captain;  Josiah  Zink, 
First  Lieutenant;  myself  as  Second  Lieutenant,  and  David  Rimer  as  First  Sergeant.  The 
company  was  from  Rimersburg,  Clarion  County — a  part  of  the  state  I  had  never  been  in, 
nor  had  I  met  any  of  the  men  before.  Considering  this,  and  the  fact  that  I  had  not  brought 
a  recruit  to  the  company  nor  paid  a  dollar  towards  its  expenses,  I  thought  it  remarkable 
that  I  should  inspire  the  men  with  such  confidence.  The  company  had  eighty  men  enlisted. 
Most  of  them  were  granted  furloughs  during  the  Christmas  holidays,  and  on  their  return 
they  brought  with  them  recruits  enough  to  fill  the  company  to  the  required  number  of  101 

Co.  F  was  detached  from  the  Regiment  from  June  27,  1863,  until  January  3,  1864. 
During  this  period  it  was  stationed  at  Roanoke  Island,  N.  C.  In  his  "Army  Experience," 
Capt.  Donaghy  describes  life  on  the  Island  in  the  following  terms : 

"I  had  with  me  my  1st  lieutenant,  James  H.  Chambers,  and  Lieut.  Edgar  Lee  of  Co. 
A  [101st  Regiment],  whom  I  detailed  as  post  adjutant.  The  island  is  about  twelve  miles 
long  and  three  or  four  miles  wide,  and  contained  about  a  hundred  white  families,  and  a 
total  of  about  2,000  negroes  who  were  settled  on  a  reservation  called  Camp  Foster.  Each 
family  was  allowed  a  lot  of  about  an  acre  of  land,  on  which  they  built  their  log  cabins. 

"On  Monday  morning  I  found  a  crowd  awaiting  me  at  headquarters.  There  were 
negroes  by  the  hundred  asking  for  orders  for  rations,  and  whites  too,  who  were  destitute. 
Some  had  come  to  the  island  in  boats  and  asked  permission  to  trade,  or  to  buy  supplies 
from  the  sutlers.  One  white  couple  who  were  dissatisfied  with  each  other,  wished  to  be 
divorced,  and  as  I  was  the  only  governing  authority  on  the  island,  I  was  asked  to  give  a 
decree  of  separation.  I  granted  most  of  the  requests,  but  the  latter  was  too  much  for  me. 
I  advised  the  couple  to  live  for  the  present  as  they  pleased,  until  the  civil  government  should 
be  restored,  and  then,  if  they  were  still  of  the  same  mind,  they  could  apply  to  the  proper 

"The  post  sutler  sent  to  me,  with  his  compliments,  a  supply  of  delicacies,  which 
included  several  bottles  of  champagne.  I  was  surprised  at  his  generosity,  but  accepted  his 
gifts  with  thanks,  at  the  same  time  mentally  resolving  not  to  favor  him  by  doing  anything 
at  variance  with  my  duty ;  but  these  good-will  offerings  did,  no  doubt,  impress  me  favorably 
towards  him. 

"On  the  second  day  [July  24,  1863]  I  heard  of  some  schooners  being  seen  in 
Currituck  Sound,  and  I  sent  Lieut.  Geissenhainer  with  a  small  force,  on  the  tug  North  State, 
after  them,  and  he  captured  one  of  the  vessels — a  sloop — with  its  crew  and  cargo  of 
contraband  goods.  My  successor,  Capt.  James  Sheafer,  was  somethig  of  a  sailor,  and  with 
him  I  enjoyed  several  cruises  about  the  sound  in  the  captured  yacht.  Co.  A,  101st,  was 
Capt.  Sheafer's  company,  and  he  had  been  absent  at  the  north.  His  commission  was  older 
than  mine,  so  I  was  again  relieved  July  24,  when  he  returned  to  duty. 

"On  the  3d  of  August  I  was  on  board  the  stern-wheel  tug  and  gunboat  North  State, 
as  it  steamed  up  the  Little  Alligator  river  towing  some  empty  scows  which  were  to  be 
brought  back  to  Plymouth,  laden  with  lumber.  I  was  in  command,  and  our  party  consisted 
of  Capt.  Gallop  of  the  steamer,  and  his  crew,  twelve  soldiers,  and  18  negro  laborers,  and 
besides  these  we  had  on  board,  returning  to  their  homes,  eight  citizens  of  Tyrrell  County 
who  had  fallen  into  Union  hands  in  various  ways. 

"During  our  absence  our  department  commander.  Gen.  B.  F.  Butler,  visited  the  island 
and  inspected  the  troops  and  works.  On  the  day  of  our  return  Col.  Clarke,  of  the  85th 
New  York,  arrived  with  100  men  to  reinforce  us  and  to  clear  Currituck  canal  of  guerrillas. 

"On  Saturday,  the  8th  [August],  a  force  went  out,  but  could  not  find  the  enemy. 
Oark  and  Sheafer  were  with  it,  while  I  staid  at  headquarters  making  out  permits  for 
various  things  for  the  people.  Next  day,  Sunday,  I  enjoyed  my  liberty  by  riding  about 
the  northeast  part  of  the  island,  Lieuts.  Chambers,  Butts,  Laughlin  and  Sergt.  Hawn,  the 
three  latter  belonging  to  Col.  Clarke's  force  of  100,  accompanying  me.  The  principal  event 
of  the  day  was  our  visit  to  Fort  Raleigh.  Mr.  Doe,  a  resident,  led  us  to  a  secluded  place 
in  a  wood  and  pointed  out  some  inequalities  in  the  ground  as  the  remains  of  a  star-shaped 
fort  which  was  built  by  the  colony  established  by  Sir  Wfelter  Raleigh  in  1587,  and  which 
was  the  scene  of  the  massacre  by  the  Indians,  of  the  unfortunate  colonists. 

"On  the  19th  I  rode  to  headquarters  and  learned  of  a  wreck  on  the  ocean  beach,  and 
that  the  North  State  was  about  to  take  a  party  there.  Lieut.  Geissenhainer  and  I  got 
permission  to  go  along.    A  sail  of  three  hours  brought  us  to  Oregon  Inlet,  south  of  Roanoke. 

Corp.    Robert   J.    Thompson. 
(Co.    E.) 

John    Adams. 
(Private    Co.    G.) 

John    D.   Taggart. 
(Private    Co.     I.) 

Sergt.  J.   S.    Hodyl. 
(Co.    i.) 

John    S.    IVIoorhead. 
(Sergeant  Co.   D.) 



We  dined  with  Gallop  on  the  steamer.  The  vessel  was  the  U.  S.  gunboat  Crocus,  lately 
from  New  York.  At  a  dwelling  near  by  we  saw  the  crew,  who  were  drying  their  clothes 
at  bon-fires  built  for  the  purpose.  We  walked  up  the  beach  until  we  were  opposite  the 
wreck,  which  lay  out  among  the  breakers.  The  night  was  stormy  when  the  vessel  struck 
the  bar.  A  line  was  thrown  to  the  shore  by  means  of  a  rocket ;  by  that  line  a  hawser  was 
drawn  ashore  by  the  people  who  were  there,  and  by  this  means  the  crew  had  saved  them- 
selves.   When  we  were  there  the  wind  had  abated,  but  the  waves  were    ;ill  pretty  high. 

"Geissenhainer  and  I  and  some  others  donned  improvised  bathing  suits  and  went  out 
to  the  wreck,  holding  on  with  firm  grip  to  the  hawser  while  large  waves  dashed  over  us. 
Curiosity  was  our  motive. 

"The  North  State  brought  the  shipwrecked  crew  to  Roanoke,  but  as  the  steamer 
was  not  ready  to  return  as  soon  as  Lieut.  G.  and  I  were,  we  came  back  with  the  sutler  in 
his  yacht,  but  we  did  not  reach  the  island  until  midnight,  for  we  were  delayed  by  running 
upon  a  bar,  and  all  hands  had  to  get  out  into  the  water  and  push  the  boat  over  the  bar. 
The  sutler  took  care  of  us  at  his  quarters  till  morning,  and  as  he  was  a  liberal  entertainer, 
we  were  not  allowed  to  go  away  dry  or  hungry." 

The  surviving  comrades  of  the  Regiment  will  be  glad  to  know  that  Capt.  Donaghy  is 
able  to  enjoy  life  in  his  latter  years.  The  following  notice  is  taken  from  a  Florida  paper, 
issued  Feb.  10,  1909 : 

Some  friends  of  Capt.  Donaghy — Mr.  Chas.  Le  Bihan  and  wife,  also  Mr.  C.  S. 
Schlomer  and  wife,  of  New  York  City,  have  come  to  Mrs.  Spofford's  at  the  north  end  of  the 
lake  to  spend  the  winter  months.  Mr.  Arthur  Spofford  has  built  for  Captain  Donaghy  a 
good  size  rowboat  of  graceful  lines,  on  which  the  captain  intends  to  entertain  his  friends. 
An  appropriate  ceremony  marked  the  launching  of  the  boat.  Among  those  who  participated 
were  the  above  named  ladies  and  gentlemen,  Mrs.  Sawyer  and  Mrs.  White,  the  Hon.  J.  E. 
Alexander  and  others.  The  following  lines  written  by  the  captain  were  recited  by  Mrs.  Le 
Bihan,  whose  diction  was  greatly  admired. 

The  Baptisim  of  Violet. 

We  meet  beneath  fair  sunny  skies 
To  launch  this  boat;  likewise  baptize. 
In  storm  or  gale  may  she  keep  afloat; 
Escape  the  fool  who  rocks  the  boat ; 
May  serve  the  turn  of  angler  keen. 
Or  loving  pair — ^with  none  between. 
May  she  prove  useful  on  the  wave, 
If  need  be  means  of  life  to  save. 
To  ailing  frames  who  ply  the  oar 
May  she  the  glow  of  health  restore. 

From  her  rude  deck  of  a  moonlight  night 
May  tuneful  voices  give  delight. 
Of  course  a  boat  lacks  sense  of  taste 
To  give  her  wine  were  wilful  waste — 
A  liquid  made   for  human  throttle — 
And  yet;  with  her  we'll  break  a  bottle. 
So  now,  dear  friends,  we  make  it  clear 
We  wish  for  her  a  good  career. 
So  push  her  in :  her  bottom  wet, 
For  fair  one,  name  her  "Violet." 


Co.  G.  was  chiefly  recruited  in  Indiana  and  Allegheny  Counties,  by  John  Stuchell, 
James  J.  Morrow,  of  Indiana  County,  and  William  H.  Irwin  of  Allegheny,  Pa.  The 
Allegheny  County  recruits  came  principally  from  the  village  of  Tarentum  and  the  adjoin- 
ing townships,  who  were  enrolled  by  W.  H.  Irwin  during  the  autumn  months  of  1861.  The 
company  was  organized  at  Camp  Orr  during  the  winter  of  1861-62  by  merging  the  two 
squads,  and  the  Co.  was  mustered  into  the  service  on  Jan.  10,  1862  with  John  Stuchell, 
Capt. ;  William  H.  Irwin,  1st  Lieut. ;  James  J.  Morrow,  2d  Lieut.  As  Co.  G.  was  among 
the  last  companies  organized  at  Camp  Orr  it  never  had  the  maximum  enrollment,  in  fact, 
the  total  enrollment  during  the  war  was  only  96,  there  being  only  four  additions  to  the 
Co.  after  it  went  to  the  front.  The  aggregate  mortality  was  36,  eighteen  deaths  occurring 
in  Southern  prisons,  or  immediately  after  being  released ;  14  by  disease  in  camp  or  hospital, 
and  three  killed  in  battle,  or  died  of  wounds  received  in  action.  They  were  Lieut.  Z.  M. 
Cline,  killed  April  18,  1865,  at  battle  of  Plymouth;  Balser  Graft  and  Elijah  Shierer,  who 
died  of  wounds  received  in  action  at  Fair  Oaks,  Va.,  May  31,  1862 ;  Jacob  Weaver,  who 
was  seriously  wounded  at  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  subsequently  died  as  a  result,  but  when  and 
where  is  not  recorded;  Corp.  Smith  Kennedy,  who  was  severely  wounded  in  battle  of 
Fair  Oaks,  was  transferred  to  Veteran  Reserve  Corps  as  a  result  of  his  wounds,  and 
never  returned  to  the  Co.  Of  those  who  died  while  prisoners  of  war  the  following  are 
known  to  have  died  at  Andersonville,  Ga. :  Peter  Barr,  Samuel  Barr,  William  Oliver 
Black,  James  Evrit,  George  M.  Feel,  John  Maynard,  Caleb  E.  Moore,  Samuel  Oiler,  George 
Shakely,  Henry  Wyant ;  Sergt.  John  Clark  and  Private  John  T.  Weaver  are  known  to  have 


died  at  Florence,  S.  C. ;  John  Adams  and  John  Leslie  died  while  en  route  to  be  paroled ; 
William  C.  McQuskey  died  at  Charleston,  S.  C,  while  en  route  to  Florence;  S.  Hagerty, 
and  George  Schell  died  after  being  released  from  disease  incurred  while  prisoners  of  war. 
The  first  man  of  the  Regiment  to  die  at  Andersonville,  Ga.,  was  John  Maynard.  He  was 
captured  while  on  a  reconnoissance  near  Colerain,  N.  C.,  Jan.  22,  1864,  and  died  of 
pneumonia,  at  Andersonville,  March  27,  1864,  nearly  six  weeks  before  his  comrades  arrived 
there.  His  grave  number  is  183,  and  the  burial  record  credits  him  to  the  105th  Penna. 
Regt.  Thirteen  of  the  Co.  were  discharged  by  reason  of  disability  incurred  while  in  the 
service,  on  Surgeon's  certificate ;  eight  were  transferred,  three  of  whom  were  promoted 
to  field  and  staff ;  twenty  were  mustered  out  with  the  Co.  June  2.5,  1865,  and  received  their 
final  discharge  at  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  July  13,  1865.  Eighteen  of  these  belonged  to  the  original 

Among  Lieut.  Irwin's  recruits  from  Tarentum  and  neighborhood  were  Sergt.  John 
Clark,  who  died  at  Florence,  S.  C,  Feb.  1,  1865,  and  William  Oliver  Black,  who  died  at  An- 
dersonville July  18,  1864;  Smith  Kennedy,  who  was  transferred  to  Veteran  Reserve  Corps 
on  account  of  wounds  received  at  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks ;  John  Adams,  who  died  while  a 
prisoner  of  war;  Samuel  Bagley,  James  Dunlap,  Daniel  Greek,  Washington  Hazlett ;  Isaac 
L.  Kuhn,  who  died  at  Beaufort  (N.  C.)  Hospital,  March  21,  1864;  John  Leslie,  died  while 
a  prisoner  of  war  ;  Allison  Mitchell,  wounded  in  "Seven  Days'  Battles"  and  Jesse  G.  Stephens, 
who  died,  June  28,  1862,  after  marching  across  White  Oak  Swamp  during  the  "Seven  Days' 

When  Adjutant  Irwin  was  recruiting,  the  citizens  of  Tarentum  called  a  meeting  in 
the  Tarentum  school  house  to  assist  him,  which  was  attended  by  nearly  the  entire  male  por- 
tion of  the  village.  A  practical  joke  was  played  on  one  of  the  citizens  of  the  town  who  was 
given  to  boasting  of  bis  prowess,  the  result  of  which  was,  that  never  after  his  experience 
of  that  night  was  he  heard  to  express  any  desire  for  martial  activity. 

The  following  were  mustered  out  with  the  Co.  at  New  Bern,  N.  C,  June  25,  1865,  re- 
ceiving their  final  discharge,  at  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  July  13,  1865:  Capt.  J.  J.  Morrow,  1st 
Sergt.  William  C.  Bell,  Sergt.  George  Baker,  Sergt.  John  Black,  Sergt.  Andrew  Shankle, 
Sergt.  Robert  Whitacre,  Corp.  William  McGeary,  Musician  Loy  B.  Young ;  Privates  George 
W.  Bruner,  William  Carson,  George  W.  Dies,  James  Dunlap,  George  M.  Gourley,  George 
W.  Grubbs,  Robert  A.  A.  Patterson,  James  H.  Roger,  Albert  M.  Russell,  Moses  F.  Steele, 
Andrew  Whitacre.  i\Iusician  Saul  A,  Hagerty,  who  was  a  prisoner  of  war  from  Apr.  20, 
1864,  until  Feb.  24,  1865,  was  honorably  discharged  by  General  Orders  of  the  War  Depart- 
ment to  date  June  26,  1865.  Private  John  Miller,  who  was  captured  at  Plymouth,  April  20, 
1864,  and  paroled  April  1,  1865,  was  honorably  discharged  by  General  Orders  of  the  War 
Department  July  14,  1865. 

Lieut.  Zachariah  M.  Cline,  who  was  killed  on  Monday  evening,  April  18,  the  second 
day  of  the  battle  of  Plymouth,  N.  C,  by  a  fragment  of  a  shell,  was  from  Cowanshannock 
Township,  Armstrong  County,  Pa.,  a  son  of  John  Cline.  He  was  unmarried,  and  from  the 
time  the  Regiment  went  from  the  State  until  his  death  he  was  continuously  with  the  Co. 
and  was  well  esteemed  by  both  officers  and  men  of  the  entire  Regiment. 


Co.  H  was  recruited  principally  in  the  western  part  of  Clarion  County,  for  the  99th 
Penna.  Regiment.  George  W.  Kelly,  who  had  been  a  compositor  on  the  Philadelphia 
Ledger,  had  succeeded  in  enrolling  eight  or  ten  recruits  in  the  east,  and  found  it  difficult 
to  get  any  additions  came  west  and  on  reaching  Clarion  made  the  acquaintance  of  James  F. 
Mackey  and  J.  Milton  Alexander  and  induced  them  to  co-operate  with  him  in  recruiting 
a  company,  promising  Mackey  the  captaincy  and  Alexander  the  2d  lieutenancy.  Mackey  at 
that  time  was  conducting  a  carriage  and  blacksmith  shop  in  Clarion,  and  Alexander  was 
assisting  his  father  conduct  a  hotel,  of  which  the  latter  was  proprietor.  The  three  went  to 
work  with  enthusiasm,  Kelly  securing  zouave  uniforms  from  the  east  for  the  men.  The 
Co.  was  organized  at  Clarion  according  to  the  original  program  with  James   F.  Mackey, 


Capt. ;  George  W.  Kelly,  1st  Lieut ;  and  J.  M.  Alexander,  2d  Lieut.  Having  the  required 
quota  in  February,  Mackey,  Alexander  and  Kelly  went  to  Kittanning,  the  nearest  point  to  a 
railroad,  in  order  to  arrange  for  transportation  to  Washington  City,  where  the  99th  was 
then  stationed  with  eight  companies.  While  in  Kittanning  they  came  in  contact  with  the 
officers  of  the  103d,  and  were  induced  to  change  their  former  plans  and  cast  their  lot  with 
the  Regiment.  This  addition  to  the  Regiment  gave  it  the  full  complement  of  ten  companies, 
seven  of  which  had  the  maximum  quota  of  men.  The  Regiment  then  had  orders  to  leave 
for  Harrisburg,  expecting  to  secure  the  additional  company  at  the  State  capital.  It  was 
arranged  with  the  officers  of  Co.  H  that  they  should  return  to  Clarion  at  once  and  follow 
the  Regiment  to  Harrisburg.  No  better  version  can  be  given  of  Company  H's  departure 
from  home,  its  arrival  at  the  Regiment,  and  its  first  marches,  than  is  found  in  the  following 
letter,  written  by  John  Mackey,  son  of  Capt.  Mackey,  to  his  mother,  under  date  of  April  30, 
1862.  Young  Mackey,  who  was  then  perhaps  thirteen  years  old,  accompanied  his  father  in 
the  capacity  of  servant,  but  really  as  a  companion.  He  was  not  enlisted  or  mustered  into 
service,  but  was  with  the  Regiment  during  the  first  months  of  its  service. 

"Dear  Mother :  Last  night  as  I  was  going  to  bed  I  received  your  letter.  We  are 
now  about  6  or  8  miles  from  Yorktown,  and  we  have  a  very  pleasant  camp.  One  of  the 
boys  captured  a  mule  the  other  day,  and  we  were  going  to  keep  it,  but  he  sold  it.  I  will 
now  give  you  a  list  of  the  tramps  we  have  made  since  we  left  home : 

"Clarion  Zouaves,  Capt.  James  F.  Mackey,  Co.  H,  103d  Regiment,  P.  V.,  marched 
from  Clarion,  Feb.  27.  1862.  Crossed  the  river  at  James  Watterson's  early  in  the  morning, 
Feb.  28,  and  marched  to  Kittanning,  where  the  men  received  woolen  blankets  in  time  to 
take  4  o'clock  (P.  M.)  train  for  Pittsburg,  where  we  arrived  at  8  P.  M.  March  1,  took 
the  Lightning  (Express)  at  4  P.  M.,  for  Harrisburg;  took  supper  at  2  A.  M.,  at  Tyrone, 
and  arrived  at  Harrisburg  at  3 :40  A.  M.,  March  2,  and  marched  out  to  Camp  Curtin,  where 
we  joined  the  103d  Regiment,  and  some  of  the  men  received  their  overcoats,  rations,  and 
were  mustered  into  the  Regiment.  Same  day  took  cars  for  Baltimore  at  4  o'clock  (P.  M.), 
where  we  arrived,  and  took  supper  at  12  o'clock,  midnight. 

"After  .supper  we  took  the  cars  for  Washington  City,  where  we  arrived  about  8 
A.  M.,  March  3,  and  quartered  at  the  Soldiers'  Rest,  remaining  there  until  March  5,  when 
we  marched  to  Camp  Reynold,  two  miles  east  of  Washington.  March  10,  marched  to  Camp 
Lloyd,  Meridian  Hill,  two  miles  N.  W.  of  Washington.  March  28,  marched  to  Camp  Snow 
Hill,  near  Alexandria.  March  30,  marched  to  the  wharf  at  Alexandria.  March  31,  went 
aboard  the  steamer  Hero,  bound  for  Fortress  Monroe.  April  2,  our  steamer  ran  into  a 
schooner  having  five  men  on  board,  sinking  it ;  one  man  was  drowned,  but  the  other  four 
got  safely  aboard  our  boat.  April  3,  landed  at  Fortress  Monroe,  disembarked  and  marched 
to  Camp  Casey,  eight  miles  from  Fortress  Monroe  and  two  miles  from  Newport  News. 
April  15,  marched  towards  Yorktown,  sixteen  miles,  and  laid  in  a  field  without  tents,  one- 
half  mile  from  Warwick  Court  House.  April  17,  marched  to  Camp  Winfield  Scott,  within 
four  miles  of  Yorktown.     This  is  the  last  of  the  story." 

Co.  H  had  a  total  enrollment  of  106,  however  seven  of  whom  failed  to  accompany 
the  Co.  from  Qarion,  and  are  on  the  rolls  of  the  Co.  as  deserters.  The  total  mortuary  list 
was  40,  eight  of  whom  were  killed  in  battle  or  died  of  wounds  received  in  action.  They 
were:  Hezekiah  Irwin,  Francis  Judy,  John  Loll  and  Adam  Turney,  at  Fair  Oaks,  Va.,  May 
31,  1862;  Jackson  Boyd,  Hiram  Reed,  and  George  H.  Wetzel,  at  Kinston,  N.  C,  Dec.  14, 
1862;  Sergt.  William  Johnston,  at  Plymouth,  N.  C,  Apr.  20,  1864.  Seventeen  died  while 
prisoners  of  war,  or  immediately  after  being  released  from  disease  incurred  while  in  prison. 
They  were :  Sergt.  Edwin  Terwilliger,  Corp.  Andrew  J.  Maze ;  Privates  Thomas  N.  Fulton, 
Herman  Girts,  and  Robert  Reed,  who  died  at  Andersonville,  Ga. ;  Private  William  W. 
Sheets,  David  Thomas,  William  Stroup  and  Daniel  Zimmerman,  who  died  in  Florence, 
S.  C. ;  Corp.  John  Wion ;  Privates,  Joseph  C.  K.  Groce,  Daniel  Huddleson,  Samuel  Wads- 
worth,  who  died  at  Camp  Parole,  Annapolis,  Md. ;  Private  James  L.  Travis,  at  Charleston, 
S.  C. ;  Privates  David  W.  Girts  and  John  A.  Redick,  supposed  to  have  died  en  route,  as 
they  were  not  seen  by  comrades  after  leaving  Andersonville,  Ga. 

Corp.  William  A.  Jameson  is  recorded  as  buried  at  Andersonville,  his  grave  number 
being  4,690.  Evidently  one  of  the  North  Carolina  men  who  had  deserted  from  the  Con- 
federate army  had  been  substituted  for  him.  Jameson  was  absent  sick  when  the  Co.  was 
captured,  and  the  records  show  that  he  was  admitted  to  the  Haddington  General  Hospital, 
Philadelphia,  Aug.  23.  1864,  and  was  discharged  March  15,  1865,  by  reason  of  expiration  of 


term.  William  Hall,  who  also  was  absent  when  the  Co.  was  captured,  and  according  to 
oflBcial  records  was  discharged  on  Surgeon's  certificate  May  31,  1864,  is  recorded  as  Vuried 
in  grave  7,286,  Andersonville  Cemetery. 

Private  Thomas  Davis,  who  was  confined  at  Andersonville,  and  is  shown  by  the 
records  to  have  been  mustered  out  with  the  Co.,  is  also  recorded  as  buried  in  grave  3,798, 
Andersonville,  National  Cemetery. 

The  following  were  mustered  out  with  the  Co.,  at  New  Bern,  N.  C,  June  .25,  1865, 
receiving  their  final  discharges  at  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  July  13,  1865 :  2d  Lieut.  S.  D.  Burns, 
1st  Sergt.  Sebastian  Cook,  Sergt.  Jacob  Rupert,  Sergt.  Samuel  Rupert,  Musician  John 
J.  Ashbaugh,  Thomas  Davis,  William  King,  William  Kleck,  Theodore  McPherson,  Sebastian 
Neidderriter,  Lester  R.  Warner  and  Eugene  E.  Widel. 

Capt.  Mackey  was  continually  with  his  Co.  until  it  was  captured ;  was  paroled  March 
1,  1865,  and  was  discharged  on  account  of  reduced  command,  March  12,  1865.  Lieut.  Geo. 
W.  Kelly  was  absent  on  recruiting  service  when  the  Co.  was  captured.  He  was  discharged 
by  reason  of  expiration  of  term,  Feb.  21,  1865.  Lieut.  J.  Milton  Alexander  resigned  Feb. 
13,  1863.  He  left  the  service  because  of  a  disagreement  with  Col.  Lehmann,  not  on  account 
of  impaired  health  or  dislike  of  the  service.     His  departure  was  regretted  by  the  entire  Co. 


Company  I  was  recruited  from  the  Counties  of  Butler,  Mercer  and  Venango. 
Wilson  C.  Maxwell,  who  was  authorized  by  Governor  Curtin  to  raise  a  company,  took 
the  initiative  in  recruiting  the  company.  After  securing  the  promise  of  a  score  or  more, 
he  called  a  meeting  at  the  M.  E.  Church  at  Harrisville,  Butler  County,  on  Sept.  16,  1861, 
at  which  he  succeeded  in  increasing  the  enrollment  to  nearly  half  the  required  quota  of 
101,  officers  and  men.  Finding  some  difficulty  in  getting  recruits,  he  made  a  deal  with 
William  Fielding  and  Wm.  H.  H.  Kiester,  promising  Fielding  the  first  lieutenancy  and 
Kiester  the  second,  if  they  assisted  him  in  securing  the  required  quota.  They  had  re- 
cently returned  from  the  three  months'  service  which  gave  them  the  glamour  of  being 
veterans  and  being  very  democratic  in  manner  and  good  mixers,  they  soon  succeeded  in 
getting  the  required  quota.  The  Company  left  Harrisville  for  Camp  Orr,  Kittanning, 
Dec.  16,  1861,  making  the  trip  in  country  wagons,  and  arriving  at  its  destination  Dec.  19. 
Shortly  after  its  arrival  at  Camp  Orr,  the  formality  of  electing  officers  was  carried  out 
in  compliance  with  a  previous  understanding,  resulting  as  follows:  Captain,  Wilson  C. 
Maxwell;  First  Lieutenant,  William  Fielding;  Second  Lieutenant,  William  H.  H.  Kiester; 
Orderly  Sergeant,  G.  K.  M.  Crawford;  Sergeants,  Jackson  McCoy,  John  C.  Applegate, 
John  S.  Hodil,  and  James  McKain.  Corporals,  William  McBride,  Andrew  J.  McCoy,  John 
B.  Porter,  John  McAnallon,  James  Harper,  William  Gorman,  David  McCoy,  Alpheus 

Capt.  Maxwell  being  promoted  March  1,  1862,  to  the  lieutenant  colonelcy  of  the 
Regiment,  Fielding  succeeded  him  as  captain.  William  C.  McCrum,  a  protege  of  Col. 
Lehmann,  was  appointed  first  lieutenant.  The  latter  came  from  the  vicinity  of  Pittsburgh 
and  was  not  known  to  any  of  the  company,  and  in  consequence  was  regarded  by  the  men 
as  an  interloper,  and  not  finding  the  place  congenial,  he  resigned  April  10,  1862.  His 
brief  connection  with  the  company  hardly  gave  the  men  an  opportunity  to  form  an  esti- 
mate of  his  character.  However,  his  demeanor  was  quiet  and  gentlemanly,  and  had  he 
remained  with  the  company,  and  possessed  the  requisites  for  his  position,  he  would  have 
soon  overcome  the  prejudice  of  the  men.  The  vacancy  caused  by  McCrum's  resignation 
was  filled  by  Lieut.  Kiester.  An  election  for  the  second  liteutenancy  was  held  at  White 
Oak  Swamp  about  June  23,  1862,  resulting  in  the  election  of  First  Sergt.  G.  K.  M.  Craw- 
ford, who  was  commissioned,  to  date  June  30,  1862.  Jackson  McCoy  was  promoted  to 
First.  Sergt.  and  William  McBride  from  Corporal  to  Sergeant.  The  original  member- 
ship of  the  company  was  one  hundred  and  five  (105),  four  more  than  the  requisite  quota 
of  officers  and  men.  Of  these,  sixty-five  (65)  were  from  Butler  County;  twenty-four 
(24)  from  Venango  County  and  sixteen  (16)  from  Mercer  County.  Of  the  original  mem- 
bership of  Co.  I,  only  eleven  remained  to  be  mustered  out  with  the  Co.     Fourteen  were 

COMPANY   I  95 

Tcilled  in  battle,  or  died  of  wounds  received  in  action;  thirty  died  in  Confederate  prisons, 
or  immediately  after  release,  from  disease  incurred  while  prisoners  of  war  and  before 
they  could  reach  their  homes;  eleven  died  of  disease  before  the  capture  of  the  Co.;  three 
were  transferred;  five  were  mustered  out  by  order  of  the  War  Department;  two  deserted 
and  thirty  were  discharged  on  Surgeon's  certificate.  Samuel  A.  Walker,  who  was  on 
detached  service  at  Fairfax  Seminary  when  the  Co.  was  captured,  was  discharged  Feb. 
24,  1865,  more  than  two  months  after  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  service.  John  Mc- 
Guirk,  who  was  a  prisoner  of  war  from  April  20,  1864,  until  Dec.  10,  1864,  was  discharged 
April  13,  1865,  to  date  Feb.  22,  1865.  Sergt.  William  McBride,  who  was  shot  through 
the  throat  at  the  battle  of  Plymouth,  and  left  on  the  field  of  battle,  supposed  to  be  mor- 
tally wounded,  recovered  and  was  sent  to  Andersonville,  and  was  paroled  at  Savannah, 
Ga.,  Nov.  30,  1864;  was  discharged  by  General  Order  of  the  War  Department,  June  21, 
1865.  Corp.  Nathan  E.  Davis  was  mustered  out  in  June,  by  order  of  the  War  Depart- 
ment, having  been  captured  with  the  company  and  paroled,  after  confinement  in  Ander- 
sonville prison.  The  eleven  men  mustered  out  with  the  company  re-enlisted  as  veterans, 
Jan.  1,  1864,  and  were  prisoners  of  war.  They  were :  First.  Lieut.  W.  H.  H.  Kiester, 
Acting  Second  Lieut.  Jackson  McCoy,  Sergt.  Michael  Duffy,  Corp.  John  A.  Kelley,  Corp. 
Andrew  J.  McCoy,  Drummer  James  N.  Elliott;  Privates,  William  P.  Dunlap,  William  H. 
Gilmore,  Joseph  S.  GriflSn,  Robert  McElphatrick  and  Thomas  McCoy.  Private  William  P. 
Dunlap,  a  veteran,  was  absent  on  furlough  when  Co.  was  mustered  out. 

Killed  in  battle,  or  died  of  wounds  received  in  action :  At  battle  of  Fair  Oaks — Eli- 
jah H  McDonald,  Fowler  Miller,  Thomas  O'Connor,  Thomas  L.  Morris,  Samuel  Sylvies 
and  Matthew  McNees.  At  battle  of  Kinston — Patrick  Nolan,  James  Collingwood,  William 
Powers,  George  W.  Griffin,  Calvin  McCoy,  Milo  A.  Sankey,  James  K.  McCleary.  At  battle 
of  Plymouth — Samuel  P.  Range. 

Of  the  above,  McDonald,  Miller,  Nolan,  Collingwood,  Griffin  and  Powers  were 
killed  instantly;  Sylvies  was  left  on  the  battle  field  of  Fair  Oaks,  mortally  wounded  and 
was  removed  to  Richmond,  where  he  died,  June  6,  1862 ;  Morris  was  taken  to  Annapolis, 
Md.,  where  he  died  June  24,  1862,  and  was  buried  in  the  Nat.  Cem.  there,  his  grave  mark 
teing  1,799;  McNees  was  also  taken  to  Annapolis,  where  he  died  July  23,  1862,  and  was 
buried  there  in  the  Nat.  Cem.,  grave  1,892 ;  there  is  no  record  of  how  and  where  Thomas 
O'Connor  died;  McCoy  lingered  two  days,  expiring  Dec.  16;  Sankey  died  Jan.  7,  1863, 
and  McCleary,  Mar.  7,  1863;  Samuel  P.  Range,  who  was  mortally  wounded  at  the  battle 
of  Plymouth,  died  there;  his  remains  were  subsequently  interred  in  the  National  Ceme- 
tery at  New  Bern,  N.  C,  grave  1,137,  plot  7. 

Two  others  of  Co.  I  were  left  on  the  battlefield  of  Plymouth,  supposed  to  be  mor- 
tally wounded,  Sergt.  McBride,  already  mentioned,  and  William  Gilmore.  The  latter  was 
shot  in  the  side,  the  ball  passing  around  the  abdomen  and  coming  out  on  the  opposite 
side;  however,  he  soon  recovered  and  followed  his  comrades  to  Andersonville,  was 
paroled,  and  is  living  at  this  writing,  at  Mechanicsville,  Pa. 

The  following  died  in  prison  or  from  the  effects  of  the  exposure  incurred  while 
there,  while  en  route  into  our  lines  or  in  the  hospital  after  returning,  but  before  they 
reached  their  homes :  Sergt.  William  Gorman,  died  at  Andersonville,  Nov.  23,  1864.  Sergt. 
Jacob  S.  Kiester,  died  at  Florence,  S.  C,  Nov.  23,  1864.  Corp.  James  Range,  died  at  Flor- 
ence, S.  C,  Jan.  25,  1865.  Corp.  Hiram  Donaldson,  died  at  Florence,  S.  C,  Jan.  25,  1864. 
James  Harper,  died  at  Annapolis,  Md.,  Jan.  25,  1865 ;  buried  in  Nat.  Cem.,  Annapolis,  grave 
356.  Corp.  Albert  G.  C.  Johnston,  died  at  Andersonville,  Ga.,  July  4,  1864;  buried  in  Nat. 
Cem.,  Andersonville,  grave  2,889.  Music.  Oliver  P.  Harris,  fifer,  died  at  Charleston,  S.  C, 
Oct.  6,  1864.  Joseph  Blakely,  died  Apr.  11,  1865,  at  Annapolis,  Md. ;  buried  in  Nat.  Cem., 
Annapolis,  grave  1,264;  Private  Blakely  was  wounded  and  captured  at  Battle  of  Fair  Oaks, 
and  after  recovery,  paroled.  Charles  Cochran,  died  at  Andersonville,  Aug.  4,  1864,  buried  in 
Nat.  Cem.,  Andersonville,  grave  4,729.  Arthur  Crawford,  last  seen  was  at  Florence,  S.  C, 
where  it  was  reported  that  he  had  taken  the  Confederate  oath  of  allegiance.  William  H. 
Croop,  died  at  Andersonville,  Aug.  3,  1864 ;  buried  in  Nat.  Cem.,  Andersonville,  grave  4,682. 
Samuel  H.  Dunlap,  died  at  Relay  House,  Md.,  Mar.  22,  1865,  after  being  paroled.     David 


M.  Gallaher,  died  at  Andersonville,  Aug.  20,  1864;  buried  in  Nat.  Cem.,  Andersonville, 
grave  2,988,  Oliver  P.  Hardy,  died  in  Confederate  prison,  Sept.  15,  1864.  Christopher 
Henderson,  died  at  Annapolis,  Mar.  16,  1865;  buried  in  Nat.  Cem.  Annapolis,  grave  910. 
Alexander  Hilliard,  died  in  Confederate  prison,  Jan.  30,  1865.  John  S.  Joseph,  died  in 
hospital,  Wilmington,  N.  C,  Spring  of  1865,  after  being  paroled ;  buried  in  Nat.  Cem.,  Wil- 
mington, grave  990.  (Burial  record  "L.  R.  Joseph").  Epaphroditus  Kiester,  died  at  Ander- 
sonville, July  20,  1864;  buried  in  Nat.  Cem.,  Andersonville,  grave  3,634.  James  S.  Lytle, 
was  paroled  Dec,  1864,  and  died  soon  afterwards,  James  McGhee,  died  at  Andersonville, 
July  28,  1864;  buried  in  Nat.  Cem.,  Andersonville,  grave  4,123.  James  McSorley,  died  in 
Andersonville  prison  (no  record  of  date)  ;  he  had  served  in  the  Mexican  war.  William 
Major,  died  at  Andersonville,  July  22,  1864 ;  buried  in  Nat.  Cem.,  Andersonville,  grave  3,793. 
Francis  Nutt,  died  at  Florence,  S.  C,  Nov.  9,  1864.  Samuel  P.  Range,  died  of  wounds  re- 
ceived in  the  battle  of  Plymouth.  Robert  M.  Seton,  died  July  8,  1864,  at  Andersonville,  grave 
3,057 ;  buried  in  Nat.  Cem.,  Andersonville.  David  Stinedurf ,  capt.  at  Plymouth ;  paroled, 
and  died  en  route  home.  Paul  L.  Taylor,  died  in  Confederate  prison ;  no  further  record, 
Hugh  A.  Weakley,  died  at  Annapolis,  Md,,  Dec.  24,  1864.  James  Cowen  and  John  W,  Miller 
are  on  record  as  deserters,  the  latter  Feb.  21,  1863 ;  the  former  Feb.  24,  1863. 

The  transferred  were ;  Capt.  Maxwell,  transferred  as  field  officer ;  Sergt.  John 
C.  Applegate,  promoted  to  Sergt.  Maj.,  May  1,  1863,  and  Sergt,  John  S.  Hodil,  discharged 
July  18,  1863,  and  mustered  same  day,  as  hospital  steward,  in  the  United  States  Army, 
from   which  he  was  discharged,  Oct,  28,  1865. 

The  following  privates  who  enlisted  with  the  company  died  of  disease  in  1862 : 
Thomas  J.  Day,  typhoid  fever,  at  Washington,  D.  C,  April  15,  1862;  buried  in  Military 
Asylum  Cemetery,  District  of  Columbia.  James  M.  Maxwell,  brother  of  Lieut.  Col.  Max- 
well ;  tvphoid  fever.  May  5,  1862,  at  Camp  Winfield  Scott,  near  Yorktown,  Va.  James  P. 
McLaughlin,  typhoid  fever.  May  10,  1862,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  buried  in  Military  Asylum 
Cemetery,  D.  C.  Simon  Duffy,  May  10,  1862,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  buried  in  Military 
Asylum  Cemetery.  Washington.  D,  C,  John  Ghost,  died  of  typhoid  fever,  June  17,  1862,  at 
White  Oak  Swamp,  Va. ;  buried  in  Nat,  Cem,,   Seven  Pines,  Va.     William  Joseph,  July  2, 

1862,  Washington,  D.  C, ;  buried  in  Mil.  Asy.  Cem,,  D,  C,  Patrick  McAnallon,  July  5,  1862, 
at  Harrison's  Landing,  Va.  James  Hamilton,  July  16,  1862,  Washington,  D,  C, ;  buried  in 
Cypress  Hill  Cemetery.  D,  C,  Matthew  McNees.  died  July  23,  1862,  at  Annapolis,  Md. ; 
buried  in  Nat,  Cem,,  Annapolis,  Md, ;  grave  18,920.  Henry  Hobaugh,  died  at  Suffolk,  Va. 
Samuel  Berringer,  who  enlisted  at  the  organization  of  the  company,  died  at  Beaufort,  N.  C, 
Dec.  14,  1863,  and  was  buried  in  the  Nat.  Cemetery,  New  Bern,  N.  C,  plot  7,  grave  1,228. 
Capt.  William  Fielding,  Jan.  14,  1865 ;  absent  on  recruiting  service,  when  Co.  was  captured. 
First  Lieut.  William  C.  McCrum,  April  10,  1862;  resigned.  Second  Lieut,  G,  K,  M,  Craw- 
ford, July  17,  1863;  resigned.  The  following  were  discharged  on  surgeon's  certificate: 
Sergt,  James  McKain,  at  Baltimore,  Md, ;  do  date,  Corp.  David  McCoy,  June  16,  1862 ;  left 
company  Mav  30.  1862.  seriously  ill  with  malarial  fever,  for  hospital,  Bottoms  Bridge,  Va. 
Corp.  Alpheus  Walker,  April  27,  1863,  at  Providence,  R.  I.    Corp.  John  McAnallon,  Feb.  27, 

1863,  at  New  Bern,  N.  C.  Corp.  David  S.  Ramsay,  Sept.  17,  1862,  at  Harrisburg,  Pa.  Music. 
Daniel  Albright,  left  Co.,  sick,  Aug,  7,  1862, 

Privates:  Patton  Bell,  Oct,  12,  1862;  Major  J.  Davidson,  June  24,  1862;  David 
Eakin,  Jan,  7,  1862;  John  Fielding,  July  7,  1862;  Thomas  C.  Hackett,  Nov,  19,  1862,  at 
Philadelphia;  William  Hamilton,  Mar,  28,  1863,  at  New  Bern,  N.  C;  Samuel  Kelley,  Dec, 
27,  1862,  at  Baltimore,  Md, ;  Joseph  Perry  McAnallon,  Mar.  28,  1863;  David  McElphat- 
rick,  Nov,  4,  1862,  at  Governors  Island,  N,  Y, ;  Helm  J,  McGill,  Aug,  11,  1864,  Newark, 
N,  J,;  Samuel  McNees,  Aug,  3,  1862;  Albert  G.  Mayberry;  J.  W.  Orr,  Ailg,  13,  1862,  at 
Baltimore,  Md, ;  William  Reid,  Sept,  16,  1862,  at  Philadelphia,  Pa,;  James  Shinar,  Feb, 
7,  1863,  at  New  Bern,  N.  C. ;  Martin  Stoff,  Apr.  15,  1862,  at  Washington,  D.  C. ;  William 
Stoff,  July  18,  1863;  John  D.  Taggart,  Sept.  29,  1862,  at  New  York  City;  John  A.  Thomp- 
son, May  15.  1862,  Washington,  D.  C;  John  N.  Thompson,  May  10,  1862;  Richard  Walter, 
Jan.  12,  1863,  at  Fortress  Monroe;  Patton  Bell,  who  was  discharged  Oct.  12,  1862,  re- 
enlisted   Feb.  29,   1864,  and   was   mustered   out  with  the   Co.     Helm  J.   McNeil,  who   was 


absent,  sick  at  Hammond  General  Hospital,  Beaufort,  N.  C,  when  the  Co.  was  captured, 
and  was  discharged  on  Surgt.  Cert.  Aug.  11,  1864,  is  reported  in  Bates'  History  of  Penn- 
sylvania Volunteers  as  having  died  at  Andersonville,  Sept.  11,  1864,  grave  8,469;  the  offi- 
cial cemetery  record  gives  the  number  as  8,409,  This  was  due,  without  doubt,  to  his  name 
having  been  assumed  by  one  of  the  North  Carolina  troops,  who  had-  deserted  from,  the 
Confederate  Army.  James  W.  Orr,  who  was  discharged  on  Surg.  Cert.,  at  Baltimore, 
Md,,  Aug.  1.3,  1862,  is  reported  as  a  deserter,  in  Bates'  History.  The  Legislature  of  Penn- 
sylvania, by  a  unanimous  vote  of  both  houses,  ordered  the  record  to  be  corrected.  A 
detailed  history  of  Co.  I  would  reveal  tragedy  after  tragedy.  Joseph  S.  Griffin,  who  was 
mustered  out  with  the  Co.  saw  his  brother  George  killed  at  the  battle  of  Kinston,  and 
was  with  his  brother  John  when  he  succumbed  to  the  exposures  and  hardships  of  Ander- 
sonville. John  Joseph,  who  died  at  Wilmington,  N.  C,  after  he  was  paroled,  was  a 
brother  to  William  Joseph,  who  died  at  Washington,  D.  C,  July  2,  1862,  and  also  of  New- 
ton Joseph,  of  Company  B,  killed  on  the  picket  line  at  Fair  Oaks.  This  one  family  gave 
three  lives,  just  entering  manhood,  in  defense  of  the  nation.  David  M.  Gallaher,  who  died 
in  Andersonville  prison,  was  wounded  at  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  and  again  at  battle  of 
Kinston.  Robert  M.  Seeton,  who  died  in  Andersonville,  was  captured  on  the  Peninsula  by 
Stuart's  Cavalry,  taken  to  Richmond,  and  after  a  few  weeks'  imprisonment,  exchanged. 
The  records  show  that  Co.  I  received  but  four  recruits,  in  additional  enrollment.  They 
were  Patton  Bell,  who  was  originally  a  member  and  discharged  on  Surgeon's  Certificate; 
re-enlisted  Feb.  15,  1865.  Samuel  Gibson  enlisted  April  9,  1864.  Richard  West,  colored, 
enlisted  as  Co.  cook.  Mar.  31,  1864;  not  being  in  uniform,  he  was  not  sent  to  prison,  and 
at  the  first  opportunity  returned  to  the  Regiment  and  was  mustered  out  with  the  Co.  The 
other  recruits  did  not  reach  the  Co.  in  time  to  be  captured;  they  joined  the  detachment 
at  Roanoke  Island  and  were  mustered  out  with  the  Co.  Co.  I  was  paid  off  April  5,  1864, 
thirty  members  receipting  for  pay.  Sergt.  William  McBride,  O.  P.  Harris  and  R.  M.  Mc- 
Elphatrick,  after  signing  the  pay  roll,  erased  their  names,  claiming  they  were  charged 
too  much  for  clothing;  however,  the  matter  was  subsequently  adjusted  and  they  re- 
ceived their  pay.  Uriah  Kiester  left  the  Co.,  sick,  July  1,  1862,  and  was  carried  on  the 
rolls,  for  a  long  time,  as  a  deserter,  but  returned  to  the  company  May  9,  '65,  and  by  order 
of  the  War  Department,  was  honorably  discharged.  May  11,  1865.  William  Croop,  de- 
serted at  Plymouth,  stopping  with  a  farmer  about  three  miles  up  the  Roanoke  river,  above 
Plymouth ;  the  latter  tried  to  get  rid  of  him,  for  if  either  Federals  or  Confederates'  found 
him  on  the  premises,  his  position  with  either  would  be  compromised,  so  he  was  forced 
to  report  Croop  to  the  Federal  authorities.  First  Sergeant  McCoy  took  a  file  of  men  and 
brought  him  into  camp;  he  was  court-martialed  and  sentenced  to  the  Dry  Tortugas  for 
the  remainder  of  his  term.  It  was  only  by  the  strenuous  exertion  of  Lieut.  Jack  Laughlin 
of  Co.  A  that  he  was  not  sentenced  to  be  shot;  Maj.  Gazzam,  who  was  president  of  the 
board  that  tried  him,  urged  that  an  example  should  be  made  of  him.  He  was  still  at 
Plymouth  when  the  Confederate  attack  was  made;  a  pardon  was  offered  him  if  he  would 
jom  the  Co.  at  the  breastworks,  but  he  was  obstinate  and  refused,  and  remained  in  the 
Plymouth  jail  until  the  place  was  captured;  he  was  sent  to  Andersonville  and  died  there 
August  3,  1864,  grave  4,682. 

Corp.  John  A.  Kelley,  one  of  the  "boys"  of  Co.  I-the  youngest  member  of  the  Co.— 
has  furnished  the  following  interesting  notes  on  his  comrades : 

WilHam  Fielding  first  lieutenant  and  subsequently  captain,  was  a  son  of  Zachariah 
fieldmg,  a  well-to-do  farmer,  livmg  near  CentreviUe,  where  the  captain  was  born;  his 
mother  s  family  name  was  Carr.  The  Fielding  family  consisted  of  four  sons  and  four 
daughters,  the  captain  being  the  third  son.  He  was  a  rollicking,  good  natured  fellow  and 
tairly  popular  with  the  company.  He  was  unable  to  be  on  duty  at  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks 
Demg  quite  lame  at  the  time.  However,  he  soon  recovered  and  remained  with  the  Co  until 
he  was  detached  on  recruiting  service  in  1863,  in  consequence  of  which  he  escaped  capture 
with  the  Co.  He  was  discharged  Jan.  14,  1865,  nearly  a  month  after  his  three  years'  term 
of  service  had  expired. 

2d  Lieut.  W.  H.  H.  Kiester  was  the  son  of  Jesse  Kiester,  mother's  name  Sheafer 
ills  father  kept  a  country  tavern  at  Slippery  Rock.  Butler  County,  Pa.     He  had  a  brother' 


Jacob  S.,  who  was  sergeant  in  the  Co.  and  who  died  at  Florence,  S.  C.  Kiester  was  prac- 
tically the  officer  of  the  Company,  and  was  with  it  continually  from  Camp  Orr  until  we 
Were  discharged  at  Harrisburg.  During  all  of  this  time,  he  was  never  absent  from  the  Co. 
•a  day,  for  any  cause  whatever;  he  enjoyed  good  health  and  was  always  ready  for  duty;  he 
was  a  very  strict  disciplinarian,  but  always  fair.  He  was  discharged  at  Harrisburg,  July  13, 
1865,  with  ten  other  survivors  of  the  Co.  Orderly  Sergeant  G.  K.  M.  Crawford  was  pro- 
moted second  lieutenant,  June  23,  1862.  Crawford  was  somewhat  older  than  any  of  the  line 
officers  and  consequently  had  more  business  experience  than  any  of  them  and  had  a  great 
deal  to  do  with  the  organization  of  the  Co.     He  resigned  July  17,  1863. 

Sergt.  Jackson  McCoy,  promoted  to  first  sergeant,  June  23,  1862,  at  White  Oak 
Swamp,  but  not  commissioned  second  lieutenant  owing  to  the  Co.  being  much  depleted; 
discharged  at  Harrisburg,  July  13,  1865,  with  the  other  nine  surviving  members  of  the  Co. 
Jackson  McCoy  was  the  most  useful  man  in  the  Co.,  to  the  Co.  or  to  the  Government.  He 
enjoyed  very  good  health  and  was  always  ready  for  duty;  he  was  very  kind  in  the  exercise 
of  his  duties,  particularly  to  the  younger  boys,  who  formed  the  majority  of  the  Co.  He  was 
■a  man  of  fine  physique,  being  over  six  feet  in  height  and  built  in  proportion;  he  was  of  a 
very  even  temperament,  but  insisted  on  every  one  doing  his  duty.  A  musket  ball  which 
entered  his  belt,  at  Kinston,  came  out  through  the  buckle  and,  strange  to  relate,  it  did  not 
hurt  either  his  body  or  clothing.  In  looking  back,  I  consider  that  there  was  no  truer  or 
better  soldier  wore  the  blue  than  Jackson  McCoy ;  he  was  always  willing  and  ready  to  aid 
or  help  his  comrades,  and  particularly  while  they  were  prisoners.  He  had  charge  of  a  sec- 
tion at  Andersonville  and  also  at  Florence  and  in  that  capacity,  he  was  of  great  aid  to  the 
other  members  of  the  Co.  I  look  upon  Sergt.  Jackson  McCoy  as  a  good  soldier,  a  perfect 
gentleman  and  one  of  God's  noblemen.  Sergt.  John  L.  Hodil  left  the  Co.,  sick,  either  before 
or  after  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  and  was  sent  to  the  hospital  in  New  York  harbor,  and  after 
his  recovery,  he  was  kept  there  on  detached  service  and  was  discharged  July  18,  1863,  and 
mustered  the  same  day,  as  hospital  steward  in  the  U.  S.  Army,  from  which  he  was  dis- 
charged Oct.  28,  1865.  Sergt.  John  C.  Applegate  was  promoted  sergeant  major,  May  1,  1863. 
He  was  not  known  to  any  members  of  the  Co.  before  his  enlistment.  He  walked  into  Camp 
Orr  alone  and  enlisted  with  the  Co. ;  he  was  with  Lieut.  Col.  Maxwell  in  the  Fourth  Cavalry, 
and  enlisted  in  Co.  I  for  three  years,  Dec,  1861,  age  30.  While  on  furlough  in  Dec,  1863, 
he  was  taken  sick  and  did  not  return  until  June  1,  1864 ;  had  surgeon's  certificate,  which  Col. 
Lehman  endorsed  as  follows :  "Owing  to  his  uniform  good  character,  willingness  and 
promptness  in  performance  of  his  duties  as  a  soldier,  it  is  quite  evident  that  said  absence 
without  leave  was  unavoidable  on  his  part" ;  discharged  Feb.  14,  '65.  Sergt.  James  McKain 
discharged  at  Baltimore,  Md.  He  had  also  served  in  the  three  months'  service.  At  the  date 
of  the  organization,  he  was  the  best  drilled  man  in  the  Co.  and  was  made  drill  master  of 
squad  drills  at  Camp  Orr,  and  on  that  account  he  was  made  a  sergeant. 

Corp.  William  McBride  was  promoted  sergeant,  June  23,  1862.  He  was  away  on  re- 
cruiting service  for  some  time,  but  joined  the  Co.  at  Plymouth  in  time  to  re-enlist.  He  was 
shot  through  the  throat  at  the  battle  of  Plymouth  and  left  on  the  field  of  battle,  supposed 
to  be  mortally  wounded,  but  he  recovered  and  was  sent  to  Andersonville,  and  was 
paroled  at  Savannah,  Ga.,  Nov.  30,  1864,  and  was  discharged  by  General  Order  of  the  War 
Department,  as  a  veteran,  June  21,  1865.  Corp.  Andrew  J.  McCoy  was  a  cousin  of  Jackson 
McCoy,  and  was  also  of  fine  frame,  like  his  cousin,  and  of  an  even  disposition.  He  was 
with  the  Co.  from  its  organization  and  never  absent ;  he  was  captured  and  lived  to  get  home 
and  was  mustered  out  of  service,  June,  1865,  by  order  of  the  War  Department.  He  re- 
enlisted.  Corp.  McCoy  had  a  peculiar  experience  while  in  Confederate  prison.  While  con- 
fined at  Florence  he  contracted  typhoid  fever.  In  February,  1865,  he  was  carried  out  of  the 
stockade  and  placed  near  the  railroad  to  be  sent  to  the  point  of  parole.  He  was  too  weak  to 
walk  and  was  not  able  to  get  on  to  the  train.  The  train  pulled  out,  leaving  him  lying  beside 
the  railroad.  From  that  time  he  became  unconscious  and  remained  so  until  June,  1865.  He 
was  then  in  the  general  hospital  at  Davis  Island,  New  York.  While  at  Florence  his  toes 
were  so  badly  frozen  that  amputation  became  necessary.  Corp.  John  B.  Porter  died  of 
typhoid  fever  May  11,  1862,  at  Camp  Winfield  Scott.  Va.  Corp.  John  McAnallon  was  dis- 
charged on  surgeon's  certificate,  Feb.  17,  1862,  at  New  Bern,  N.  C.  Corp.  William  Gorman 
promoted  sergeant,  Nov.  1,  1862;  wounded  at  Kinston,  re-enlisted,  captured  at  Plymouth  and 
died  at  Andersonville,  Nov.  23,  1864.  Sergt.  Gorman  was  very  intelligent  and  fairly  well 
educated  and  was  a  fine  specimen  of  young  manhood. 

Corp.  James  Harper  was  detached  brigade  forage  master,  Jan.  20,  1863.  He  was  born 
in  England  and  had  been  a  coal  miner  and  local  preacher.  He  was  a  good  soldier,  clean  in 
manners  and  very  kind  to  his  comrades,  particularly  so  in  prison,  where  he  did  all  he  could 
to  help  the  sick  in  the  preparation  of  their  food,  when  they  were  unable  to  do  so  them- 
selves. He  died  at  Annapolis,  Md.,  Jan.  25,  1865,  and  is  buried  in  the  National  Cemetery  at 
Annapolis,  grave  356.  Corp.  David  McCoy  was  discharged  at  Bottoms  Bridge,  June  16, 
1862,  on  surgeon's  certificate.  Corp.  Alpheus  Walker  was  discharged  on  surgeon's  certificate 
at  Providence,  R.  I.,  April  27,  1863.  Daniel  Albright,  drummer,  left  Co.,  sick,  Aug.  7,  1862, 
discharged  on  surgeon's  certificate,  Dec.  15,  1862.  Oliver  P.  Harris,  fifer,  died  at  Charleston, 
S.  C,  Oct.  6,  1864.     Samuel  Berringer,  who  enlisted  at  the  organization  of  the  Co.,  died  at 

COMPANY   I  99 

Beaufort,  N.  C,  Dec.  14,  1863,  and  was  buried  in  National  Cemetery,  New  Bern,  N.  C. ; 
grave  1223,  plot  7.  Joseph  Blakely  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner  at  Fair  Oaks,  May  31, 
1862,  captured  at  Plymouth  and  paroled;  died  Apr.  11,  1865,  at  Annapolis,  Md. ;  grave  1264. 
Solomon  Blair  discharged  on  surgeon's  certificate,  at  New  Bern,  N.  C.,  Mar.  23,  1863; 
wounded  at  battle  of  Kinston.  Patton  Bell  discharged  at  Philadelphia,  Oct.  12,  1862;  re- 
enlisted  Feb.  15,  1866.  James  Collingwood,  killed  at  Kinston,  Dec.  11,  1802.  Arthur  Craw- 
ford was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  Co.  and  was  with  it  all  the  time;  re-enlisted 
and  was  captured  at  Plymouth.  He  took  the  Confederate  oath  of  allegiance  at  Florence, 

Charles  Cochran  was  one  of  the  original  members,  and  was  always  with  the  Co. ;  re- 
enlisted;  captured  at  Plymouth  and  died  Aug.  4,  1864.     Buried  in  National  cemetery,  Ander- 
sonville,  grave  4729.    He  was  a  son  of  Squire  Cochran,  before  whom  a  majority  of  the  Co. 
were  sworn  into  the  service,  at  Harrisville,  Pa.    William  H.  Croop  was  one  of  the  original 
members  of  the  Co.;  he  died  at  Andersonville.     James  Cowan  deserted  Aug.,  1863.     Samuel 
A.  Dunlap  joined  the  Co.  at  Suffolk,  Va.,  Sept.  22,  1862,  and  was  with  the  Company  from 
that  date,  captured  at  Plymouth  and  was  through  Andersonville,  Charleston  and  Florence 
prisons.    Paroled  at  Wilmington,  N.  C,  Mar.  1,  1865,  came  to  Annapolis,  was  furloughed  and 
died  on  the  way  home,  on  board  of  train,  at  Relay  House,  Md.,  Mar.  22,  1865.     Simon  P. 
Duffy  died  at  Washington,  D.  C,  May  10,  1862,  of  measles.    Michael  Duffy,  promoted  Corp. 
Jan.  1,  1863,  sergeant  July  1,  1863 ;  he  was  continuously  with  the  Co.  from  the  organization  at 
Camp  Orr;  re-enlisted,  and  was  one  of  the  ten  discharged  at  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  July  13,  1865. 
He  was  captured  at  Plymouth  and  was  a  prisoner  in  Andersonville,  Charleston  and  Florence. 
He  was  never  absent  from  the  Co.  during  the  whole  term  of  enlistment.     He  was  a  school 
teacher  before  enlistment  and  was  the  best  educated  man  in  the  Co.     Nathan  E.  Davis,  was 
wounded  at  Fair  Oaks,  May  31,  1862 ;  re-enlisted  Jan.  1,  1864,  at  Plymouth,  captured  there 
and  served  through  Andersonville,  Charleston  and  Florence  prisons.     He  was  never  absent 
from  the  Co.  excepting  about  six  weeks  in  the  hospital,   while   recovering  from  a  wound 
received  at  Fair  Oaks.     He  was  discharged  by  order  of  the  War  Department,  June,  1865. 
James  M.  Davidson  was  discharged  on  surgeon's  certificate,  June  24,  1862.    Hiram  Donald- 
son was  wounded  at  Fair  Oaks,  May  31,  1862,  promoted  Corporal  Aug.  25,  1863,  re-enlisted 
Jan.  1,  1864,  at  Plymouth;  captured  at  Plymouth  and  was  in  Andersonville,  Charleston  and 
Florence  prisons ;  died  at  Florence,  S.  C,  Jan.  25,  1864.    He  was  a  student  at  the  Harrisville 
Academy  when  he  enlisted.     Wilham  P.  Dunlap  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the 
Co.,  re-enlisted  Jan.  1,  1864;  was  captured  at  Plymouth,  and  served  through  Andersonville, 
Charleston  and  Florence  prisons,  and  was  one  of  the  ten  discharged  at  Harrisburg,  July  13, 
1865.    He  was  never  absent  from  the  Co. ;  he  is  still  living,    Thomas  J.  Day  died  of  measles, 
at  Washington,  D.  C,  April  5,  1862.     David  Eakin  was  discharged  at  Fortress  Monroe,  Jan. 
7,  1863.    Eakin  was  fifty-six  years  old  when  he  enlisted,  but  passed  in  as  forty-four ;  he  was 
well  preserved  for  a  man  of  his  years,  but  early  succumbed  to  the  fatigues  of  a  soldier's  life. 
James  N.  Elliott,  drummer,  re-enlisted  and  was  through  Andersonville,  Charleston  and  Flor- 
ence prisons  and  was  one  of  the  ten  discharged  at  Harrisburg,  July  13,  1865.     He  died  in 
1905,  at  Franklin,  Pa,    John  Fielding  was  a  brother  of  Capt.  Fielding;  he  was  discharged  at 
Washmgton,  D.  C,  July  7,  1862.    William  Gilmore  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the 
Co.;  he  was  on  detached  service  near  Hampton,  from  Sept.,  1862,  to  latter  part  of  1863;  he 
joined  the  Co.  at  Plymouth,  re-enlisted,  and  was  seriously  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Plymouth, 
being  shot  m  the  side,  the  ball  coming  out  on  the   other   side   after   passing  around   the 
abdomen,  but  he  soon  recovered  and  made  his  escape  from  Danville  and  was  one  of  the  ten 
discharged  at  Harrisburg,  July  13,   1865.     He  is   still  living   at   Mechanicsville,    Pa.     John 
Onfiin  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  Company,  re-enlisted  at  Plymouth    was  cap- 
tured and  served  through  Andersonville,  Charleston  and  Florence  prisons ;  was  paroled  and 
was  one  of  the  ten  discharged  at  Harrisburg,  July  13,  1865.     He  was  always  with  the  Co., 
trom  the  time  of  enlistment  until  discharged.    George  W.  Griffin  was  a  brother  of  John  and 
Joseph ;  he  was  killed  at  Kinston,  Dec.  14,  1862.    John  Ghost  died  of  typhoid  fever  at  White 
Oak  Swamp,  Va.,  June  17,  1862.    David  M.  Gallagher  was  wounded  at  Fair  Oaks,  May  31, 
•11  '  ^rl  ?'  K'"='°"  I^«c.  14,  1862 ;  re-enlisted  and  captured  at  Plymouth ;  died  at  Anderson- 
ville,   Christopher  Henderson  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  Co.,  re-enlisted ;  was 
captured  at  Plymouth  and  served  through  the  prisons  and  died  at  Annapolis,  Mar.  16,  1865. 
Ihomas  C.  Hackett,  discharged  on  surgeon's  certificate,  Philadelphia,  Nov.  19,  '62.     William 
Hamilton  was  discharged  on  surgeon's  certificate,  New  Bern,  Mar.  28,  '63.     James  Hamilton 
died  at  Philadelphia,  July  16,   1862,  of  typhoid   fever.     Oliver   P.   Hardy  was   one   of   the 
original  members  of  the  Company,  re-enlisted,  captured  at  Plymouth,  and  died  in  Confed- 
erate prison,  Sept.  15,  '64.    Alexander  Hilliard  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  Co. ; 
re-enlisted,  captured;  served  in  Andersonville,  and  died  there  Jan.  13,  1865.     He  was  never 
absent  from  the  Co.    Philip  B.  Hovis.    No  remarks.    Henry  Hobaugh,  died  at  Suffolk,  Va. 
Dec.  14,  1862.  '        ' 

John  S.  Joseph  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  Co. ;  re-enlisted ;  captured  at 
Plymouth;  served  through  Andersonville,  Charleston  and  Florence  prisons,  paroled  at  Wil- 
mington, N.  C,  in  company  with  Comrades  Samuel  A,  Dunlap  and  Jno.  A.  Kelley;  died  in 
Wilmington,  N,  C,  fifteen  days  afterward.     He  was  a  married  man,  and  left  a  wife  and 


three  children.  He  served  faithfully  and  was  with  the  Co.  from  the  date  of  his  enlistment 
until  death ;  he  was  a  perfect  specimen  of  manhood  and  I  do  not  think  there  was  a  better 
soldier  in  the  army;  at  the  time  of  his  death  he  was  about  twenty-seven  years  of  age;  he  had 
a  brother,  William,  in  the  company,  who  died  at  Washington,  July  2,  1862,  of  typhoid  fever; 
he  had  also  a  brother,  Newton,  in  Co.  B,  killed  on  picket  duty,  two  days  before  the  battle  of 
Fair  Oaks,  May  29,  1862.  A.  C.  C.  Johnston  was  promoted  corporal  in  1862 ;  transferred  to 
ambulance  corps;  re-enlisted  and  was  captured  at  Plymouth;  died  in  Andersonville  July  4, 
1864.  Jacob  S.  Kiester  was  promoted  corporal  Sept.  1,  1862,  sergeant  Jan.  1,  1863;  wounded 
Dec.  14,  1862,  at  Kinston ;  re-enlisted  and  was  captured,  and  served  in  Andersonville,  Charles- 
ton and  Florence  prisons.  Died  in  Florence,  Dec.  23,  1864.  He  was  a  brother  of  Lieut.  W. 
H.  H.  Kiester  and  his  senior  in  age;  he  was  a  man  of  fair  education  and  had  taught  school 
before  he  enlisted;  he  was  an  excellent  soldier  and  was  with  the  Company  continuously  from 
its  organization  until  his  death;  he  served  a  short  time  in  the  hospital,  from  wounds  re- 
ceived at  Kinston.  Epaphroditus  Kiester,  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  Co. ;  re- 
enlisted  and  was  captured ;  died  at  Andersonville,  July  20,  1864.  He  was  a  cousin  of  the 
Lieutenant's,  and,  like  him,  was  always  with  the  Co.  until  time  of  his  death.  Uriah  Kiester 
left  the  Company,  sick,  July  1,  1862,  and  was,  for  a  long  time,  carried  on  the  roll  as  a  de- 
serter; he  took  advantage  of  the  President's  amnesty  proclamation,  allowing  those  who  had 
been  marked  deserters  to  return  to  their  companies  and  be  reinstated;  he  returned  to  the  Co. 
May  9,  1865,  and  was  discharged  by  the  War  Department.  John  A.  Kelley  (see  notes  of 
author).  Samuel  Kelley  was  discharged  on  surgeon's  certificate,  Baltimore,  Md.,  Dec.  27, 
1862.  Patrick  McAnallon  died  of  typhoid  fever  at  Harrison's  Landing,  July  15,  '62.  James 
Perry  McAnallon,  discharged  on  surgeon's  certificate,  New  Bern,  March  28,  '63.  Calvin 
McCoy,  killed  at  Kinston,  Dec.  14,  1862 ;  he  was  a  cousin  of  the  other  four  McCoys  in  the 

Thomas  J.  McCoy  was  wounded  at  Fair  Oaks;  absent  at  hospital  about  six  weeks 
while  recovering  from  wound ;  joined  the  Company  after  recovery,  re-enlisted  at  Plymouth, 
captured,  and  served  in  Andersonville,  Charleston  and  Florence  prisons ;  was  paroled  and 
one  of  the  men  discharged  with  the  Company  at  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  July  13,  1865.  He  was  a 
brother  of  Jackson  McCoy  and  a  cousin  of  the  other  three  of  the  same  name,  in  the  Com- 
pany. He  was  a  fine,  rugged  soldier,  always  ready  for  duty  and  never  known  to  be  absent 
for  any  cause  whatever,  except  when  in  hospital  on  account  of  wounds.  Matthew  McNess 
died  at  Annapolis,  Md.,  July  23,  1862,  of  wounds  received  at  Fair  Oaks,  May  31,  1862.  Sam- 
uel McNees  discharged  on  surgeon's  certificate,  Washington,  July  30,  '62.  James  K.  Mc- 
Cleary  died  at  New  Bern,  N.  C,  March  T,  1863,  of  wounds  received  at  Kinston,  Dec.  14,  1862. 
John  McGuirk  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  Co.;  did  not  re-enlist;  captured  at 
Plymouth  and  was  through  Andersonville,  Charleston  and  Florence  prisons,  and  was  dis- 
charged Apr.  13,  1865,  to  date  Feb.  22,  1865.  Francis  P.  McLaughlin  died  of  typhoid  fever 
at  Washington,  D.  C,  June  10,  1862.  James  McSorley  was  one  of  the  original  members  of 
the  Co.,  served  in  the  Mexican  war;  he  re-enlisted  and  was  captured  at  Plymouth;  he  died 
in  Andersonville  prison;  no  record  of  date.  He  was  a  very  good  soldier,  very  punctilious, 
and  took  great  pride  in  being  a  Mexican  war  veteran.  James  McGee  re-enlisted,  captured 
at  Plymouth,  died  at  Andersonville,  July  28,  1864.  Robert  M.  McElphatrick,  re-enlisted ;  was 
captured  at  Plymouth  and  went  through  Andersonville,  Charleston,  and  Florence  prisons; 
was  paroled  and  was  one  of  the  ten  discharged  at  Harrisburg,  July  13,  1865.  He  was  never 
known  to  be  away  from  the  Co.  from  the  time  of  enlistment  until  discharged;  he  enjoyed 
good  health  and  was  always  ready  for  duty.  After  the  war  he  engaged  in  the  drilling  of 
oil  wells  and  fell  from  a  derrick,  about  twenty  years  ago,  and  was  killed  by  the  fall.  David- 
son McElphatrick  was  discharged  at  New  York,  Nov.  5,  1862,  on  surgeon's  certificate ;  he 
was  a  brother  of  Robert  M.,  and  was  also  engaged  in  the  drilling  of  oil  wells  and  met  with 
fair  success.  He  died  in  the  year  1907.  Helm  J.  McGill  was  one  of  the  original  members  of 
the  Company;  he  did  not  re-enlist,  and  left  Plymouth  in  the  fall  of  1863,  and  was  absent 
sick,  in  the  Hammond  General  Hospital,  Beaufort,  N.  C,  when  the  Company  was  captured; 
he  was  discharged  on  surgeon's  certificate  at  Newark,  N.  J.,  Aug.  11,  1864.  E.  H.  McDonald 
killed  at  Fair  Oaks,  May  31,  1862.  John  W.  Miller  went  to  hospital  and  never  heard  from 
afterward.  Fowler  Miller  killed  at  Fair  Oaks,  May  31,  1862.  James  M.  Maxwell  died  at 
Camp  Winfield  Scott,  May  4,  1862 ;  he  was  a  brother  of  Lieut.  Col.  W.  C.  Maxwell.  Will- 
iam Majors,  re-enlisted  and  was  captured  at  Plymouth ;  died  at  Andersonville,  July  22, 
1864 ;  buried  at  Andersonville ;  grave  3793.  Thomas  L.  Morris  died  at  Annapolis,  Md.,  June 
24,  1862,  from  wounds  received  at  Fair  Oaks,  May  31,  1862.  Patrick  Nolan,  killed  at 
Kinston,  Dec.  14,  1862.  Francis  Nutt,  re-enlisted,  and  was  captured  with  Co.,  and  served 
through  Andersonville,  Charleston  and  Florence  prisons ;  died  Nov.  9,  1864,  in  Florence. 
James  W.  Orr  was  discharged  at  Baltimore.  Md.,  on  surgeon's  certificate,  Aug.  13,  '62 
Thomas  O'Connor  was  killed  at  Fair  Oaks,  May  31,  1862.  William  Powers  was  killed  at 
Kinston,  Dec.  14,  1862.  James  Range  was  promoted  corporal  Jan.  1,  1863;  re-enlisted;  cap- 
tured and  served  through  Andersonville,  Charleston  and  Florence  prisons ;  died  in  Florence, 
Jan.  25,  1865.  Samuel  P.  Range,  re-enlisted;  was  mortally  wounded  at  battle  of  Plymouth, 
and  died  there;  his  remains  were  subsequently  interred  in  the  National  Cem.,  New  Bern, 

JOHN    A.    KELLEY. 
(Corporal   Co.    1.) 
(Youngest  soldier  in  Regiment  to  do  continuous 
service  throughout  the  war.) 

MAJ.    JOHN    E.    KELLEY. 
(96th     N.    Y.    Regt.) 
Killed   IMay   29,    1862.    on   picket   line  in  advance 
of   Seven    Pines. 

NORVAL    D.   GOE. 
(Hospital    Steward.) 

HON.     THOMAS     HAYS. 
(Corporal   Co.   B.) 

CORP.  JOHN  A.   KELLEY  101 

N-  C.,  plot  7,  grave  1137.  William  Reid  was  discharged,  surgeon's  certificate,  Sept.  16,  1862, 
?7  ,^^"^'^^'pl'^^-  David  Ramsey  was  promoted  corporal ;  discharged  at  Harrisburg,  Sept. 
If,  dJ. 

Robert  M.  Seton  was  captured  by  Stuart's  Cavalry,  and  mounted  on  a  mule  and 
thrown  by  it;  resulting  in  the  fracture  of  several  ribs;  he  remained  a  few  weeks  in  prison 
at  Richmond,  was  paroled  and  returned  to  the  Co.,  but  owing  to  wounds  he  was  not  placed 
on  active  duty  until  late  in  the  fall,  at  Suffolk;  he  was  examined  then  by  a  board  of  sur- 
geons for  discharge,  but  failed  to  pass ;  he  was  taken  sick  and  remained  at  Suffolk,  when  the 
brigade  went  to  reinforce  Foster  in  North  Carolina.  He  did  not  return  to  the  Co.  for  some 
time  after  it  was  at  Plymouth ;  a  few  days  before  the  capture  of  the  Company  he  was  de- 
tailed to  build  a  fence  around  the  Regimental  Hospital,  and  while  working  at  same  he  cut 
his  foot  vei-y  severely  and  was  taken  into  the  hospital,  where  he  was  when  the  Co.  was  cap- 
tured. He  died  at  Andersonville,  July  8,  1864.  All  the  time  he  was  in  the  service  he  never 
fired  a  shot  at  the  enemy,  nor  the  enemy  at  him;  he  was  upward  of  forty  years  of  age  when 
he  entered  the  service,  and  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  writer  that  he  should  never  have  been 
accepted,  for  he  was  out  of  proportion,  being  very  tall  and  poorly  built.  David  Stinedurf,  re- 
enlisted,  and  was  captured  at  Plymouth;  no  further  record.  William  Staff  was  dischagred 
on  surgeon's  certificate  at  Plymouth,  N.  C,  July  23,  '63.  Martin  Staff  was  discharged  on 
surgeon's  certificate  at  Washington,  D.  C,  April  IS,  '62.  Milo  A.  Sankey  died  Jan.  8,  1863, 
of  wounds  received  at  Kinston,  Dec.  14,  1862.  Samuel  Sylves  died  July  6,  1862,  from 
wounds  received  at  Fair  Oaks,  May  31,  1862.  James  Shiner  was  discharged  on  surgeon's 
certificate.  New  Bern,  N.  C,  Feb.  7,  1863.  John  A.  Thompson  was  discharged  on  surgeon's 
certificate  at  Washington,  D.  C,  May  10,  1862.  John  D.  Taggart  was  discharged  on  sur- 
geon's certificate  at  New  York,  Dec.  29,  1862.  Paul  L.  Taylor,  re-enlisted,  captured  at 
Plymouth,  died  in  Confederate  prison.  John  W.  Thompson  discharged  on  surgeon's  cer- 
tificate, Washington,  D.  C,  May  16,  '62.  Samuel  A.  Walker  was  on  detached  service  at 
Fairfax  Seminary  when  Company  was  captured ;  discharged  Feb.  24,  1865,  more  than  two 
months  after  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  service.  Richard  Walters  was  discharged  on 
surgeon's  certificate,  Ft.  Monroe,  Jan.  12,  1863.  Alex.  H.  Weakley  was  wounded  at  Fair 
Oaks;  re-enlisted  and  was  captured  and  served  through  Andersonville,  Charleston  and 
Florence  prisons  and  died  at  Annapolis,  Md.,  Dec.  24,  1864. 

At  a  critical  period  in  the  history  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  Company  I  was, 
for  several  days,  separated  from  the  Regiment.  The  day  Jackson  made  his  terrible  on- 
slaught on  McClellan's  right  wing  at  Gaines'  Mill,  June  27,  1862,  Co.  I  was  sent  to  Charles 
City  Cross  Roads.  The  following  day  the  Regiment  was  ordered  across  White  Oak 
Swamp  and  the  Co.  did  not  reach  it  until  July  1,  during  the  battle  of  Malvern  Hill.  Co. 
I  held  its  position  at  Charles  City  Cross  Roads  until  it  was  threatened  on  both  flanks, 
maintaining  its  position  until  the  enemy  had  succeeding  in  crossing  White  Oak  Swamp, 
both  above  and  below  its  position.  In  all  the  other  marches,  reconnoissances,  skirmishes 
and  battles  in  which  the  Regiment  was  engaged,  Co.  I  participated,  and  its  principal  activi- 
ties are  fully  described  in  the  Regimental  Narrative. 


At  the  close  of  this  narrative  of  the  activities  of  Co.  I  is  a  proper  place  to  give  a 
brief  biographical  sketch  of  its  youngest  member ;  not  because  of  his  youth,  but  by  reason 
of  his  meritorious  record.  John  A.  Kelley,  of  Company  I,  was  not  only  the  youngest 
member  of  his  company,  but  no  comrade  of  his  Regiment  had  a  better  record  for  duty. 
When  he  enlisted,  he  lacked  four  months  and  thirteen  days  of  being  fifteen,  and  after 
three  years,  six  months  and  twenty-seven  days  of  continuous  service,  when  he  was  hon- 
orably discharged  from  the  service,  with  only  ten  others  of  his  original  company  left,  he 
was  then  only  two  months  and  fourteen  days  past  eighteen,  the  minimum  age  required  at 
time  of  enlistment.  A  few  years  before  his  death,  Capt.  William  Fielding,  in  conversa- 
tion with  his  brother,  Frank  Fielding,  an  attorney  at  law,  at  Clearfield,  Pa.,  said  of  Corp. 
Kelley:  "John  Kelley  was  the  youngest  soldier  in  the  company.  He  never  shirked  a 
duty,  never  asked  any  favors,  never  asked  to  be  relieved  of  any  duties  and  never  missed 
a  battle  in  which  the  company  or  Regiment  was   engaged." 

Comrade  Kelley  received  a  flesh  wound  at  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  but  did  not  leave 
the  Regiment.  He  was  promoted  to  Corporal  August  25,  1863,  when  .he  had  only  passed 
his  sixteenth  year  by  three  or  four  months.  He  re-enlisted  as  a  Veteran,  Jan.  1,  1864,  and 
was  captured  with  the  Regiment  at  Plymouth.  He  was  a  prisoner  of  war  for  ten  months 
and  eleven  days;  was  confined  in  Andersonville  Military  prison  five  months  and  a  week; 


in  Charleston,  S.  C,  race  track  three  weeks,  and  over  four  months  at  Florence.  He  was 
paroled  Mar.  1,  1865,  after  which  he  received  a  furlough  for  thirty  days,  his  only  absence 
from  the  company,  except  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  during  his  term  of  service.  To  this  fur- 
lough he  was  doubly  entitled,  by  reason  of  being  a  paroled  prisoner,  and  by  virtue  of  his 
re-enlistment  as  a  veteran.  He  was  discharged  at  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  July  13,  1865,  with  his 
company,  there  being  only  ten  of  the  original  105  members  remaining.  There  are  many 
claimants  for  the  honor  of  being  the  youngest  soldier  in  the  Federal  Army,  during  the 
Civil  War.  In  the  judgment  of  the  writer,  if  Comrade  Kelley  is  not  the  youngest  to  bear 
arms  continuously,  from  1861,  until  the  close  of  the  war,  no  other  soldier  of  his  age  can, 
at  least,  surpass  his  record  for  duty  well  performed.  Comrade  Kelley  was  born  in  County 
Donegal,  Ireland,  April  29,  1847.  His  father  was  James  Kelley,  his  mother  Katherine 
McFadden  Kelley.  He  came  to  America  when  a  mere  child.  When  the  war  broke  out 
he  was  employed  in  a  country  store  in  the  little  town  of  Murrinsville,  Butler  County,  Pa. 
This  small  hamlet  was  then  an  important  point  for  drovers  and  commercial  men  to  meet 
farmers  and  people  of  the  neighborhood.  The  war  being  the  principal  topic  of  conversa- 
tion, young  Kelley  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  discussions  which  he  heard.  In  Dec,  1861, 
when  Fielding  and  Kiester  were  around  recruiting,  they  suggested  to  Kelley  that  he  enlist. 
Encouraged  thereby,  he  slipped  out  in  advance  of  the  other  recruits  and  enlisted  at  Harris- 
ville,  the  next  day.  When  he  returned  from  the  army  in  1865,  both  his  parents  were  dead.  He 
took  a  short  commercial  course  in  Sheafer's  Commercial  Academy,  at  Pittsburgh,  Pa., 
and  in  December,  1865,  secured  a  position  as  commissary  clerk  with  Charles  McFadden, 
then  a  very  prominent  young  railroad  contractor,  and  was  with  him  for  some  years.  His 
rise  was  rapid  from  clerk  to  foreman  and  from  foreman  to  superintendent  and  afterward 
a  partner  with  his  employer  on  some  of  his  important  contracts.  He  has  continued  in  the 
contracting  business  entirely,  ever  since  the  close  of  the  war  and  has  been  connected  with 
some  of  the  largest  contracts  in  the  East,  with  very  successful  results,  in  consequence  of 
which  he  has  amassed  a  comfortable  fortune.  He  is  looked  upon  by  his  business  asso- 
ciates, as  one  of  the  best  equipped  all  around  contractors  about  Philadelphia. 

Comrade  Kelley  was  married  in  February,  1876,  to  Katherine  M.  Sweazey,  who  was 
born  in  Hunterdon  County,  N.  J. ;  father  Elias  Sweazey,  mother  Charlotte  Sweazey,  nee 
Smith.    Of  this  union  there  were  four  children,  viz. : 

Agnes  M..  now  Mrs.  Pedro  M.  Auza,  of  Santiago  de  Cuba;  Katherine  Fabiana  now 
Mrs.  Geoige  A.  Bohem,  John  A.  Jr.,  Charles  L.,  Philadelphia. 

His  first  wife  died  January,  1884.  He  was  married  again  on  November  23,  1886, 
to  Martha  Ambrosia  McGevern,  born  at  Port  Qinton,  Pa. ;  father  Edward  McGevern, 
mother  Mary  McGevern,  nee  Keane.  Of  this  union  there  were  seven  children,  five  of 
whom  are  living:  Mary  Martha,  James  (deceased),  Francis  A.  (deceased),  Joseph 
Francis,  Helen  Mary,  Edwin  J.,  Margaret. 

Comrade  Kelley  is  now  one  of  the  substantial  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  and  is  still 
actively  engaged  in  railroad  building  and  in  the  execution  of  large  building  contracts. 
When  a  youth,  for  the  three  years  preceding  his  enlistment  into  the  army,  he  served  as 
an  altar  boy  (acolyte)  at  St.  Alphonsus  Roman  Catholic  Church  at  Murrinsville,  Butler 
County,  Penna.  In  his  Company  were  many  members  of  the  same  faith,  who  died  while 
confined  in  Andersonville  prison,  and  young  Kelley,  zealous  in  the  teachings  inculcated  in 
him  in  his  youth,  was  active  in  seeing  the  last  rites  of  the  Church  were  given  his  dying 
comrades  by  seeking  the  faithful  servant  of  the  church  who  daily  ministered  to  the 
suffering  and  dying  in  Andersonville  prison.  In  his  days  of  prosperity  Comrade  Kelley 
has  beei  faithful  to  his  religious  vows.  For  twenty-five  years  he  has  been  a  member  of 
the  Friendly  Sons  of  St.  Patrick,  of  Philadelphia.  The  object  of  this  society,  which  was 
organized  in  1769,  is  for  the  relief  of  immigrants  from  Ireland.  He  has  also  been  a 
member  of  the  Catholic  Club  of  Philadelphia  for  twenty  years,  and  a  life  member  of  the 
American  Catholic  Historical  Society  for  the  same  length  of  time. 


Co.  K  was  organized  in  Camp  Orr,  chiefly  from  men  transferred  from  other  com- 


panies,  after  they  had  attained  the  maxirnum  quota,  and  by  men  who  came  into  camp  tO' 
enlist,  with  a  squad  recruited  by  David  M.  Spence  of  Pittsburgh.  It  was  organized  with 
the  following  officers:  Capt.  James  Adams,  transferred  from  Co.  B;  1st  Lieut.  David  M. 
Spence;  2d  Lieut.  William  B.  Kroesen,  transferred  from  Co.  D. 

The  total  enrollment  of  Co.  K,  from  the  organization  until  it  was  mustered  out,  was 

97.     When  it  left  Camp  Orr  it  had  only  86  officers  and  men,  one  of  its  enrollment  having 

been  lost  by  Habeas  Corpus  writ,  because  of  lack  of  age,  and  2  had  deserted.     It  lost  in 

killed   in  battle,   missing,   and  died  of  wounds  received  in   action,  9,    viz :     John    Allraan, 

William  Justice,   Thomas   Knox,  John   McCIung,  John   Price,  at  battle  of   Fair   Oaks ;   1st 

Sergt.  Joseph  C.  Mapes,  and  John  McClung,  at  battle  of  Kinston ;  Dolphus  Garrett  and  Titus 

Hardy  at  battle  of  Plymouth.    The  two  latter  were  negro  cooks,  who  were  supposed  to  have 

been  killed  in  an  endeavor  to  escape.    Quite  a  number  of  Co.  K  were  wounded  at  the  battle 

of  Fair  Oaks,  among  whom  were  Robert  Sinclair,  Patrick  Sullivan,  and  Lieut.  Kroesen,  the 

latter  leaving  the  service  on  account  of  being  disabled  by  his  wound.    Seventeen  died  while 

prisoners  of  war  or  immediately  after  being  released  of  disease  incurred  while  confined  in 

Southern  prisons,  viz :    Privates,  George  B.  Bowers,  Samuel  Calvin,  Joseph  Cox,  Thomas 

Hogan,  John  Koch,  Andrew  Nelson,  Hugh  Richardson,  Michael   Sheridan,   Samuel   Shoop, 

William  Todd,  Edward  W.  White,  who  died  at  Andersonville,  Ga. ;  James  A.  Courtney  and 

James  M.  Jones  at  Charleston,   S.  C. ;   William  Wragg,  at  Camp  Parole,  Annapolis,  Md., 

after  being  exchanged ;  and  Corp.  Newton  Stoughton,  and   Privates  James  Fitzgerald  and 

Richard  Riland,  who  were  supposed  to  have  died  en  route  or  at  Florence,  S.   C,  as  they 

were  never  seen  by  comrades  after  leaving  Andersonville.     Sylvanus   G.   Rosansteel,   who 

served  with  Co.  K  until  Jan.  1,  1864,  and  who  was  transferred  to  Co.  A,  when  he  re-enlisted, 

died  at  Florence,  S.  C.     Nine  died  of  disease  in  camp  or  hospital  and  18  were  discharged 

by  reasons  of  disability  on  Surgeon's  certificate ;  13  were  discharged  by  G.  O.  of  W.  D.,  and 

10  were  mustered  out  with  the  Co.  June  25,  1865,  receiving  their  final  discharge  July  13,  1865, 

at  Harrisburg,  Pa.    Those  mustered  out  with  the  Co.  were  1st  Sergt.  Daniel  Krug,  Sergt. 

Alex.   Duncan,   Musician   Clarence    B.   Gelston,   Hugh    Campbell,   James   Denning,    William 

Gardner,  John  W.  C.  McCurdy,  Aaron  Penny,  Patrick  Shea,  George  Stidam.     Corp.  Oliver 

P.  Campbell,  Patrick  Dignan  and  Edward  Keyser  were  absent  on  veteran  furlough  when 

Co.  was  mustered  out  and  they  were  subsequently  discharged  to  date  June  25,  1865.     Five 

drafted  men  were  sent  to  Co.  K  before  the  capture  of  the  Regiment,  four  of  whom  died  in 

Andersonville  prison. 

Lieut.  David  M.  Spence  of  Co.  K  was  one  of  the  most  popular  officers  of  the  Regi- 
ment. He  was  quiet  in  manner,  without  the  least  ostentation,  and  never  got  "rattled,"  when 
others  were  liable  to  give  way  to  excitement.  He  was  commissioned  captain  to  date  March 
24,  1864,  but  was  not  mustered  as  such  when  he  was  discharged,  owing  to  the  reduced  com- 
mand. He  was  discharged  by  General  Order  of  the  War  Department  March  30,  1865.  He 
was  in  the  "Three  Months"  service,  having  been  second  sergeant  of  Co.  A,  12th  Regiment. 

Corp.  Thomas  Craft  was  absent  sick  at  the  time  his  company  was  captured.  He  had 
evidently  left  Plymouth  when  the  fever  and  ague  was  so  bad  in  the  autumn  of  1863.  The 
records  show  that  he  was  honorably  discharged  at  the  expiration  of  his  three  years'  term. 
He  was  one  of  the  "boys''  of  Co.  K,  and  fearing  his  mother  would  have  him  discharged  he 
enlisted  under  an  assumed  name.     His  correct  name  was  Thomas  A.  Strahorn. 

He  was  in  the  service  some  time  before  his  mother  knew  of  his  whereabouts,  when 
he  acknowledged  to  Capt.  Adams  that  he  assumed  the  name  of  Craft  to  hide  his  identity, 
knowing  that  his  mother  would  endeavor  to  secure  his  discharge,  as  he  was  under  military 
age.  Several  letters  were  received  from  Capt.  Adams,  in  which  he  was  highly  spoken  of 
regarding  his  conduct  as  a  soldier.  He  was  never  disciplined  and  performed  the  duties  of 
a  soldier  uncomplainingly.  The  last  heard  of  him  was  by  a  letter  received  by  his  mother, 
dated  New  Bern,  N.  C,  in  which  he  stated  he  was  in  the  hospital,  and  that  he  intended  to 
re-enlist,  and  then  return  home  on  furlough. 

Although  time  and  again  effort  has  been  made  to  ascertain  what  became  of  Craft 
(Strahorn).  no  trace  of  him  has  been  made  known  by  his  comrades-in-arms  or  the  authori- 


ties  at  Washington.  If  any  one  knows  anything  of  this  soldier,  dead  or  alive,  they  will 
receive  the  heartfelt  gratitude  of  an  aged  mother,  who  suffered  heavy  loss  in  sacrifice  dur- 
ing the  Civil  War. 

It  would  cheer  his  aged  mother  to  hear  from  any  of  his  comrades  who  knew  him  in- 
timately. Her  address  is  Mrs.  C.  A.  Strahorn,  Carmichaels,  Greene  County,  Penna.  The 
writer  remembers  Craft  very  well,  having  been  on  duty  with  him  frequently,  but  he  never 
intimated  that  he  was  serving  under  a  false  name.  There  was  one  trait  he  had  to  a  marked 
degree,  and  that  was  his  tidiness.  In  manner  he  was  very  effeminate  and  reticent.  How- 
ever, he  was  a  good  soldier. 


The  suffering  in  Andersonville  and  Florence  military  prisons  is  told  in  the  official 
reports  of  the  surgeons  and  inspector-generals  of  the  Confederate  army  who  witnessed  it, 
and  these  appear  in  this  volume.  However,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  give  a  brief  glimpse  into 
life  there  as  seen  by  comrades  of  the  Regiment.  Corp.  R.  J.  Thompson,  the  standard- 
bearer  of  the  Regiment,  and  Private  R.  P.  Black,  both  of  Company  E,  have  sent  the  follow- 
ing brief  sketches :    Comrade  Black  says : 

We  arrived  at  Andersonville,  Ga.,  on  the  night  of  May  2,  1864,  and  were  taken  off  the 
cars  and  in  the  direction  of  the  prison  to  about  on-half  way  towards  what  was  to  be  to 
many  of  us  our  final  home  on  this  mundane  sphere.  We  were  surrounded  by  guards  and 
allowed  to  make  ourselves  as  comfortable  as  we  could.  Next  morning  we  were  up  by  day- 
light and  after  getting  something  to  eat  we  were  placed  in  line  and  counted  off  into  what 
they  termed  detachments,  which  consisted  of  270  men  each.  These  were  sub-divided  into 
thirds  of  90  each,  called,  first  90,  second  90,  and  third  90  of  each  detachment ;  and  these  were 
again  sub-divided  into  30s  and  again  into  tens.  My  own  particular  sub-division  was  first 
ten,  second  thirty  and  first  ninety  of  the  145th  detachment.  We  were  then  taken  into  the 
prison  where  we  afterwards  learned  that  our  detachments  and  sub-divisions  were  for  the 
purpose  of  drawing  rations. 

We  were  given  a  position  not  far  from  the  brook  and  about  two-thirds  of  the  dis- 
tance from  the  west  side  on  what  was  known  as  the  South  Side  of  the  prison,  and  left  to 
shift  for  ourselves  as  best  we  could  with  whatever  we  chanced  to  have  that  would  make 
tents,  beds  or  other  accommodations.  I  succeeded  in  buying  three  sticks  about  as  thick  as 
my  thumb,  and  about  four  or  five  feet  long  for  twenty-five  cents  each,  and  with  these  as  a 
framework  we  constructed  a  tent,  with  the  addition  of  our  blankets  and  one  piece  of  shelter 
tent.  This  was  my  habitation  during  our  entire  stay  in  this  inhospitable  prison  pen.  Others 
who  had  no  blankets  had  to  get  in  with  those  who  had,  or  lie  and  sit  on  the  cold  ground. 
The  soil  was  a  coarse  greyish  sand,  nearly  ankle  deep,  and  plentifully  mixed  with  lice  of  all 
sizes,  kinds,  sexes  and  conditions;  and  if  one  only  stopped  for  a  minute  or  two,  he  would 
have  them  crawling  over  his  feet. 

The  timber  had  all  been  removed  long  before  we  came,  although  the  place  had  only 
been  occupied  as  a  prison  a  little  over  two  months  before  we  arrived,  and  wherever  a  tree 
stump,  or  root,  remained,  some  of  the  old  prisoners  had  pre-empted  the  spot  and  spent  much 
time  digging  out  any  remaining  parts  to  serve  as  fuel'  to  cook  the  scanty  rations  with,  or  to 
sell  to  some  one  else  for  the  same  purpose. 

The  sick  were  placed  in  the  southeast  corner  of  the  grounds,  this  particular  section 
being  designated  as  "The  Hospital."  Any  advantage  gained  by  being  an  inmate,  appeared 
to  be  only  imaginary ;  and  often  not  even  that,  as  there  were  no  nurses,  and  there  were  few 
chances  of  friends  being  around  in  case  of  urgent  need.  At  the  southwest  corner,  above  the 
south  gate,  members  of  the  Masonic  order  were  quartered  where  they  were  favored  with 
a  barracks,  with  a  fair  board  roof,  with  bunks  for  beds,  supplied  with  straw  and  some 
blankets.  The  Odd  Fellows'  fraternity  were  also  favored  with  better  quarters  than  were 
allowed  the  common  herd  of  humanity  there,  but  not  so  favorable  as  the  Masonic  fraternity; 
but  still  so  much  better  than  that  accorded  to  the  prisoners  generally,  as  to  make  life  in  An- 
dersonville bearable,  at  least.  These  were  the  only  fraternal  orders  that  seemed  to  receive 
any  attention  from  the  prison  authorities. 

The  brook  which  flowed  through  from  west  to  east,  and  which  carried  on  its  surface 
all  the  refuse  from  the  cook-house  ran  near  to  our  side  of  the  swamp  or  flat,  and  on  the 
other  side,  between  the  brook  and  foot  of  the  hill,  on  the  north  side,  was  the  open  privy  for 
all  who  were  able  to  get  to  it,  and  the  excrement,  filth  and  maggots  accumulated  there  made 
it  anything  but  a  pleasant  place  for  us,  who  had  to  put  up  with  the  sights  and  smell,  daily 
and  nightly,  almost  under  our  very  noses.  The  north  side  bank  raised  rather  abruptly  from 
the  swamp  at  an  angle  of  perhaps  60  degrees,  while  our  side  sloped  back  gently,  at  perhaps 
not  more  than  a  ten  degree  angle,  and  the  soil  on  the  north  side  was  a  kind  of  hard  red- 


pan  or  clay  of  rather  a  greasy  nature,  and  while  very  hard  to  dig  tunnels  through,  stood 
up  remarkably  well  for  that  purpose  as  we  afterwards  discovered. 

On  entering  the  prison  our  rations  consisted  of  about  one-fourth  pound  of  corn  pone, 
or  its  equivalent  in  cow  peas,  and  from  one  to  two  ounces  of  pork  or  beef. 

We  were  required  to  get  into  ranks  at  8  o'clock  every  morning  to  be  counted  by  a 
Confederate  sergeant.  The  ranks  were  mostly  four  deep  and  every  man  had  either  to  be 
present  or  satisfactorily  accounted  for  or  his  rations  were  stopped.  We  were  not  required 
to  do  any  duty  whatever,  only  eat  what  little  they  gave  us,  and  sleep  and  visit  inside  the 
stockade  and  deadline  wherever  we  wished.  The  stockade  was  made  by  digging  a  ditch  six 
feet  deep  all  around  the  ground;  then  pine  logs,  hewed  slightly,  some  square  and  others  on 
two  sides,  and  set  on  end  in  the  ditch  as  close  together  as  they  could  be  placed,  the  logs  being 
about  twenty-  feet  long,  fourteen  feet  projected  above  the  ground,  the  dirt  on  both  sides  being 
tightly  tamped.  Twenty  feet  inside  of  the  stockade  a  row  of  posts  were  driven  with  a  strip 
of  wood  nailed  on  too ;  this  was  the  famous  "dead  line.''  to  cross,  or  attempt  to  cross,  was 
sure  death  if  the  guard  near  to  it  felt  like  shooting  a  "Yank." 

As  to  government  inside  the  prison,  there  was  no  pretense.  "Might  made  right,"  and 
every  one  did  about  as  he  pleased,  if  some  one  stronger  than  he  did  not  object  at  the  time, 
and  as  neither  law  nor  gospel  prevailed,  all  kinds  of  excesses  were  committed,  and  pillage 
and  robbery  were  committed  in  open  daylight,  and  with  faint  chances  of  redress.  Conditions 
grew  worse  rapidh-  until  no  one  was  safe  except  he  was  accompanied  with  personal  friends. 
Everyone  went  armed  with  a  stout  club,  which  was  kept  in  a  convenient  place,  ready  for  use 
even  when  asleep,  night  or  day.  Depredations  became  so  common  that  a  public  meeting  was 
called  to  form  an  organization  to  preserve  order  and  punish  culprits,  commonly  called 
raiders.  Capt.  Wirz  was  asked  to  lend  his  authority  and  assistance,  which  he  did,  by  agree- 
ing to  furnish  guards  to  keep  arrested  criminals  safe  and  to  furnish  an  extra  ration  to  those 
appointed  inside  the  prison  as  police  to  preserve  order  and  arrest  offenders.  A  police  force 
with  a  chief  was  selected  and  all  known  to  be  "raiders,"  especially  those  charged  with  mur- 
der, were  soon  arrested,  and  were  kept  under  guard  by  Wirz,  until  a  court,  comprised  of  non- 
commissioned officers  in  prison,  was  convened.  Proceedings  were  conducted  in  accordance 
with  U.  S.  laws  and  six  of  these  men  were  convicted  of  murder  and  were  hanged  inside 
the  prison.  The  execution  took  place  July  11,  1864,  and  was  carried  out  by  prisoners  se- 
lected for  that  purpose  in  full  view  of  the  vast  concourse  of  prison  inhabitants.  This  sum- 
mary punishment  had  a  wholesome  effect,  and  the  police  maintained  excellent  order  for  a 
time.  However,  they  soon  began  to  abuse  the  authority  given  them,  and  in  the  end  were 
little  better  than  the  raiders ;  at  least  this  was  the  condition  when  I  left  Sept.  10,  1864. 

Our  rations  gradually  grew  worse  in  quality  and  less  in  quantity,  until  they  merely 
sustained  life  in  those  with  fair  digestive  organs,  while  those  who  were  sick  or  with  weak 
stomachs  regarded  them  with  loathing  and  disgust. 

Tunneling  was  constantly  resorted  to  as  a  way  of  escape,  but  only  a  very  few  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  beyond  the  stockade,  and  most  of  these  were  soon  brought  back  as  man 
hunters  and  dogs  were  kept  read}'  to  follow  them  as  soon  as  their  escape  became  known. 
These  attempts  at  escape,  although  preeminently  the  right  and  duty  of  a  prisoner-of-war, 
were  generally  followed  by  severe  punishment,  although  this  depended  largely  on  the  humor 
of  the  captain  or  officer  in  charge.  On  one  or  two  occasions  men  discovered  at  work  digging 
a  tunnel  were  rewarded  with  extra  rations,  and  told  to  start  another  tunnel,  but  as  a  rule, 
men  caught  in  the  act  also  met  v.'ith  some  severe  punishment. 

The  bodies  of  those  who  died  between  8  o'clock  and  the  same  hour  the  following  day 
were  carried  by  the  prisoners  to  the  south  gate  and  laid  inside  the  "dead  line,"  with  their 
heads  towards  the  stockade.  These  bodies  were  kept  here  until  7  o'clock  the  next  day  when 
they  were  carried  to  the  "dead  house"  near  by,  outside  the  stockade.  The  dead  were  piled 
into  the  wagon  as  though  they  were  so  much  wood  with  legs,  arms  or  heads  protruding. 
It  was  a  common  sight  to  see  these  dead  bodies  covered  with  fly  blows  and  maggots.  Be- 
fore being  carried  from  the  habitation  in  prison  the  dead  bodies  were  stripped  of  every 
vestige  of  clothing  that  could  be  utilized  by  other  prisoners.  These  articles  were  imme- 
diately put  to  use  without  any  cleaning  or  washing,  except  possibly  to  remove  some  of  the 
living  vermin.  Generally  a  piece  of  paper  was  pinned  on  the  breast  of  the  dead  body,  giving 
his  name,  company  and  regiment,  and  sometimes  the  date  of  his  death, 

Corp.  Thompson  says : 

"For  year.s  T  abstained  from  making  any  reference  to  my  experiences  in  the  military 
prisons  of  the  South.  This  course  I  deemed  necessary;  for  if  I  allowed  myself  to  talk  of 
my  prison  life  during  the  day,  I  was  sure  to  wake  up  at  night  with  drops  of  sweat  starting 
out  at  every  pore,  and  if  possible,  feeling  worse  than  when  the  dreamed-of  incidents  were 
a  reality;  and  had  I  not  forgotten  them,  I  verily  believe  that  I  would  have  gone  entirely 
crazy.  By  this  process  I  have  succeeded  in  forgetting  a  great  many  things,  but  some  things 
won't  down  and  I  will  relate  them. 

We  entered  the  military  prison  at  Andersonville,  Ga.,  May  3,  1864.  We  were  formed 
into  divisions  and  subdivisions  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  us  numbered,  in  order  to  know 
what  number  of  rations  to  issue,  and  to  detect  escapes.  Of  course,  to  keep  anything  like  a 
correct  tab  on  the  number  of  inmates  the  counting  of  the  various  divisions  or  detachments 


had  to  be  conducted  simultaneously.     If  any  one  was  found  missing,  rations  would  be  with- 
held during  the  day,  or  until  the  missing  one  was  accounted  for. 

"Life  was  very  insecure  when  we  went  into  prison,  from  what  were  called  'raiders.' 
These  were  cut-throats,  murderers,  etc.,  who  to  escape  the  gallows  had  enlisted  in  the 
service,  and  then  to  escape  fighting  allowed  themselves  to  be  captured.  In  prison  they 
banded  together,  took  life,  money,  clothes  or  other  valuables  by  virtue  of  their  organization, 
and  not  that  there  was  any  great  number  of  them.  The  'Plymouth  Pilgrims,'  as  our  post 
was  called,  offered  them  great  inducements,  as  we,  by  arrangement  of  our  general  when 
we  were  captured,  were  allowed  to  retain  our  money  and  clothes,  and  we  had  both,  as  we 
had  just  been  paid  four  months'  pay  but  a  few  days  before  we  were  captured.  But  by  the 
kindness  of  old  Capt.  Wirz,  a  guard  was  placed  over  them,  12  intelligent  prisoners  as  jurors, 
heard  evidence  in  their  cases,  and  on  the  12th  day  of  July,  1864,  six  of  the  raiders  were 
hung.  From  that  day  on  we  had  comparative  peace  in  prison.  The  days  had  now  got  fear- 
fully hot  and  the  lice  fairly  swarmed  on  the  ground  and  on  us.  My  shirt  only  gave  them 
harbor,  so  I  discarded  it.  The  swamp,  as  we  called  it,  was  alive  with  maggots,  and  at  night 
they  crawled  over  the  faces  of  the  prisoners  near  it.  Richard  Wick  and  Joseph  Stewart,, 
known  to  most  of  you,  Tommy  Byers  and  many  others  of  our  regiment  had  succumbed 
to  this  cruel  treatment.  The  'rebs'  told  us  a  general  exchange  of  prisoners  had  been  agreed 
upon,  and  that  our  transports  lay  off  Charleston  harbor  to  take  us  North,  but  they  could  not 
spare  the  transportation  at  that  time  for  us,  but  would  be  able  to  do  so  within  a  few  days. 
This  story,  with  variations,  was  reported  by  the  sergeant  who  counted  us  off  each  morning. 
I  could  see  no  'nigger  in  the  woodpile,'  but  together  with  the  great  majority  of  the  prisoners,- 
believed  their  story  implicitly  and  that  the  'day  of  jubilee'  had  really  come.  Comrade  John 
Eshenbaugh  of  this  post  did  not  believe  it  and  jumped  off  the  cars  the  first  night  out  of 
Andersonville.  The  bloodhounds  interviewed  him  and  he  joined  the  crowd  at  Charleston, 
S.  C. 

"We  had  bid  adieu  to  Andersonville  on  the  10th  day  of  September,  firmly  believing 
we  were  going  to  'God's  country'  (as  all  spoke  of  the  North).  To  our  surprise  we  occu- 
pied the  stockade  of  the  fair  ground  or  race-track  at  Charleston  and  we  were  guarded  as 
strictly  as  we  had  been  at  Andersonville.  Again  we  found  Union  men  and  women  at 
Charleston  and  sympathy,  and  that,  too,  in  a  substantial  form,  something  to  eat  or  wear 
was  given  us  at  every  opportunity.  One  Sister  of  Charity  gave  me  a  lady's  broad-brimmed 
hat.  I  had  lost  my  hat  on  the  road  from  Andersonville,  and  my  shirt  I  had  thrown  away  on 
account  of  vermin,  and,  all  in  all,  I  suppose  she  thought  my  appeal  prompted  by  necessity, 
and  not  by  any  dudish  aspirations.     I  thanked  her  then  and  I  bless  her  still. 

"I  could  truthfully  relate  instances  of  cruelty  at  Andersonville,  Charleston  and 
Florence,  but  do  not  wish  to  call  them  to  mind.  All  my  recollections  are  far-away  and 
misty,  and  I  wish  them  to  remain  so.  A  soldier  dying  in  prison  with  maggots  crawling  in 
his  wounds,  his  ears  and  in  his  nose,  is  not  a  pleasant  recollection  of  Andersonville,  and  yet 
it  is  a  fact.  He  was  a  New  York  artilleryman  and  lay  near  the  south  gate.  Recollections  of 
this  kind  cannot  be  forgotten,  and  yet,  terrible  as  it  is,  there  were  numerous  incidents  and 
occurrences  almost  as  revolting,  but  I  will  relate  no  more. 

"On  October  2,  1864,  they  moved  us  to  Florence,  S.  C,  where  a  new  stockade,  very 
similar  to  that  at  Andersonville,  awaited  us.  It  had  been  heavily  timbered  land  and  lately 
chopped  off  and  the  large  timber  taken  for  the  stockade.  We,  being  the  first  prisoners  in 
this  stockade,  had  the  first  call  on  the  timber  on  top  and  the  roots  beneath.  All  in  all, 
Florence  prison  was  an  improvement  on  Andersonville,  and  yet  we  lost  many  more  in 
Florence  than  in  Andersonville.  Perhaps  we  had  arrived  at  the  dying  point  about  the  time 
of  the  change.  I  will  relate  a  little  incident  that  occurred  with  me  while  in  Florence,  as  it 
will  illustrate  to  what  straits  we  were  put  for  food.  This  prison,  like  Andersonville,  was 
two-sided,  separated  by  a  swamp.  Along  the  edges  swamp  water  oozed  out  and  in  order 
to  get  it  clear  I  had  gone  down  about  daylight  in  the  morning.  Joy  of  joys!  I  found  a  little 
crab  f?)  about  the  size  of  a  small  sauce  dish.  I  thought  my  fortune  made  and  forthwith 
repaired  to  my  stopping  place  on  the  hill  and  prepared  a  fire  of  the  few  roots  I  had  dug 
out  of  the  ground  to  cook  it.  I  was  too  hungry  to  wait  more  than  warm  it  through  and  I 
ate  it,  claws,  shell,  and  all,  and  it  was  good. 

"Among  my  comrades  who  died  in  Florence  prison  was  Will  Dickson,  who  passed 
to  the  great  beyond  about  December  1,  1864.  He  was  a  good  soldier  and  man,  and  had  he 
lived  he  would  in  all  probability  have  donned  the  armor  of  his  father  in  the  ministry,  to 
which  he  would  have  been  a  worthy  successor. 

"My  entire  mess  having  died  and  Comrade  John  McCarrier's  having  met  the  same 
fate,  he  and  I  joined  forces  and  occupied  the  same  'dugout,'  or  hole  in  the  ground,  until 
December  27,  when  I  was  paroled.  Comrade  G.  M.  Duffy  was  paroled  at  the  same'  time, 
and  being  in  somewhat  better  physical  condition  than  I  assisted  me  to  reach  our  lines.  I 
was  so  weak  and  enfeebled  that  I  could  not  get  on  or  off  the  cars  without  assistance.  When 
I  boarded  the  Confederate  vessel  at  Charleston,  which  was  to  convey  us  to  one  waving  the 
Stars  and  Stripes,  I  had  to  be  assisted  by  Comrade  Duffy,  but  when  the  moment  came  that  I 
was  again  free  to  step  under  the  flag,  which  had  become  doubly  dear  to  us  through  our 


long  separation  from  it,  I  needed  no  assistance.  For  the  moment  I  was  transformed  and 
felt  as  though  I  could  fly.  Very  many  of  my  comrades  were  so  debilitated  they  were  unable 
to  walk,  and  yet  when  we  passed  Fort  Sumter  and  saw  our  vessels,  with  the  old  Star 
Spangled  Banner  waving  over  them,  three  as  loud  cheers  as  hearty  men  ever  gave  greeted 
the  old  flag.  It  was  the  last  cheer  for  some  of  them.  When  the  reaction  came  over  the 
joy  and  excitement  of  once  more  being  free  had  passed  they  quietly  passed  beyond  pain  and 
suffering,  and  their  emaciated  bodies  were  consigned  to  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean." 


In  August,  1864,  most  of  the  officers  who  were  prisoners  of  war  were  moved  to 
Charleston,  S.  C,  at  that  time  being  bombarded  by  Maj.  Gen.  Foster.  Among  them  were 
most  of  the  officers  of  the  103d  Regiment.  October  5,  a  train  load  was  moved  from  there, 
the  destination  being  Columbia,  S.  C.  When  the  train  was  within  ten  miles  of  Columbia,  and 
running  at  a  speed  of  about  twelve  miles  an  hour,  Capt.  Alvin  H.  Alexander  of  Co.  A  and 
1st  Lieut.  W.  H.  H.  Kiester  of  Co.  I  dropped  from  the  cars  and  for  a  time  made  their 

They  had  as  a  companion  Capt.  Bascom,  5th  Iowa.  As  they  were  sitting  in  the  door- 
way of  the  box  car  with  their  legs  hanging  down,  they  dropped  one  after  the  other,  falling 
twenty  or  thirty  feet  apart  and  falling  in  close  to  the  ties  of  the  railroad.  It  was  dark  and 
they  would  have  been  unobserved  had  it  not  been  for  a  white  haversack  carried  by  Capt. 
Alexander.  The  guard  on  the  rear  platform  of  the  caboose  saw  the  haversack  and  fired 
at  Alexander,  who  lay  close  to  the  ground.  The  bullet  came  so  close  to  him  as  to  fill  his 
eyes  with  dirt  from  the  point  it  struck  the  earth.  Alexander  and  his  companions  remained 
prostrate  until  the  train  passed  out  of  sight.  The  guard  reported  that  he  had  killed  a  man 
with  a  white  haversack.  As  soon  as  the  train  had  disappeared  the  party  started  in  the 
opposite  direction,  leaving  the  railroad  at  the  first  crossroad  and  traveled  as  rapidly  as  they 
could  until  daybreak.  Finding  a  secluded  spot  they  kept  themselves  concealed  during  the 
day,  sleeping  most  of  the  time.  They  started  at  dark  and  unexpectedly  ran  up  against  a 
Confederate  picket  at  the  outskirts  of  Columbia.  Although  very  much  startled  by  the 
challenge,  Capt.  Alexander,  as  if  by  instinct,  replied,  "Friends,  with  the  countersign."  Or- 
dered to  advance  the  Captain  started  forward  without  the  remotest  idea  of  what  he  would 
say.  As  he  neared  the  sentinel  the  word  "Atlanta"  flashed  into  his  mind,  and  as  he  uttered 
it  with  no  little  trepidation,  the  guard  responded,  "All  right,  pass  on."  They  did  not  stop 
to  discuss  current  topics  but  traveled  at  a  fast  gait  and  did  not  slacken  it  until  they  had 
covered  five  or  six  miles.  They  endeavored  to  find  a  thick  woods  about  daybreak  and  re- 
mained concealed  during  the  day,  subsisting  on  green  corn  and  sweet  potatoes,  both  of  which 
they  were  compelled  to  eat  raw.  This  mode  of  existing  lasted  for  some  days,  resting 
through  the  day  and  traveling  at  night.  Coming  to  a  river  one  night  they  kept  secluded 
near  by  the  ferry  until  they  thought  everybody  had  gone  to  rest  for  the  night.  They  had 
boarded  the  ferry  boat  when  much  to  their  surprise  they  were  accosted  by  a  negro  who 
asked  them  if  they  wanted  to  cross  the  river.  Receiving  an  affirmative  answer,  the  negro 
said  he  would  take  them  across.  "I  know  youse  Yankees  running  away ;  I've  taken  too 
many  across  here  not  to  know  'em  when  I  see  'em."  He  furthermore  gave  them  some  advice 
which  was  worth  heeding ;  the  substance  of  which  was  that  they  could  always  trust  the  field 
hands  but  would  be  betrayed  by  the  house  servants.  A  negro  woman  crossed  in  the  same 
boat  with  them  and  their  colored  benefactor,  learning  that  the  party  were  sufifering  from 
hunger,  interceded  with  the  colored  woman  to  get  them  plenty  to  eat,  her  home  being  near 
by.  While  she  was  preparing  them  a  meal  she  invited  them  to  rest  and  the  three  of  them 
had  no  hesitation  in  lying  down  on  a  downy  bed  of  feathers,  and  almost  instantly  all  three 
were  sound  asleep — a  rest  they  enjoyed  until  aroused  to  eat  their  supper.  Besides  giving 
them  all  they  could  of  the  best  the  humble  cabin  could  aflford  she  filled  their  haversacks. 
There  was  no  higgling  over  prices,  no  compensation  asked,  but  the  woman  was  well  paid 
in  Confederate  money.  A  few  nights  after  this  Alexander  and  Kiester  discovering  a  negro 
cabin  near  the  roadside,  stopped  to  get  some  food  for  their  haversacks,  Bascom  continuing 
on  the  journey.  After  getting  some  food  they  followed  until  thew  came  to  a  cross-road, 
and  there  being  no  mark  to  indicate  which  direction  Bascom  had  taken,  they  decided  to  con- 
tinue in  the  direction  they  had  been  traveling,  but  they  failed  to  overtake   their   former 


companion.  After  traveling  in  this  manner  for  over  200  miles  Alexander  and  Kiester  were 
finally  recaptured  on  Sunday  evening,  October  16,  1864,  at  Rutherford,  N.  C.  They  ran 
into  a  picket  post,  and  claimed  to  be  Confederates  and  the  guard  was  almost  induced  to  let 
them  go,  but  they  had  received  strict  orders  to  bring  any  suspiciously  appearing  person  to 
the  commanding  officer ;  they  were  forced  to  go  into  his  presence,  who  proved  to  be  a  major, 
who  had  seen  service  in  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  and  had  been  seriously  wounded 
at  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks.  When  presented  to  the  major,  they  put  on  a  bold  front,  claim- 
ing to  be  Confederates.  He  said  in  reply  to  them,  "You  tell  a  pretty  straight  story,  but  you 
don't  exactly  talk  like  Southern  men.  We  will  get  a  light  and  take  a  look  at  you."  When 
the  light  was  brought,  he  found  them  in  full  Yank  uniform,  all  but  the  shoulder  straps, 
which  they  carried  in  their  pockets.  When  the  major  learned  that  they  had  been  pitted 
against  him  at  Seven  Pines,  where  he  had  been  seriously  wounded  ifi  the  lungs,  he  gave 
them  credit  for  his  wound,  but  instead  of  showing  hatred,  he  assumed  the  friendliest  of 
attitudes,  had  the  guards  put  them  in  the  Masonic  Hall,  with  orders  to  treat  them  well.  He 
sent  them  supper  and  breakfast  from  his  own  table.  These  were  the  first  "Yanks"  in  the 
town  and  the  ladies  of  the  town  turned  out  en  masse  to  see  them.  They  saw  pretty  good 
looking  fellows,  for  both  Alexander  and  Kiester  were  fine  looking  men;  in  fact  Alexander 
was  the  handsomest  man  in  the  Regiment,  and  Kiester  wasn't  a  bad  second.  Both  were 
tidy  in  dress  and  good  disciplinarians  and  gentlemanly  in  demeanor.  Certainly  the  ladies  of 
Rutherford  must  have  decided  that  the  Yankees  weren't  bad  looking,  at  least.  The  follow- 
ing day  three  old  gray  headed  men  constituted  a  guard  to  escort  them  to  Morgantown, 
N.  C,  perhaps  forty  miles  distant,  where  there  was  a  railroad  station.  From  Morgantown 
they  were  taken  to  Salisbury,  where  they  remained  only  till  the  following  day,  when  they 
were  moved  to  Danville,  Va.  Here  they  were  confined  in  an  old  tobacco  warehouse  for 
the  winter,  suffering  intensely  from  cold  weather.  In  February  they  were  moved  to  Libby 
prison,  Richmond,  Va. ;  were  paroled  on  Feb.  21,  1865,  arriving  at  Annapolis,  Md.,  Feb.  22. 
At  the  World's  Fair  at  Chicago  in  1893,  Capt.  Alexander  and  Capt.  Bascom  met  again, 
twenty-eight  years  after  the  war,  and  exchanged  stories.  Bascom  was  recaptured  at  Ashe- 
ville,  N.  C,  but  succeeded  in  eluding  the  guard  and  reaching  the  Federal  lines. 


The  daily  monotony  of  life  in  Andersonville  and  Florence  prisons,  coupled  with  the 
privations  of  those  places,  inspired  a  large  percentage  of  those  confined  there  to  invent 
means  of  escape.  The  Plymouth  group  furnished  its  full  share  towards  assisting  in  all  the 
large  enterprises  which  had  for  their  purpose  a  general  escape,  but  small  groups  of  the 
various  Regiments  captured  at  Plymouth  were  constantly  planning  to  in  some  way  get  their 
freedom.  Comrade  Robert  R.  Reardon  of  Co.  H,  familiarly  known  by  the  comrades  of  the 
Regiment  as  "Bob"  Reardon,  was  one  of  the  most  active,  and  he  finally  succeeded  in  get- 
ting outside,  only  to  have  the  humiliation  to  be  recaptured  by  dogs.  His  story  is  interesting, 
especially  will  it  he  to  his  comrades  who  knew  him,  for  anything  "Bob"  says,  they  know, 
is  not  exaggerated.     He  was  one  of  the  "boys"  of  Co.  H. 

"Immediately  after  our  incarceration  in  the  Andersonville  stockade  we  began  to  plan 
means  of  escape,  and  I  assisted  in  digging  several  tunnels.  The  first  attempt  resulted  in  a 
complete  failure.  We  had  succeeded  in  reaching  about  twenty  feet  from  our  starting  point 
when  a  heavy  rain  caused  it  to  cave  in,  catching  two  men  who  were  then  at  work  in  the 
tunnel.  About  July  1,  nineteen  of  us  embarked  in  an  enterprise  which  we  thought  gave 
promise  of  success.  In  this  party,  besides  myself,  were  Neiderriter  and  Rodgers  of  Co.  H. 
The  osensible  purpose  of  the  undertaking  was  the  sinking  of  a  well  for  drinking  water.  The 
site  selected  was  about  one  hundred  feet  from  the  north  gate.  At  a  depth  of  eighteen  feet 
we  started  a  tunnel,  doing  the  work  at  night;  the  only  utensil  used  in  doing  the  work  was 
the  half  of  a  canteen.  Tlie  diameter  of  the  tunnel  was  only  large  enough  to  permit  one 
man  to  crawl  to  and  fro,  with  here  and  there  places  wide  enough  for  two  to  pass.  These 
passing  places  were  necessary,  as  all  the  excavation  had  to  be  removed  by  meal  sacks,  and 
while  the  dirt  was  being  brought  back  another  comrade  could  be  utilizing  the  time  filling  his 
sack.  The  tunnel  was  ventilated  by  the  one  waiting  at  the  passing  place  using  the  visor  of 
his  cap  in  fanning,  thus  starting  a  current  of  air.  Total  darkness  prevailing  in  the  tunnel  it 
was  impossible  to  continue  it  in  a  straight  line,  and  it  took  a  left  oblique  course  passing 
under  the  road  between  the  inner  and  outer  gates.    The  entire  length  of  the  tunnel  when 


completed  was  148  feet,  which  gradually  inclined  from  the  starting  point  in  the  well,  giving 
a  down  grade  to  haul  back  the  sacks  of  dirt.  Five  weeks  were  required  in  completing  this 
work.  When  everything  was  ready  for  the  dash  for  liberty  only  those  who  could  be  abso- 
lutely trusted  among  the  friends  of  those  who  did  the  work  were  informed  of  the  project. 

"When  the  time  for  the  break  came  an  eager  and  anxious  throng  were  awaiting  their 
turn  to  enter,  but  much  to  their  chagrin  and  disappointment  those  who  had  last  entered  the 
tunnel  came  hurrying  back.  The  first  man  to  emerge  from  the  outer  opening  of  the  tunnel 
was  captured  by  the  patrol  guard  and  the  signal  was  hurriedly  given  to  retreat.  Of  course 
it  did  not  take  the  Confederate  officials  long  to  discover  the  inner  terminal  of  the  tunnel 
but  they  never  discovered  the  owners. 

"Only  a  few  days  subsequent  to  this  failure  I  assisted  in  digging  a  mammoth  tunnel 
near  the  south  gate  for  the  purpose  of  undermining  the  stockade  and  making  a  wholesale 
liberation.  At  this  time  the  double  stockade  only  existed  north  of  the  ravine ;  subsequently 
it  was  completed  to  the  fort  south  of  the  south  gate.  After  having  the  tunnel  almost  com- 
pleted and  all  the  plans  perfected  for  an  attack  on  the  stockade  a  traitor  in  our  number  in- 
formed the  Confederate  authorities  of  our  project,  and  again  we  were  doomed  to  disappoint- 

"By  this  time  Atlanta  had  fallen  and  it  was  almost  a  daily  event  to  remove  prisoners 
from  Andersonville  to  other  points  in  the  Confederacy.  When  a  group  was  taken  from 
Andersonville  it  was  generally  supposed  it  was  taken  out  for  exchange  and  all  sorts  of 
schemes  and  ruses  were  resorted  to  to  go  with  these  favored  yarties.  I  succeeded  in  getting 
out  with  one  of  these  groups,  but  alas,  ere  long  I  discovered  my  hope  of  freedom  was  doomed 
to  disappointment.  The  race  course  at  Charleston,  S.  C,  was  our  destination.  However, 
the  change  was  beneficial  and  the  music  of  the  bursting  mammoth  shells  from  Yankee  guns 
did  not  alarm  us,  but  inspired  us  with  hope  and  courage.  We  were  kept  here  for  several 
weeks,  when  we  were  removed  to  Florence,  S.  C,  in  almost  a  nude  condition. 

"We  immediately  began  to  devise  ways  and  means  of  escape,  but  soon  found  that  the 
enemy  was  too  alert  to  permit  of  success  through  tunneling.  Bribery  of  the  guards  was 
the  only  hope.  I  owned  a  good  watch  and  getting  an  excellent  opportunity  to  become  ac- 
quainted with  one  of  the  guards  I  arranged  with  him  to  give  him  the  watch  if  he  would 
permit  a  party  of  us  to  pass  out  at  his  beat,  he  to  furnish  a  rope  ladder  so  we  could  make 
our  exit  rapidly.  The  fact  that  he  furnished  the  ladder  was  evidence  that  he  meant  to  keep 
faith.  As  many  as  it  was  safe  to  let  into  the  project  were  informed,  and  four  others  of  my 
Regiment  were  among  the  number  to  scale  the  stockade  between  one  and  two  o'clock  on  that 
cold  dark  wet  night.  Of  our  own  boys  Sergt.  Daniel  Krug  of  Co.  K,  Peter  Klingler,  Samuel 
Rupert  and  Daniel  Huddleson  of  Co.  H  were  of  the  party;  also  John  Hilbert  of  Co.  L, 
11th  Penna.  Cavalry.  Krugg,  Klingler  and  Rupert  decided  to  make  for  the  mountains  of 
Tennessee,  while  Hilbert,  Huddleson  and  I  decided  that  we  would  make  for  the  Atlantic 
coast,  hoping  to  reach  North  Carolina.  Expecting  to  gain  some  distance  from  the  place 
of  confinement,  we  kept  moving  until  daylight,  when  we  found  we  were  marching  straight 
to  the  prison  from  which  we  had  escaped,  it  being  in  full  view.  We  hastily  about  faced  and 
traveled  as  rapidly  as  we  could  for  about  three  miles,  when  we  came  to  a  deep  creek.  As 
we  were  planning  to  effect  a  crossing  over  this  stream  we  were  horror-stricken  by  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  bloodhound.  However,  we  felt  some  relief  when  we  discovered  that  he  was 
not  trailing.  We  kept  close  under  the  bank  of  the  stream  until  the  hound  had  passed. 
Closely  following  the  dog  was  a  man  armed  with  a  musket.  He_was  taken  by  surprise  and 
captured  and  proved  to  be  a  deserter  from  the  21st  S,  C.  and  after  a  satisfactory  explana- 
tion we  paroled  him,  allowing  him  to  retain  all  of  his  equipment.  However,  he  divided  his 
provisions  among  us,  equipped  us  with  flint  and  tinder  so  we  could  start  fires,  and  gave  us 
information  as  to  the  various  routes  to  take,  and  cautioning  us  against  vigilance  commit- 
tees, Johnston's  army,  etc.  We  moved  cautiously  until  night,  when  we  used  the  roads  and 
kept  moving  rapidly  until  day  approached,  when  we  would  find  a  secluded  place  and  watch 
for  an  opportunity  to  interview  the  negroes,  whom  we  always  found  anxious  to  remder  us 
assistance  and  food. 

"The  fourth  day  out  we  were  sighted  just  after  dark.  Bloodhounds  were  put  on  our 
track.  We  turned  southward  for  the  Great  Pedee  river,  which  we  had  crossed  early  that 
morning,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  it  before  the  hounds  got  on  our  trail.  We  swam  this 
river,  the  current  taking  us  down  several  miles.  We  kept  concealed  in  the  canebrakes  that 
night  and  next  day.  After  emerging  from  the  swamp  and  canebrakes  we  made  our  way 
northward  but  had  scarcely  gained  an  inhabited  region  until  we  were  discovered  and  re- 
captured by  a  party  of  nine  men  and  fifteen  dogs.  The  dogs  were  well  trained  and  sur- 
rounded us,  but  kept  far  enough  distant  to  avoid  being  struck  by  our  clubs.  Being  unarmed 
we  knew  resistance  was  useless.  The  first  man  to  come  up  threatened  to  shoot  if  a  move 
was  made  and  became  very  brave  when  he  found  his  captives  were  unarmed.  After  we  had 
surrendered  the  dogs  were  allowed  to  attack  us,  I  suffering  the  most,  one  dog  catching  me 
in  the  flesh  on  one  side,  pulling  me  on  all  fours,  when  another  brute  fastened  his  teeth  in 
my  rectum,  causing  me  to  suffer  tortures.  I  pleaded  with  them  to  kill  me  and  make  an  end 
of  it,  and  finally  they  called  off  the  brutes.     Huddleson  and  Hilbert,  although    older  and 


larger  than  I,  did  not  suffer  so  much,  the  enmity  of  both  dogs  and  men  apparently  being 
centered  on  me.  This  was  not  lessened  any  when  they  found  in  my  possession  a  crudely 
drawn  plan  of  the  country,  on  which  they  upbraided  me  in  an  ironic  manner  by  saying, 
'You  were  no  doubt  enticed  into  the  army  and  these  men  gave  you  the  map  to  shield  them- 
selves.' After  consulting  among  themselves  I  was  taken  aside  and  told  that  they  were 
going  to  shoot  the  other  two  men  but  if  I  would  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Confed- 
eracy T  would  be  spared.  I  refused  their  proffer  in  an  emphatic  manner.  I  was  then  told 
that  I  must  die  with  the  others.  Immediately  after  we  were  captured  a  blazing  fire  had  been 
started  and  while  the  leader  of  the  party,  whose  name  was  Johnston,  was  parleying  with  me, 
he  and  two  of  his  companions  had  taken  me  off  to  one  side,  the  others  remaining  around  the 

"In  my  absence  the  other  two  had  been  foretold  of  their  impending  doom,  and  when 
we  returned,  Hilbert  was  chatting  to  his  captors,  regaling  them  with  his  exploits,  entirely 
unconcerned,  while  Huddleson,  in  whose  veins  coursed  Indian  blood,  sat  sullen  and  defiant. 
When  told  to  get  ready  to  die  Hilbert  continued  talking  and  Huddleson  remained  mute  and 
stoical.  No  truer  or  braver  soldiers  ever  lived  than  these  two  men,  although  widely  differ- 
ent in  disposition.  Hoping  to  gain  time,  and  break  the  monotony  of  the  situation,  I  asked 
Johnston  to  give  me  two  days'  time  to  consider  his  proposition.  He  said,  'Then  you  would 
want  two  weeks;  you  shall  have  just  fifteen  minutes.'  Hilbert  continued  talking,  giving 
no  evidence  of  any  concern  as  to  the  consequences,  while  Huddleson  never  changed  his 
demeanor.  I  pleaded  for  an  opportunity  to  write  a  parting  word  to  my  mother  and  exacted 
a  promise  from  Johnston  to  send  it  to  her  at  the  first  opportunity.  Paper  and  pencil  were 
furnished  me  and  a  limited  time  given  to  scrawl  a  final  message  to  my  mother,  on  reading 
which  Johnston  remarked,  'That  is  a  hard  message  to  send  to  a  mother.'  However,  this 
gained  time,  which  resulted  favorably.  Hilbert  was  chosen  as  the  first  victim.  Thompson 
addressed  him  as  follows : 

"I  suppose  you  can  stand  and  be  shot  without  being  blindfolded?" 

"Yes ;  I  have  faced  better  and  braver  men  than  you  are  and  I  am  not  a  particle  afraid 
of  you,  but  I  have  one  request,  use  a  rifle  and  aim  at  my  heart;  don't  use  a  shot-gun,  or 
shoot  at  my  head." 

Hilbert  was  placed  about  one  hundred  feet,  between  them  and  the  light  of  the  fire. 
Our  captors  had  taken  aim,  while  Hilbert  stood  as  calmly  and  unexcited  as  though  rehears- 
ing for  a  drama  on  the  stage.  At  this  juncture  a  wounded  Confederate  officer,  at  home  on 
furlough,  attracted  by  the  fire  and  the  commotion  thereabout,  appeared  on  the  -scene  and 
the  execution  was  suspended.  The  officer  inquired  as  to  the  offense  of  the  captives  and 
was  told  that  it  was  an  attempt  to  escape.  He  told  Johnston  and'  companions  it  was  our 
privilege  to  escape  and  our  duty  as  good  soldiers  to  avail  ourselves  of  every  opportunity 
to  do  so.  He  ordered  Johnston  to  send  us  back  to  prison.  We  were  taken  to  his  home 
and  given  a  sumptuous  breakfast  with  plenty  of  fresh  sweet  milk  to  drink.  On  our  way 
back  to  Florence  we  met  Norval  D.  Goe,  who  had  made  his  escape  and  had  been  recaptured. 
T  remained  in  Florence  until  January,  1865,  when  I  was  taken  first  to  Greensboro,  N.  C, 
thence  to  Danville,  Va.,  being  almost  frozen  to  death  at  the  former  place.  I  was  exchanged 
some  time  in  February,  on  the  James  river,  Va.,  but  never  again  reached  the  Regiment." 


Corp.  John  F,  Rupert  of  Co.  A.  describes  an  escape  and  recapture  in  an  interesting 
sketch,  as  follows : 

"On  Friday,  Oct,  7,  1864,  about  10  p.  m.,  five  of  our  Regiment,  viz.,  N.  D.  Goe,  R.  G. 
Beggs,  James  Cooper,  and  myself  of  Co.  A.,  and  George  Shaffer  of  Co.  H.,  succeeded  in 
making  our  escape  from  the  Florence  military  prison  by  bribing  a  guard  by  giving  him  a 
watch.  The  guard's  acquaintance  was  made  by  frequent  talks  when  no  one  else  was  about. 
Goe  asked  him  if  he  would  let  five  of  us  out.  Of  course,  he  wanted  to  know  what  there 
would  be  in  it  for  him.  Goe  told  h/n  he  could  give  him  a  valuable  gold  watch.  Crooks 
Thorn  of  Co.  A.,  had  an  old  brass  watch  that  he  had  offered  for  sale  at  $12,  in  Confederate 
money,  which  Goe  lost  no  time  in  securing.  The  guard  and  Goe  had  it  arranged  that  we 
were  to  come  the  first  rainy  night  that  he  would  be  on  duty.  When  we  first  went  into  the 
Florence  stockade  there  were  a  great  many  trees,  which  were  immediately  preempted  by  the 
first  men  to  be  incarcerated  there,  each  man  claiming  one,  which  was  soon  felled,  cut  up 
and  piled  away  and  stored  on  his  habitation.  From  one  of  these  woodpiles  Goe  secured  a 
long  forked  stick  by  which  he  reached  the  watch  to  the  guard,  when  the  next  guard  was 
walking  in  another  direction. 

"As  soon  as  the  guard  got  the  watch,  according  to  previous  arrangements,  he  walked 
quickly  to  the  other  guard  and  held  him  there  while  we  were  getting  over.  Goe  was  the 
first  to  reach  the  top  of  the  stockade,  and  by  his  assistance  from  there  the  rest  of  us  were 
on  the  outside  in  less  time  than  it  takes  to  tell  it.  To  get  away  from  the  stockade  we  were 
compelled  to  wade  through  mud  and  water  at  some  places  waist  deep,  for  nearly  a  mile. 
We  finally  reached  the  edge  of  the  swamp,  and  lay  down  at  the  root  of  some  cypress  trees 
and  rested  there  until  9  p.  m.,  Oct.  8,  when  we  continued  in  the  same  direction  we  had 

^a^;  ..;^;  .  ;.  ,^. 


'a "j^gj^H^S*^^ -^BBgy.'t-;' ■         ^ifc_  4I.-.,  t     :^| 

HBk'     '    '                                     ir.. 


•■;■■■   ■                            -       "^^     '< 



^^^'   •[ 




%^^^     ^ 




m  P 

i  Si" 

-     a>  s 
t-  J3    o 


teen  traveling.  We  felt  ourselves  fortunate  for  we  soon  came  to  a  road  which  by  following, 
kept  us  in  the  direction  we  were  traveling.  But  this  was  only  a  part  of  our  good  luck,  for 
just  as  we  struck  the  road,  a  negro,  who  had  been  working  on  the  Florence  stockade,  met 
us,  and  directed  us  to  a  negro  cabin,  where  we  got  a  supper  consisting  of  fried  pork  and 
sweet  potatoes.  We  did  not  wait  to  eat  in  the  negro  cabin,  but  found  a  secluded  place 
in  a  wood  near  by,  where  our  supper  was  brought  to  us,  a.s  we  were  informed  the  enemy 
had  a  patrol  scouring  that  neighborhood,  and  was  likely  to  look  into  the  cabin  at  any 
moment.  The  negro  gave  us  directions  how  to  avoid  a  picket  guard  of  the  enemy  at  a 
cross-road  about  a  half  mile  distant,  and  I  gave  him  the  last  of  my  belongings  (a  pocket 
book)  for  his  services  in  accompanying  us  around  this  guard. 

"After  traveling  four  or  five  miles  we  came  to  a  swamp  which  we  found  difficult  to 
cross,  and  coming  to  the  root  of  a  large  cypress  tree,  which  afforded  us  sufficient  space  to 
rest,  we  remained  there  until  the  sun  made  its  appearance.  We  did  not  wait  long  after 
daylight  until  we  continued  on  our  journey.  About  noon  we  came  to  the  Great  Pedee  river, 
striking  it  about  three  miles  below  the  railroad.  After  a  vain  search  for  material  to  build 
a  raft  on  which  to  cross  the  river,  we  discovered  a  plantation  with  quite  a  group  of  negro 
houses  not  far  from  where  we  were  hiding.  We  rested  until  darkness  came.  Not  long 
after  dusk  we  espied  a  negro  passing,  who  was  very  much  frightened  when  we  hailed  him, 
and  we  had  some  difficulty  in  holding  as  he  was  inclined  to  run  away  from  us.  But  we 
succeeded  in  getting  him  to  listen  to  our  story,  and  he  convinced  us  at  once  that  he  was 
our  friend  and  could  be  trusted  to  the  limit.  He  informed  us  the  plantation  was  owned  by 
Elison  Brown,  and  after  the  stock  was  fed,  there  would  be  no  white  person  on  the  premises, 
as  the  proprietor  lived  some  distance  away  and  would  leave  as  soon  as  the  feeding  was 
over.  At  an  agreed  signal  we  went  to  the  negro  cabins,  and  met  a  large  number  of  negroes 
of  both  sexes.  They  gave  us  a  cordial  reception  and  furnished  us  with  an  abundance  of  hoe 
cake  and  baked  sweet  potatoes,  and  we  then  dried  our  clothes.  When  we  had  finished  our 
supper  and  had  made  ourselves  comfortable  by  the  aid  of  the  fires  in  the  cabins,  the  negro 
guided  us  to  the  river  where  a  canoe  was  hidden  from  view  in  a  thicket,  and  ferried  us 
across.  We  here  found  another  three-mile  swamp  which  we  decided  it  would  not  be  wise 
to  attempt  to  cross  in  the  darkness,  so  we  waited  until  daylight. 

"Monday,  Oct.  10,  at  daylight,  we  started  on  our  journey.  In  crossing  the  three- 
mile  swamp  we  were  forced  to  hold  up  our  arms  to  keep  them  out  of  the  water.  It  was 
about  noon  before  we  got  out  of  the  swamp,  but  finding  the  country  open  we  secluded  our- 
selves in  a  thicket  until  darkness  came.  Before  darkness  came  a  negro  passed  by,  and  we 
"halted  him  long  enough  to  get  his  promise  to  assist  us  after  dark,  which  was  promptly  kept, 
and  he  guided  us  to  some  negro  houses  where  we  got  our  supper,  and  another  guide.  We 
traveled  about  eight  miles  that  night,  the  guide  accompanying  us  about  five  miles.  We 
found  a  safe  place  to  stop  at  the  edge  of  a  swamp  near  a  church,  and  as  the  place  was 
secluded,  we  built  a  fire  and  dried  our  clothes. 

"We  rested  on  Oct.  11  until  dusk,  and  without  securing  a  guide  or  supper  we  started 
on  our  journey  traveling  in  a  northeasterly  direction.  Coming  to  a  swamp,  near  a  planta- 
tion which  we  learned  belonged  to  a  man  by  the  name  of  Edward  Collins.  We  rested  till 
nearly  daylight  and  then  crossed  the  swamp,  which  brought  us  on  Collins'  plantation,  but  we 
did  not  stop  until  we  had  passed  it.  Finding  a  negro  cabin  and  while  we  are  waiting  until 
breakfast  is  prepared,  a  man  by  the  name  of  Jack  Harl  who  had  got  wind  of  us,  brought 
some  Confederate  cavalry  and  dogs  and  surrounded  us,  and  there  was  nothing  left  for  us 
to  do  but  to  gracefully  accept  the  situation  and  again  become  prisoners  of  war.  Our  captors 
took  us  to  Harl's  house,  where  a  big  fire  was  built  in  the  yard,  so  we  could  dry  our  wet 
clothes — wet  from  wading  through  the  swamp.  Breakfast  was  also  given  us,  after  which 
we  were  escorted  to  Marion,  S.  C,  nine  miles  distant  by  Sergt.  Edward  Collins  (4th  S.  C. 
Cavalry),  with  a  squad  of  cavalry.  When  we  reached  Marion  at  1  p.  m.,  we  were  placed 
in  jail  and  kept  there  until  after  dark,  when  we  were  taken  to  the  depot,  and  put  on  cars 
and  were  soon  traveling  rapidly  towards  the  stockade  from  which  we  had  flown.  We 
arrived  at  Florence  during  the  night,  and  were  taken  to  the  provost  guard  house  where  we 
remained  until  morning,  with  our  hands  pinioned  behind  our  backs  with  handcuffs. 

"On  the  morning  of  O'ct.  13,  we  were  taken  to  the  provost  marshal's  headquarters, 
and  from  there  to  the  stockade.  When  we  arrived  at  the  old  prison  the  handcuffs  were 
taken  off,  but  we  were  deprived  of  rations  for  several  days.  My  shoes  were  worn  out, 
I  had  no  money,  but  through  the  generosity  of  Nerval  D,  Goe,  I  was  kept  from  suffering. 
Goe  furnished  me  with  money  to  get  shoes  and  food.  When  we  were  finally  exchanged 
and  T  received  my  pay  from  the  government,  Goe  refused  to  accept  a  penny  of  the  money 
he  advanced  me.  I  think  this  generous  action  should  be  recorded  in  the  annals  of  the 


At  Macon  we  were  marched  into  an  enclosure  called  Camp  Oglethorp,  which  con- 
tained about  two  and  a  half  acres,  and  was  surrounded  by  two  fences.  The  outer  one  was 
."built  of  boards  and  was  about  ten  feet  high,  and  there  was  a  platform  about  three  feet  from 


the  top  on  the  outside,  and  extending  around  its  whole  length,  for  the  sentinels  to  walk 
upon.  Inside  of  that  fence  and  about  ten  feet  distant  from  it  was  a  paling  fence  known  as 
the  "Dead  Line."  All  that  the  title  implied  was  meant  in  earnest,  and  if  a  prisoner  should 
be  so  thoughtless  as  to  even  touch  the  fence  the  guard  would  be  ready  and  willing  to  shoot 
him  down.  *  *  *  Our  rations  were  better  than  we  expected,  and  consisted  of  corn 
bread,  bacon,  rice,  beans  and  vinegar.  The  supply  for  our  mess  was  received  in  bulk,  and 
we  took  turns  of  a  day  each  to  serve  as  cook.  We  were  not  furnished  with  cooking  utensils, 
but  were  allowed  to  buy  them.  Our  mess  purchased  a  cofifee  pot,  some  tin  cups  and  plates, 
knives  and  forks  and  a  "spider,"  which  is  a  skillet  with  legs  and  lid.  Our  table  was  the 
floor;  our  fire  place  was  out  of  doors.  Sometimes  we  got  meal  instead  of  bread,  and  then 
we  baked  pones  in  the  spider.  One  day  we  indulged  in  a  blackberry  pudding,  We  pur- 
chased the  berries  and  some  flour  to  mix  with  our  meal.  Though  our  cooking  was  done 
under  difficulties,  it  was  no  hardship  compared  to  our  washing.  Every  one  did  his  own — if 
it  was  done  at  all.  I  had  never  imagined  washing  was  such  hard  work,  and  I  made  a 
resolution  that  if  I  should  ever  have  a  wife  I  would  not  ask  her  to  do  our  washing.  How 
I  have  or  have  not  kept  that  resolution  has  nothing  to  do  with  this  narrative.     *     *    * 

As  the  subject  of  escape  was  uppermost  in  our  minds,  and  as  many  plans  of  stealing 
out  had  failed,  it  was  only  natural  that  the  idea  of  combining  our  strength  and  forcing  our 
way  by  a  coup  de  main  should  suggest  itself.  I  was  told  that  a  secret  league  was  formed 
for  that  purpose,  and  I  was  invited  to  join  it.  I  consented  and  was  taken  to  a  secluded  place 
and  sworn  in.  I  bound  myself  to  obey  the  officers  appointed  by  the  league  without  regard 
to  their  army  rank,  even  to  the  taking  the  life  of  a  comrade,  should  such  an  act  be  necessary 
for  the  general  welfare.  The  latter  clause  in  the  obligation  was  made  because  of  the  belief 
that  traitors  in  our  midst  had  betrayed  former  efforts  at  escape.  I  was  given  the  "grip"  and 
other  signals  of  recognition,  but  no  plans  of  operation  were  disclosed.  *  *  *  xhe  mess 
we  formed  when  entering  the  prison  was  gradually  broken  up  until  Burke  and  I  were  all 
that  were  left.  Chambers,  being  sick,  had  gone  to  the  hospital  outside  the  prison.  I  de- 
sired to  be  among  the  officers  of  our  own  regiment,  so  joined  them  in  one  of  the  shanties. 
Burke  was  not  feeling  very  well  when  I  left  him,  but  to  prove  to  him  that  I  was  not  de- 
serting him  on  that  account,  I  loaned  him  $30,  half  of  the  money  I  possessed,  and  came  back 
from  time  to  time  to  assist  him  with  his  cooking.  He  repaid  me  the  money  years  after- 
ward. *  *  ♦  Late  in  July  it  was  rumored  that  our  cavalry  were  attempting  to  release  the 
Andersonville  prisoners,  and  on  the  24th  we  could  hear  the  distant  booming  of  cannon, 
which  told  us  that  our  forces  were  not  far  away.  On  the  28th  "Fresh  Fish"  reported  that 
some  of  our  cavalry  had  been  at  Greensburg  on  the  Augusta  railroad — a  little  over  fifty 
miles  from  us.  That  was  too  near  to  suit  our  custodians,  so  we  got  orders  to  prepare  to 
move.  A  division  of  the  prisoners  left  that  evening  for  Charleston  by  way  of  Savannah.  I 
was  anxious  to  be  with  it,  for  the  leaders  of  our  league  were  in  it  and  it  was  believed  that  a 
revolt  would  be  attempted  on  the  way.  *  *  *  j  went  with  the  second  division.  We  were 
called  up  at  1  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Friday,  the  29th,  and  before  daylight  we  were  on  the 
cars  on  the  way  to  Savannah.  We  stopped  for  awhile  at  Gordon  station,  about  twenty 
miles  out  from  Macon.  We  started  again  just  fifteen  minutes  too  soon,  for  in  that  brief 
space  of  time  after  we  left  Gen.  Stoneman  with  his  raiders  struck  the  road,  tore  up  the 
tracks  and  burned  the  station  buildings.     *    *    * 

When  my  turn  as  cook  came  around  I  had  occupation  for  the  day.  We  received  fresh 
beef  every  morning,  and  the  other  supplies  were  pretty  good,  and  so  the  cook  had  material 
to  work  with.  I  invented  a  combination  pone  which  became  popular  with  our  mess.  It 
consisted  of  cornmeal  and  boiled  rice,  and  was  baked  in  a  "spider"  with  a  fire  kept  burning 
under  it  as  well  as  on  top  of  the  lid.  We  never  got  any  coffee  from  the  rebel  commissary, 
so  we  made  a  substitute  out  of  browned  rice,  but  it  was  a  disappointing  imitation  of  the 
lamented  original.  One  day  we  received  some  of  the  genuine  stuff  from  Capt.  Mackey,  who 
had  obtained  a  package  from  home;  and  that  was  a  red  letter  day  for  our  mess.  Of  the 
many  packages  put  up  by  the  relatives  and  kind  friends  of  the  prisoners  and  sent  within  the 
Confederate  line  by  flag  of  truce  but  a  small  proportion  reached  those  for  whom  they  were 
intended.  Money  letters  were  rarely  dehvered.  In  my  whole  term  of  captivity  I  never  re- 
ceived a  package,  money  or  letters,  though  all  had  been  sent  me  from  home.  Letters  sent  by 
me  reached  their  destination. 

On  the  2d  of  September  the  chaplains  and  surgeons  who  were  held  with  us  were 
taken  away  to  be  sent  through  the  lines  to  liberty.  They  were  a  happy  lot  of  fellows,  and 
they  took  with  them  many  messages  for  the  relatives  of  those  they  left  behind.  They  were 
not  allowed  to  take  letters  through  the  lines,  so  they  simply  took  addresses  and  made 
memoranda.  One  of  the  surgeons  had  become  demented  through  his  captivity.  A  few  days 
before  his  release  I  sav^  him  sitting  cross-legged  for  hours  with  his  ration  of  fresh  meat 
hanging  across  one  of  his  feet.  Doc.  Meredith  of  our  regiment,  one  of  the  fortunate,  gave 
away  his  extra  clothes,  among  them  a  pair  of  pantaloons,  and  the  man  who  received  them 
basely  exposed  to  derision  Doc's  claim  that  he  had  no  occasion  to  scratch.  There  was  proof 
that  he  had  suffered  in  secret  like  the  Spartan  youth  who  had  stolen  the  fox.  *  *  *  On 
the  12th  of  September  we  received  orders  to  prepare  to  move,  and  on  the  next  morning  our 


whole  body  of  600  marched  out  of  the  enclosure  on  our  way  to  the  cars  for  Charleston, 
South  Carolina.  *  *  *  Our  train  was  on  the  way  at  nine  A.  M.  and  we  enjoyed  the 
autumn  scenery  as  we  sped  along  to  the  worst  place  we  had  yet  been  in.  We  arrived  in  the 
besieged  city  in  the  afternoon,  and  marched  about  a  mile  along  streets  that  were  evidently 
of  the  poorer  portion  of  the  city.  The  buildings  were  in  a  wretched  state  of  dilapidation, 
and  the  people  we  saw  there  were  mostly  negroes.  One  jolly  wench  halloed  out  to  us, 
"Can't  I  get  a  husban'  in  dat  party?"  We  brought  up  at  the  city  jail,  and  were  turned  into 
the  yard.  There  were  tents  there  to  shelter  about  one-third  of  our  number,  but  as  our 
mess  did  not  get  in  until  they  were  all  taken,  we  had  to  settle  on  the  dusty  ground  without 
any  shelter  whatever.  I  met  there  Private  Cross  of  my  company,  who  was  one  of  a  party 
of  about  a  dozen  enlisted  men  lately  from  Andersonville.  He  was  suffering  from  scurvey, 
and  his  companions  were  in  a  terrible  condition,  very  scantily  clothed  in  filthy  rags,  emaciated, 
scurvey  eaten  and  their  skins  burned  brown  as  negroes.  I  learned  the  sad  news  of  the 
death  of  ten  of  my  brave  boys :  Sergeants  Armagost  and  Graham  and  Privates  McPherson, 
Burns,  Pence,  Springer,  D.  Anderson,  Zierl  and  Rueff.  Ten  out  of  thirty-three  in  less  than 
five  months.  I  talked  with  Cross  about  the  treatment  they  had  at  Andersonville,  and  was 
convinced  that  all  the  horrors  told  of  that  prison  were  true.  Adjoining  the  jail  was  the 
work-house  building,  and  through  one  of  its  barred  windows  I  conversed  with  Lieut. 
Chamber,  from  whom  I  had  parted  at  Macon.     He  was  well.     *     *     * 

Having  no  shelter  or  comfort  of  any  kind,  having  only  a  certain  place  on  the  dusty 

ground  to  live  on  made  life  seem  hardly  worth  living,  and  it  affected  the  spirits  of  us  all, 

more  or  less.     Lieut.  Fluke  in  particular  sat  for  hours  at  a  time,  with  a  dirty  face  and  his 

chin  resting  on  his  clenched  hands,  heeding  not  the  smoke  or  dust  or  the  raillery  of  those 

of  us  who  undertook  to  cheer  him  up.     Supplies   came   irregularly   and  were   insufficient ; 

sometimes  we  were  without  wood  with  which  to  cook  and  sometimes  without  any  food  to 

cook.     On  the  third  day  of  our  stay  Lieut.  Bryson  lost  his  pocket  book  containing  $75  in 

greenbacks  and  $96  in  Confederate  money.     This  was  a  misfortune  for  the  whole  mess,  for 

Bryson  was  unselfish  in  the  use  of  his  money.     *     *     *    "We  had  laid  down  to  rest  on  the 

night  of  Oct.  4,  when  we  were  ordered  to  be  ready  to  move  at  4  o'clock  next  morning. 

Our  principal  preparation  consisted  of  baking  some  corn  griddle  cakes.     We  were  moved 

at  the  time  fixed,  and  our  style  of  traveling  was,  as  usual,  in   freight  cars,  with  50  men 

crowded  into  each  car.     Our  destination  was  Columbia,  which  we  reached  at  midnight  after 

a  very  uncomfortable  ride.     Our  number  amounted  to  about  1,500.     Upwards  of  100  slipped 

from  the  cars  during  the  night,  but  most  of  them  were  recaptured  within  the  next  week.     I 

saw  no  good  chance  to  get  away.     We  left  the  cars  early  in  the  morning  and  remained 

by  the  tracks  near  the  depot,  where  we  ate  our  breakfast,  such  as  it  was.     Our  mess  boiled 

scrne  rice,  which   was  the   only   food   we  had.     The   batter  cakes  that   we  had   baked   at 

Charleston  had  been  spoiled  by  becoming  mixed  with  spilled  ink  and  lard.     Some  of  the 

prisoners  discovered  shoulders  of  bacon   stowed  in  one  of  the   railroad  buildings,   and  by 

means  of  a  long  pole  with  a  nail  near  the  end  of  it  had  fished  out  several  pieces  of  the 

meat  before  the  guards  discovered  the  trick.     The  .stolen  meat  was  not  recovered. 

The  prospect  of  a  winter  in  prison  was  anything  but  cheering,  and 
we  were  more  than  ever  spurred  on  to  thinking  of  escape.  Bryson  talked  to  a 
rebel  soldier — a  Tennesseean — who  declared  that  he  and  some  of  his  friends  were  going  to 
desert  to  their  homes,  and  he  promised  to  connive  at  the  escape  of  our  mess  and  take  us 
with  them.  That  gave  us  hope  for  awhile,  but  nothing  came  of  it.  One  night  during  a 
heavy  fog  a  few  prisoners  succeeded  in  stealing  out  between  the  sentinels,  but  we  were 
such  sound  sleepers  in  our  party  that  we  did  not  know  of  the  opportunity  until  it  was  gone. 
We  lost  some  sleep  the  next  night  watching  for  a  fog  that  did  not  come.  That  morning 
we  were  all  formed  in  line  at  the  side  of  the  camp  to  answer  the  roll  call,  and  then  was 
disclosed  an  opportunity  to  revolt  that,  had  it  been  expected,  might  have  been  used ;  the 
rebels  had  their  guns  stacked  within  thirty  paces  of  us,  and  the  guns  of  the  battery  stood 
unprotected.  They  could  all  have  been  seized.  During  the  day  our  seniors  held  a  council 
on  the  subject,  but  the  attempt  was  not  ordered.  Even  if  we  had  succeeded  in  getting  the 
arms  the  undertaking  would  have  been  extremely  hazardous,  being  so  far  within  the  enemy's 
country.  At  roll  call  the  next  day  the  situation  was  not  so  tempting.  On  the  night  of  the 
13th  several  prisoners  got  out  by  bribing  the  guard.  Capt.  Mackey  had  a  scheme  of  that 
kind  well  under  way,  and  invited  Bryson  and  I  to  join  him,  but  Mackey  deferred  the  move 
because  the  day  was  Friday  and  was  "unlucky."  That  delay  was  fatal  to  the  scheme.  I 
might  mention  a  remarkable  experience  I  had  that  day.  An  officer  to  whom  I  had  loaned 
$5  at  Macon  repaid  me  and  besides  insisted  on  my  accepting  a  loan  of  $10.  I  was  unable 
to  resist.    Lieut.  Munday  was  the  man  who  thus  made  Friday  a  lucky  day  for  me. 

Recaptured  prisoners  were  brought  in  from  time  to  time ;  Capt.  Burke  was  one  of 
them.  He  said  it  was  worth  while  to  go  out  for  a  change,  even  if  one  did  not  get  through 
the  lines.  Capt.  Cratty,  too,  came  back.  He  became  exhausted  and  surrendered.  *  *  *  f^ 
the  woods  ten  miles  south  of  Columbia.  I  became  tired  of  waiting  for  our  friendly 
rebel,  and  yesterday  I  determined  to  make  a  desperate  effort  to  escape.  I  told  the  com- 
rades of  our  mess  my  plan.     It  was  to  run  the  guard.     I  argued  that  the  risk  we  would 


take  in  rushing  out  between  the  sentinels  was  no  greater  than  we  had  often  taken  in  going 
into  battle.  Capt.  Spence  and  Lieuts.  Bryson  and  StnuUen  agreed  to  join  me  in  the  effort, 
so  after  dark  we  took  position  on  the  south  side  of  the  camp  in  a  hut  or  shelter  built  of 
pine  tops.  We  were  within  fifteen  feet  of  the  "dead  line"  and  about  that  distance  beyond 
it  was  the  line  of  sentinels,  posted  about  twenty  feet  apart.  We  watched  them  walk  back 
and  forth,  dimly  relieved  against  a  background  of  darkness.  It  was  an  anxious  moment  as 
I  watched  to  see  the  nearest  two  face  from  each  other.  When  they  did  so  it  was  for  so 
brief  a  time  that  it  was  of  no  advantage  to  us,  but  for  all  that  I  determined  to  proceed, 
and  gave  the  word,  "Now,"  and  we  rtished  forward,  but  before  we  reached  the  "dead  line" 
the  word  "Halt !"  rang  out.  We  did  not  halt,  rather  tried  to  run  the  faster,  and  we 
crossed  the  sentinel's  line  before  a  gun  was  fired.  Then  the  shots  came  thick  and  fast  and 
the  whizzing  balls  seemed  quite  close.  The  ground  we  had  to  pass  over  was  pretty  full  of 
stumps,  from  which  a  small  growth  of  pines  had  been  cut  away.  About  one  hundred  yards 
in  front  of  us  was  a  wood.  I  tripped  and  fell,  and  so  did  Bryson,  but  we  scrambled  up 
and  resumed  running.  Spence  reached  the  woods  first,  but  we  were  not  far  behind  him. 
Smullen  did  not  come,  and  we  do  not  know  if  he  is  killed  or  not.  Near  the  end  of  our 
exciting  run  my  haversack  fell  off,  and  realizing  that  I  should  now  be  without  my  supplies, 
I  crawled  back  and  recovered  it.  By  that  time  there  was  a  terrible  uproar  in  the  rebel 
camp.  The  companies  were  called  to  "fall  in"  and  we  heard  the  order  "Bring  out  the  dogs." 
We  hurried  through  the  swampy  woods,  Bryson  leading,  with  the  stars  for  his  guide.  Be- 
fore leaving  camp  we  bedaubed  our  shoes  with  human  excrement,  which  is  said  to  be 
effectual  in  throwing  the  bloodhounds  off  the  scent.     *    *    * 

Bryson  is  slightly  disabled  by  his  fall  last  night.  He  had  another  fall  that  amused 
me.  We  were  tramping  through  a  low,  marshy  place  and  Bryson  was  leading.  Suddenly 
he  stopped,  and  called  out,  "Here  is  a  ditch,  but  I  think  I  can  jump  it,"  and  making  a 
mighty  effort,  he  leaped  with  such  force  that  he  fell  down  in  the  grass  when  he  lighted. 
He  is  six  feet  three  in  height  and  there  was  a  good  deal  of  him  to  go  down.  It  was  like  a 
tree  falling,  but  he  got  up  and  pronounced  himself  "all  right."  I  then  essayed  to  try  my 
luck  as  a  jumper,  and  moved  cautiously,  feeling  for  the  edge  of  the  ditch,  but  could  not 
find  it,  and  was  surprised  to  find  myself  standing  beside  Bryson,  having  walked  all  the 
way.  We  forgot  our  caution  and  laughed  aloud,  for  Bryson  had  gone  to  all  that  trouble 
to  leap  over  a  cow  path.  *  *  *  Last  night  was  one  of  difficulties.  Our  plan  of  guiding 
by  the  stars  and  avoiding  the  roads  has  proved  a  failure.  We  started  last  evening  at  dark, 
traveling  northwest.  At  the  end  of  two  miles  we  came  to  a  swamp,  through  which  we 
attempted  to  pass,  but  almost  exhausted  ourselves  in  the  effort,  and  then  undertook  to  go 
back  to  the  solid  ground.  That  was  no  easy  task,  for  we  were  lost.  We  got  on  hard 
ground  again  and  then  tried  to  go  around  the  swamp,  but  the  swamp  was  seemingly  all 
around  us,  and  we  on  an  island  within  it.  We  were  forced  to  await  the  risng  of  the  moon, 
so  lay  down  and  slept.  We  got  up  about  midnight,  shivering  with  cold.  Bryson  was  so 
lame  he  could  hardly  walk,  and  Spence  was  suffering  with  thirst.  Again  we  missed  Smullen, 
who  owns  a  canteen,  and  we  have  none.  We  found  our  way  out  of  the  swamp,  but 
wandered  back  and  forth  in  search  of  a  crossing.  At  last  we  were  in  despair  of  finding 
one,  and  were  standing  still,  considering  what  to  do,  when  we  heard,  faintly,  the  sound  of 
trickling  water;  we  followed  it  and  came  to  an  old  mill  dam  and  a  bridge,  over  which  we 
crossed  to  solid  ground.  Spence  got  a  drink  and  we  found  a  road  leading  in  the  desired 
direction ;  we  also  found  a  sweet  potato  patch  and  helped  ourselves.  About  three  A.  M.  we 
made  a  fire  in  the  swamp  and  roasted  our  sweet  potatoes  and  parched  some  corn,  being 
■enabled  to  do  the  latter  by  our  having  with  us  a  half  of  a  canteen  which  serves  as  a  frying 
pan  or  plate.  At  daylight  we  selected  a  good  hidng  place  for  the  day.  We  are  in  a  thicket 
near  a  stream,  and  only  about  five  miles  from  last  night's  bivouac. 

We  resumed  our  tramping  shortly  after  dark  last  night.  We  followed  a  road  leading 
west.  We  saw  many  houses  by  the  way  and  surmised  that  we  were  in  the  town  of  Lees- 
ville.  We  saw  some  negroes  on  the  road,  but  did  not  speak  to  them,  believing  that  the 
better  policy  until  we  really  needed  assistance.  We  can  steal  enough  to  eat.  After  awhile 
we  got  on  a  road  in  our  proper  direction,  N.  W.  Bryson  suffered  with  a  blistered  heel,  and 
took  off  one  boot  and  walked  several  miles  in  that  uncomfortable  condition,  then  cut  slits 
in  the  boot  and  wore  it.  The  country  becomes  more  hilly  as  we  proceed.  About  two  o'clock 
we  passed  through  the  town  of  Mount  Willing,  which  is  beautifully  situated  on  the  summit 
of  a  hill.  We  aroused  a  few  dogs,  but  saw  no  persons.  We  went  beyond  the  town  about 
two  miles  and  entered  a  pine  forest,  where  we  cooked  our  regular  supply  of  sweet  potatoes. 
At  daylight  we  sought  a  place  to  hide,  but  the  wood  was  destitue  of  underbrush,  so  we  left 
it  and  followed  a  small  brook  which  was  but  scantily  shaded  with  trees.  For  want  of  a 
better  place  we  are  hiding  among  the  branches  and  leaves  of  a  lately  fallen  tree.  Fields  are 
on  either  side  of  us.  We  can  hear  cocks  crowing  and  dogs  barking.  (Hang  the  dogs! 
On  every  raid  in  the  future  my  war  cry  will  surely  be  "Death  to  dog!")  We  can  hear 
people  talking  with  clearness  that  under  the  circumstances  is  unpleasant.  I  was  opposed  to 
stopping  here,  but  my  comrades  thought  we  could  do  no  better  by  going  further,  so  I 
acquiesced.    We  are  now  45  miles  from  Columbia  and  13  miles  from  Chappell's  Ferry  on 


the  Saluda  River,  just  the  route  we  laid  out  in  our  imperfect  map  (one  made  by  myself) 
and  Bryson  has  proven  himself  a  good  guide.  5 :30  P.  M.  We  have  had  a  pleasant  day. 
Have  not  been  molested.    Will  start  again  in  about  on  hour. 

A  little  further  on  a  negro  came  into  the  road  and  crossed  it  behind  us,  coughed  re- 
peatedly as  if  to  attract  our  attention,  but  we.  thinking  he  did  not  know  who  or  what  we 
were,  passed  on  without  speaking.  Then  a  negro  on  horseback  met  us  and  when  he  had 
passed,  wheeled  his  horse,  stopped  and  looked  after  us.  Seeing  so  many  people  made  me 
feel  decidedly  uneasy;  I  had  a  premonition  of  danger.  We  came  to  a  large  residence  that 
stood  near  the  road,  and  while  we  were  hurrying  past  we  were  hailed  by  a  white  man  in 
military  garb,  who  advanced  toward  us  accompanied  by  some  negroes.  He  asked  us  who 
we  were  and  where  we  were  going,  and  knowing  disguise  was  useless,  I  told  him.  He  said 
he  was  a  soldier  and  it  was  his  duty  to  arrest  us.  Resistance  would  not  avail;  if  we  acted 
like  gentlemen  he  would  treat  us  as  such;  but  go  with  him  we  must.  He  was  armed  and 
we  were  not,  and  we  had  learned  from  the  experience  of  others  that  to  be  seen  by  white 
people  was  equivalent  to  capture,  so  I  told  him  we  would  accept  his  hospitality,  but  under 
the  circumstances  we  could  hardly  say  we  were  glad  to  meet  him,  We  accompanied  him  to 
his  house,  where  he  introduced  us  to  his  wife  and  daughter.  A  Col.  Denny  came  in  with  i 
squad  of  rustic  "home  guards."  Variety  in  their  equipment  seemed  to  have  been  aimed  at, 
and  hit,  for  they  had  sabres,  pistols,  show  guns  and  what  not.  The  Colonel  expressed  re- 
gret that  we  had  not  given  them  the  fun  of  chasing  us  with  the  hounds.  Our  kind  and 
lady-like  hostess  asked  us  if  we  had  supped,  and  I  told  her  we  had  eaten  what  we  had 
been  forced  to  consider  our  supper,  but  we  could  eat  another  one.  A  bed  was  made  for  us 
on  the  floor  of  the  parlor.  I  was  the  first  to  lie  down,  and  as  I  did  so  one  of  the  guards 
laughed  heartily,  and  said  my  way  of  going  to  bed  was  the  funniest  he  had  ever  seen.  What 
excited  his  merriment  was  the  practice  of  a  habit  formed  in  prison.  I  usually  slept  on  the 
flank  of  our  mess  of  six  as  we  "spooned"  together  under  one  set  of  blankets;  and  when 
going  to  bed,  instead  of  turning  down  the  covers  from  the  head  of  the  bed,  and  thereby  dis- 
turbing my  comrades,  I  would  fold  back  longitudinally  just  my  portion  of  the  covers,  and 
that  was  what  J  did  there  on  the  parlor  floor.     *    *    * 

"We  reached  Newberry  at  noon ;  the  wagon  was  stopped  in  the  public  square,  and  the 
live  'Yanks'  exhibited  to  the  citizens.  Trying  to  have  a  little  fun  out  of  our  adverse  circum- 
stances, I  inquired  of  a  young  man  in  the  crowd,  'What  hotels  have  you  here?'  as  though  we 
would  be  allowed  to  select  one  for  a  stopping  place,  and  he  was  innocently  giving  me  a  list 
of  them  when  a  stout,  jolly  fellow  shook  a  bunch  of  keys  at  me  and  said  'I'll  take  care  of 
you.'  He  was  the  town  jailer.  *  *  *  When  we  entered  the  jail  a  crowd  filled  the  outer 
hall  and  looked  through  the  bars  at  us.  The  only  inmates  here  besides  ourselves  are  two 
counterfeiters  who  say  they  could  he  released  at  any  time  if  they  would  enter  the  rebel 
army,  but  they  prefer  staying  where  they  are.  They  say  they  have  keys  that  enable  them  to 
get  out  and  roam  about  at  night,  but  they  dare  not  help  us  to  get  out.  They  have  a  number 
of  genuine  passes  made  by  rebel  commanders,  which  they  have  got  from  soldiers  traveling 
on  leave  and  who  have  stopped  in  the  jail  over  night.  These  smart  thieves  had  copied  the 
passes,  kept  them,  and  gave  the  copies  to  the  soldiers.  I  have  seen  a  paper  which  reports 
Early  whipped  again  in  the  valley. 

"Oct.  29,  11  A.  M.  Again  at  Camp  Sorghum.  Our  jailer  at  Newberry  was  not  a  bad 
fellow,  but  no  doubt  he  thinks  we  were  ungrateful  to  steal  the  blankets  he  loaned  us  on 
Tuesday  night.  We  wrapped  them  around  our  bodies  under  our  clothes,  and  took  them  with 
us  as  we  went  forth  to  go  on  the  cars  at  Columbia.  At  the  depot  our  squad  was  again  an 
object  of  public  curiosity.  I  must  mention  hearing  a  remark,  which  it  appears  was  a  com- 
mon one  for  Southerners  to  make.  A  woman  after  staring  at  us  for  a  while  turned  to  a 
companion  and  said,  'They  look  just  like  we  do.'  Some  of  the  women  spoke  to  us,  ex- 
pressing their  sorrow  at  our  going  back  to  prison,  and  wishing  us  success  when  next  we  at- 
tempted to  escape.  Our  next  hotel  was  the  Columbia  jail,  where  we  stopped  and  slept 
Wednesday  night.  Next  morning  we  arrived  here  in  time  to  breakfast  with  our  old  mess. 
Smullen  is  safe,  having  shrunk  from  the  fiery  ordeal.  Our  running  out  had  caused  great 
excitement  among  the  guards,  who  thought  for  awhile  that  a  general  revolt  was  intended. 
Men  with  torches  had  searched  the  ground  over  which  we  had  run,  looking  for  our  bodies. 
Then  the  hounds  were  brought  out,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to  put  them  on  our  trail.  Since 
then  others  have  run  out  on  our  plan. 

"Nov.  1.  Good  weather  since  last  report.  'Yesterday  a  large  mail  was  received  and 
distributed.  Of  our  mess  Fluke  alone  received  a  letter.  On  Sunday  night  Capt.  Adams  and 
Lieut.  Pierson  of  the  85th  New  York  ran  the  guard  and  escaped.  Last  night  an  officer  was 
shot  while  attempting  to  crawl  out  past  the  sentinels.  His  wound  is  not  considered  mortal. 
(I  learned  afterward  that  he  died  from  his  wound.)  A  few  succeeded  in  getting  out,  among 
them  was  Lieut.  Burroughs,  whom  long  captivity  has  made  crazy.  Capt.  Cratty  has  made 
arrangements  with  a  sentinel  to  let  six  of  us  out  tonigjht.  The  party  will  consist  of  Cratty, 
Spence,  Bryson  and  I,  and  two  others  not  yet  determined  upon.  We  are  making  prepara- 
tions for  the  journey.  We  worked  hard  today  carrying  wood,  the  guard  lines  having  been 
extended  to  take  in  part  of  the  forest.    *    *    *    Friday,  Nov.  4,  3  P.  M.     In  the  woods 


again.  At  liberty  but  not  in  safety.  We  are  about  a  mile  from  the  prison  camp.  Yesterday 
a  number  of  prisoners  were  allowed  to  go  beyond  the  lines  to  cut  wood  for  fuel.  To  secure 
that  privilege  they  signed  a  parole  of  honor  not  to  attempt  to  escape.  They  were  permitted 
to  go  back  and  forth  until  they  were  supplied.  As  the  guards  could  not  remember  all  of 
them,  about  100  who  were  not  paroled,  escaped  from  the  camp.  It  was  feared  that  the 
escape  of  so  many  would  cause  more  stringent  measures  to  be  taken  for  guarding  us,  so  a 
Yankee  trick  was  practiced  on  the  'Rebs'  this  morning  to  conceal  the  loss.  'Roll  call'  con- 
sisted in  forming  all  the  prisoners  in  one  long  line,  and  then  counting  them  from  right  to 
left.  As  the  officer  in  counting  passed  along  the  men  were  allowed  to  drop  out,  and  100  of 
them  who  had  been  counted  on  the  right,  managed  to  fall  in  on  the  left  and  be  counted  again. 
Another  party  was  paroled  this  morning,  and  Spence,  Bryson  and  I  were  on  the  alert 
for  another  opportunity,  but  the  men  were  not  permitted  to  pass  in  and  out  as  before.  Noon 
came,  and  with  it  thoughts  of  dinner,  and  it  being  my  turn  to  serve  as  cook,  I  entered  upon 
my  duties,  and  while  so  engaged  was  told  that  the  paroled  men  were  bringing  in  their  wood. 
I  hastily  wrapped  my  blanket  around  my  body  under  my  coat,  stufifed  some  food  in  my  pock- 
ets, rubbed  soil  on  my  clothing  and  hands,  that  I  might  appear  to  have  been  working,  and 
walked  straight  out  of  camp.  The  nearest  sentinel  stopped  me,  but  I  looked  at  him  with 
affected  surprise,  and  told  him  I  wanted  to  get  the  balance  of  my  wood.  "Where  is  it?" 
asked  he.  "Out  there,"  said  I,  moving  forward  as  though  I  did  not  expect  to  be  stopped ;  nor 
was  I,  but  the  guard  muttered  something  about  his  "orders"  while  I  walked  out  to  the  woods, 
where  I  found  three  others  who  had  escaped, — ^Capt.  Hobart  of  the  7th  Wisconsin,  and 
Lieuts.  Fluke  and  Laughlin  of  our  mess  and  regiment.  I  had  been  unable  to  see  Spence  and 
Bryson  before  I  started  out,  but  had  left  word  for  them  to  follow  me,  for  I  was  anxious  to 
have  them  with  me.  We  watched  and  waited  for  them,  but  they  did  not  come,  and  I  con- 
cluded to  go  back  into  camp  and  tell  them  how  to  get  out.  I  explained  my  purpose  to  a 
wood-chopping  prisoner,  and  offered  to  carry  a  stick  of  wood  into  camp  for  him,  and  with  it 
on  my  shoulder  I  approached  the  sentinel  I  had  passed  on  my  way  out,  but  he  would  not  let 
me  pass  in,  and  directed  me  to  pile  ray  wood  near  him,  that  it  might  be  all  taken  at  once,  so 
I  promised  to  comply.  I  saw  ray  two  friends  looking  wistfully  towards  me,  and  I  made  a 
slight  gesture  as  a  parting  salute,  and  walked  back  to  the  woods,  where  I  rejoined  the  others, 
and  we  made  our  way  to  the  banks  of  the  Saluda  River.  There  we  held  a  council ;  Capt. 
Hobart  and  I  favored  going  to  Tennessee,  but  Fluke  and  Laughlin  were  almost  without  shoes, 
and  we  could  not  hope  to  walk  so  far;  their  only  chance,  it  seemed,  was  to  float  down  the 
river  to  the  coast.  We  were  about  to  separate,  but  I  did  not  like  the  idea  of  deserting  my 
mess  mates  and  comrades  of  the  same  regiment,  so  I  concluded  to  go  with  them.  As  Hobart 
was  still  determined  to  go  West,  we  shook  hands  and  parted.  We  then  found  a  secluded  spot 
among  some  huge  rocks,  where  we  are  awaiting  night.  This  time  our  prospects  seems  less 
favorable  than  on  my  first  venture.  We  have  but  few  matches ;  we  have  no  canteen,  and 
worst  of  all,  no  map  of  the  country  through  which  we  will  have  to  travel.  Last  night  som.e 
prisoners  escaped,  among  them  were  Capt,  Bowers  and  Lieut.  Brown,  101st  Penna.,  and  Lieut. 
McCall  of  our  regiment.  Today's  paper  reports  the  ram  Albemarle  sunk,  and  Plymouth  re- 
captured, also  that  10,000  rebel  prisoners  are  at  Savannah  for  exchange.  The  tunnel  men- 
tioned on  Tuesday  caved  in  during  the  late  rains.     Today  the  weather  is  clear. 

"Nov.  5.  On  the  banks  of  the  Congaree.  We  crept  out  from  our  hiding  shortly  after 
dark  last  night  and  cautiously  approached  the  Columbia  road,  near  the  Congaree.  We  saw 
some  pickets  at  the  bridge,  but  succeeded  in  getting  across  the  road  unobserved,  and  contin- 
ued our  way  eastward,  with  the  river  to  our  left.  As  the  night  was  cloudy  and  dark  we  made 
but  little  progress.  It  was  so  difficult  to  see  where  we  were  going  that  I  walked  over  a  bluff 
bank  and  rolled  down  about  twelve  feet.  Luckily  I  was  not  hurt.  We  were  soon  disgusted 
with  such  traveling  and  gave  it  up  about  10  o'clock.  Then  Laughlin  discovered  that  he  had 
lost  the  cape  of  his  overcoat,  and  as  he  could  ill  afford  the  loss,  and  also  because  it  might 
give  a  clue  to  pursuers,  if  we  had  any,  he  and  I  went  back  half  a  mile,  and  were  fortunate 
enough  to  find  it.  We  rejoined  Fluke,  and  were  soon  all  huddled  together  on  a  bed  of  leaves. 
It  was  our  plan  to  travel  only  by  night,  but  this  morning  we  found  it  possible  to  walk  along 
under  the  trees  that  fringe  the  river  bank,  and  it  is  such  a  wild,  lonely  place  there  seems 
but  little  chance  of  meeting  any  one.  Laughlin's  shoes,  which  were  made  of  cloth,  were 
torn  from  his  feet  by  last  night's  march,  and  he  tried  this  morning  to  travel  bare  footed, 
but  the  briars  so  cut  his  feet  that  we  had  to  stop.  To  make  a  substitute  for  shoes  he  tore 
up  his  vest,  and  we  aided  him  in  wrapping  the  pieces  about  his  feet,  tying  them  with 
strings  made  from  the  binding  of  his  overcoat.  While  we  were  thus  engaged  we  heard 
persons  approaching  and  lost  no  time  in  hiding  ourselves  among  some  bushes.  Presently 
we  saw  two  men  following  the  path  we  had  come,  and  I  recognized  them  as  late  fellow 
prisoners  at  Camp  Sorghum.  I  called  out  to  them  "Surrender,  Yanks."  Of  course  they 
were  startled,  and  not  wishing  to  keep  them  in  suspense,  we  showed  ourselves,  shook  hands 
and  became  acquainted  all  around.  They  are  Lieutenants  Boyd  and  Whittemore  of  the  5th 
New  York  Cavalry,  and  were  captured  on  "Wilson's  Raid."  They  escaped  from  Sorghum 
yesterday.     We  will  join  fortunes. 

"Sunday,  Nov.  13,  four  P.  M.    After  another  nap  yesterday  afternoon  we  started  on 


a  daylight  ride.  We  came  in  sight  of  a  large  plantation,  and  landed.  While  we  were 
lurking  about  near  the  planter's  we  saw  a  young  negress  coming  along  a  lane  toward  us. 
One  sight  of  me  was  enough,  she  stopped;  I  beckoned  to  her,  but  she  turned  and  fled 
toward  the  house.  Considering  the  appearance  I  presented,  it  was  no  wonder,  for,  having 
no  cap,  I  wore  on  my  head,  turban  fashion,  one  sleeve  of  my  bed  tick  shirt,  which  from 
much  wearing  had  dropped  off  from  the  main  body.  My  dress  coat  is  burst  and  ripped, 
my  vest  almost  buttonless,  my  pantaloons  worn  without  supporters,  full  of  patches  and 
holes,  and  caked  with  mud.  My  overcoat  has  holes  sewed  up  with  white  thread  and  holes 
not  sewed  at  all,  the  cords  were  torn  off  for  shoe  strings,  and  the  hning  has  been  taken 
out  to  use  for  socks.  My  shoes,  for  which  I  had  paid  fifty  dollars,  Confederate,  are  negro 
style,  strong  and  large.  Thinking  the  woman  would  give  the  alarm,  we  hurried  toward  the 
river.  On  the  way  we  met  a  small  colored  boy,  who  said  that  his  father  was  the  planter's 
cook  and  that  his  master  and  another  white  man  were  in  the  house.  My  companion  ad- 
vised that  we  should  send  word  for  the  boy's  father  to  come  to  us,  but  cautioned  him  not 
to  mention  us  to  any  other  person.  While  we  were  waiting  for  him,  a  negro  in  a  wood 
car  came  up  from  the  river  and  we  talked  to  him,  but  he  was  so  dumb  we  could  not  make 
him  understand.  By  this  time  we  all  agreed  we  were  in  danger,  having  spoken  to  so  many 
people,  so  without  knowing  whether  we  were  fleeing  friends  or  foes,  we  hurried  to  the 
river  and  embarked.  Before  it  was  quite  dark  we  tied  up  and  went  on  another  hunt  for 
food.  Two  miles  from  the  river  we  saw  a  house,  and  making  a  detour  came  to  negro 
quarters.  I  crept  up  to  one  of  the  buildings  just  as  a  woman  came  out  with  a  blazing  torch 
in  her  hand.  Not  wishing  to  stand  in  its  bright  glare,  I  walked  into  the  house  before  I 
spoke  to  her.  She  turned  and  surveyed  me  with  a  look  of  distrust  till  I  uttered  the  magic 
words,  'I  am  a  Yankee.'  Her  manner  changed  at  once,  and  pushing  an  old  arm  chair  before 
the  fire,  said,  'Sit  down,  Massa;  you  shall  have  the  best  in  the  house.'  She  went  out,  promis- 
ing to  soon  return,  and  I  brought  in  my  companions.  While  we  were  waiting  for  her  we 
could  not  help  thinking  she  might  betray  us,  but  she  returned,  bringing  with  her  men, 
women  and  children,  and  their  friendly  manner  banished  all  doubt.  They  gave  us  a 
supper  of  sweet  potatoes  and  hoe  cake,  and  I  saw  from  the  manner  of  baking  the  latter 
evidence  of  the  origin  of  its  name.  The  dough  was  placed  on  the  blade  of  a  hoe  and  set 
on  the  hearth  by  the  wood  fire  to  bake.  Their  way  of  roasting  peanuts,  which  they  brought 
fresh  from  the  ground,  still  clinging  to  the  roots  of  the  plant,  was  to  put  them  into  an 
iron  pot  along  with  some  hot  coals  from  the  fire  and  shake  them  all  together  for  a  time, 
when  the  contents  of  the  pot  were  emptied  on  the  hearth  and  the  nuts  picked  out. 

"We  were  enjoying  some  of  these  nuts  as  a  dessert  and  talking  to  our  friends  of 
"Massa  Lincoln,"  when  we  heard  a  heavy  step,  and  a  white  man  clothed  in  gray  came  in. 
We  eyed  each  other  for  a  while,  then  he  extended  his  hand,  saying,  "It's  all  right,  Yanks ; 
but  I  tell  you  what,  you  fellows  talk  too  loud."  He  introduced  himself  as  Capt.  Merrill, 
Fourth  Kentucky  Mounted  Infantry,  and  called  in  a  companion,  Lieut.  Swope  of  the  same 
regiment.  They  were  the  two  officers  who  refused  to  meet  us  a  few  nights  ago,  because 
they  thought  we  were  disguised  rebels  trying  to  capture  them.  *  *  *  By  chance  they  came 
to  the  same  house  where  we  were,  and  hearing  our  voices  had  peeped  through  the  cracks  in 
the  wall  and  recognized  us  as  late  fellow  prisoners  at  "Sorghum,"  whence  they  had  escaped 
a  week  before  we  did.  *  *  *  Nov.  19,  Noon.  On  Cedar  Island.  *  *  *  We  were 
about  to  start  afoot  to  explore  the  island  when  two  colored  men  suddenly  appeared  within 
speaking  distance. 

"On  Friday  morning  [Nov.  18]  we  looked  from  the  upper  windows  of  the  mill  and 
saw  our  goal — the  ocean.  We  found  some  lettering  in  the  mill  which  told  us  we  were  on 
'Murphy's  Island.'  We  were  about  to  start  on  foot  to  explore  the  island  when  two  colored 
men  suddenly  appeared  within  speaking  distance  without  our  having  noticed  their  ap- 
proach. *  *  *  They  directed  us  to  Cedar  Island,  where  they  said  we  could  signal  the 
union  vessels,  and  promised  to  feed  us  until  we  could  be  rescued.  We  laid  in  a  supply 
of  potatoes,  entered  our  boat  and  paddled  for  the  island,  which  was  about  two  miles 
distant.  We  reached  it  without  difficulty,  and  found  on  it  several  wooden  cottages  which 
have  evidently  been  the  summer  resorts  of  some  of  the  aristocracy.     *     *     * 

"Saturday,  Nov.  20  [1864],  3  P.  M.  Thank  God!  we  are  once  more  under  the  'Old 
Flag.'  After  breakfast  this  morning  we  saw  a  small  sail  near  the  large  ship,  but  the  mist 
on  the  water  became  so  dense  that  we  lost  sight  of  both  vessels.  An  hour  or  so  later  Capt. 
Merrill  reported  a  sail  approaching:  the  island.  We  ran  to  the  beach,  rekindled  our  fire 
and  the  smoke  curled  upwards.  I  tied  a  rag  to  the  end  of  a  fishing  pole  and  from  the  top 
of  a  high  stump  waved  it  vigorously.  The  vessel  drew  gradually  nearer  and  our  hearts 
beat  with  hope  and  fear.  She  headed  for  the  inlet  to  the  north  of  the  island.  Swope  and 
Boyd  ran  up  the  beach  to  hail  her.  We  could  now  see  the  ensign  at  the  top  of  her  sail,  but 
could  not  make  it  out.  She  tacked  and  shifted  about  for  some  time,  and  finally  anchored  in 
the  stream.  We  gathered  up  such  articles  as  we  desired  to  take  with  us  and  ran  along  the 
shore  toward  the  vessel.  I  cannot  describe  my  feelings  when  I  recognized  the  'Stars  and 
Stripes.'  The  tears  ran  down  my  cheeks ;  I  tried  to  cheer,  but  could  not  make  a  sound. 
As  we  came  up  we  saw  that  Boyd  and  Swope  had  been  taken  aboard.     A  sailor  with  a 


canoe  ferried  the  rest  of  us  to  the  vessel,  which  proved  to  be  the  sloop  Anna,  commanded 
by  Ensign  Willard,  and  is  used  as  a  scouting  boat  for  the  sloop  of  war  Canandaigua — the 
ship  we  had  seen.  I  could  hardly  realize  that  I  was  at  liberty  once  more  and  safe  under 
the  'old  flag' ;  there  was  a  lingering  suspicion  in  my  mind  that  our  rescuers  might  be 
rebels  in  disguise.  I  looked  closely  at  their  uniforms,  scanned  the  devices  on  their  buttons, 
but  when  the  hospitable  board  was  spread  for  us,  and  we  were  furnished  with  salt 
mackerel,  pork,  hard  tack  and  a  'clincher'  in  the  way  of  genuine  coflee,  my  doubts  were 
all  dispelled.  Our  iirst  inquiry  was  as  to  the  result  of  the  presidential  election.  *  *  « 
We  were  given  complete  new  suits  of  sailor  clothes  and  we  doffed  our  rags  and  threw  them 
with  their  tenants — our  late  traveling  companions — into  the  sea. 

"We  messed  with  the  officers  and  our  treatment  was  all  that  could  be  desired  or 
expected.  On  the  23d  we  were  sent  in  the  sloop  on  our  way  to  Charleston  harbor,  where 
we  arrived  about  midnight.  *  *  *  On  the  Canandaigua  we  saw  the  record  of  a  party 
of  eight  that  preceded  us;  among  them  was  my  friend  Capt.  Burke  of  the  16th  Connecticut. 
After  daylight  the  sloop  ran  inside  the  bar  at  Charleston  and  we  were  taken  aboard  the 
man  of  war  John  Adams,  where  we  breakfasted  with  the  officers.  *  *  *  Next  day  we 
embarked  on  the  steamer  Pontiac  for  Port  Royal.  While  there  we  were  taken  aboard  the 
flagship  and  presented  to  Admiral  Dahlgren,  who  listened  to  our  story  and  questioned  us 
as  to  any  word  we  might  have  heard  regarding  Sherman.  *  *  *  We  went  north  on  the 
steamer  Fulton,  arriving  at  New  York  December  30. 

"Lieuts.  Fluke  and  Laughlin,  with  whom  we  parted  on  the  Congaree,  were  unfor- 
tunate. Their  raft  went  to  pieces  and  had  to  be  abandoned.  They  got  possession  of  a 
boat,  and  when  they  were  passing  under  one  of  the  railroad  bridges,  were  seen  by  the 
guard  and  fired  upon,  a  bullet  slightly  wounding  Fluke  on  the  nose.  Laughlin,  thinking  that 
his  friend  was  more  seriously  hurt,  turned  the  boat  to  shore  and  surrendered.  The  bridge 
guards  kept  them  in  their  custody  several  days,  not  having  an  opportunity  to  send  them 
to  prison.  One  night  the  whole  guard  squad  got  drunk  and  their  prisoners  escaped,  and 
were  at  large  for  about  a  week,  when  they  fell  into  the  hands  of  another  party  of  the 
enemy,  and,  as  they  had  no  insignia  or  proof  of  their  rank  as  officers,  were  sent  to  prison 
for  enlisted  men  at  Florence,  S.  C,  where  they  remained  all  winter. 

"And  now  comes  the  saddest  item  in  all  my  story.  Of  the  33  enlisted  men  of  my 
company  who  were  captured  at  Plymouth — the  men  who  had  stood  all  the  service  of  our 
three  years  and  to  whom  I  had  become  attached  as  though  they  were  of  my  own  family — 
but  nine  of  them  lived  to  reach  their  homes.    The  others  left  their  bones  at  Andersonville." 


Corp.  Robert  J.  Thompson  of  Co.  E,  who  was  the  color  bearer  of  the  Regiment  from 
December  14,  1S62  (when  Sergt.  Spangler  was  killed  bearing  the  colors  aloft),  until  the 
Regiment  was  captured,  is  deserving  of  special  mention  in  the  annals  of  the  Regiment. 
When  the  standard  of  the  Regiment  dropped  as  Sergt.  Spangler  fell,  another  of  the  color 
guard  picked  it  up,  but  finding  it  a  magnet  for  the  missiles  of  the  enemy  he  dropped  it  and 
again  took  his  musket.  Thompson,  who  was  one  of  the  color  guard,  immediately  grasped 
the  standard  and  kept  it  waving  at  a  point  where  the  fire  of  the  enemy  was  most  concen- 
trated. From  that  time  on  he  bore  the  colors,  until  they  were  sent  north  in  the  spring  of 
1864  to  have  the  names  of  battles  lettered  on  it.  Corp.  Thompson  was  born  Oct.  9,  1843,  in 
West  Sunbury  and  received  his  education  in  the  public  schools  and  the  West  Sunbury  Acad- 
emy. The  colors  being  away  Thompson  made  good  use  of  a  musket  at  the  battle  of 
Plymouth,  He  was  captured  with  the  Regiment  at  Plymouth,  N.  C,  April  20,  1864,  and  was 
a  prisoner  of  war  at  Andersonville  and  Florence  until  Dec.  10,  1864.  He  was  discharged 
from  the  service  April  14,  1865,  to  date  Dec.  17,  1864. 

On  his  return  home  from  the  army  he  attended  the  West  Sunbury  Academy  one  year, 
taught  school  two  years,  married  and  went  to  Iowa,  where  he  taught  school  one  year,  and 
for  a  time  was  a  student  of  law  under  W.  G.  Thompson,  now  for  several  terms  judge.  He 
returned  to  his  native  State  and  engaged  in  the  oil  business  of  Greece  City,  remaining  there 
until  1888,  when  he  returned  to  West  Sunbury.  During  Harrison's  administration  he  served 
as  postmaster  of  West  Sunbury.  In  1896  he  was  elected  prothonotary  of  Butler  County 
and  served  three  years.  Comrade  Thompson  resides  at  323  Elm  St.,  Butler.  He  has  six 
children  living:  Angeline  (Mrs.  E.  J.  Roberts,  Spokane,  Wash.);  Earl  D.  Thompson, 
Spokane,  Wash.;  Marion  (Mrs.  J.  R.  Eberhardt,  Green  River,  Wyoming)  ;  Harriet  J.  (Mrs. 
H.  L.  Moore,  Lima,  O.)  ;  Carl  S.  Thompson,  Butler,  Pa. ;  Alice  (Mrs.  Charles  Amy,  Butler, 


Corp.  Thompson  had  the  honor  of  bearing  the  colors  on  the  Fourth  day  of  July,  1866, 


in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  where  they  were  returned  to  the  custody  of  the  State.  While 
a  permanent  invalid  at  this  writing  (1910),  Comrade  Thompson  is  exceptionally  clear  in 
memory,  his  intellect  seemingly  but  slightly  affected  by  his  ailment.  The  writer  can  attest 
with  knowledge  of  the  facts  that  "Bob"  Thompson  was  a  good  soldier. 


Hon.  Thomas  Hays  was  born  in  Sugar  Creek  Township,  Armstrong  County,  Penna., 
Jan.  19,  1840.  His  school  education  was  attained  in  the  public  schools  of  his  native  State, 
which  he  attended  until  the  year  before  he  enlisted.  In  the  fall  of  1861  he  had  engaged 
to  teach  at  Van  Buren,  Washington  Township,  Armstrong  County.  He  had  secured  a 
boarding  place  for  the  winter  and  was  returning  home  when  he  ran  across  Capt.  Joseph 
Rodgers,  then  on  a  recruiting  tour,  and  was  induced  to  enroll  in  Rodgers'  Company. 
Com.  Hays  was  thoughtful  enough  to  send  his  resignation  as  teacher  to  the  school  di- 
rectors; but  inadvertently  neglected  to  cancel  his  boarding  engagement.  Forty-seven 
years  later  he  was  a  candidate  for  the  nomination  of  State  Senator  on  the  Republican 
ticket,  his  district  embracing  the  Van  Buren  school  district.  During  his  canvass  for  votes 
for  the  Senatorial  nomination  Hays,  when  he  entered  the  neighborhood  where  he  in- 
tended making  his  debut  as  a  pedagogue,  remembered  that  he  had  engaged  boarding,  and 
decided  that  it  would  be  good  politics  for  him  to  call  and  tender  his  apology  for  not  keep- 
ing his  engagement.  He  learned  from  the  lady  of  the  house,  who  was  still  living  there, 
that  her  children,  consisting  of  several  grown  sons,  were  scattered  in  various  parts  of 
the  county.  Carefully  securing  the  addresses  of  all,  he  called  on  each  one,  told  the 
story  of  engaging  board  and  its  sequel.  This  was  a  chncher,  for  he  not  only  had  the 
votes  of  these  men  on  primary  day  but  each  one  was  an  enthusiastic  worker,  notwith- 
standing Hays  is  a  resident  of  another  county  and  his  chief  antagonist  for  the  nomina- 
tion was  a  citizen  of  Armstrong  County.  This  little  incident,  and  the  politic  manner  in 
which  it  was  manipulated  by  Comrade  Hays,  was  no  little  factor  in  deciding  the  nomination  in  his 

Comrade  Hays  participated  with  the  Regiment  in  all  its  engagements  and  recon- 
noissances  on  the  Peninsula.  While  the  Regiment  lay  at  Suffolk,  in  November,  1862,  he 
was  transferred  to  Battery  L,  Fourth  U.  S.  Artillery,  and  served  with  it  until  the  ex- 
piration of  his  term  of  enlistment,  and  was  honorably  discharged  from  the  service  Nov. 
13,  1864.  While  on  duty  with  the  battery  he  was  called  upon  to  do  strenuous  service  at 
the  siege  of  Suffolk,  at  Yorktown,  Petersburg,  Cold  Harbor  and  before  Richmond. 

Comrade  Hays  married  Miss  Kizzie  J.  Foster,  a  former  schoolmate,  on  Dec.  21, 
1865.  They  resided  on  a  farm  in  Fairview  Township  from  1867  to  1877,  when  they 
moved  to  Fairview,  Butler  County.  Since  1895  they  have  resided  in  Butler,  retaining 
their  Fairview  home  as  a  summer  residence.  As  a  business  man  Comrade  Hays  has  been 
quite  successful.  He  is  one  of  the  original  stockholders  and  directors  of  the  Farmers' 
National  Bank  of  Butler,  owns  several  farms,  the  Waverly  Hotel  of  Butler,  and  is  iden- 
tified with  numerous  other  business  enterprises,  being  actively  engaged  in  the  oil  business 
for  the  past  ten  years. 

Since  his  return  from  the  army  Comrade  Hays  has  taken  an  active  part  in  Re- 
publican politics.  In  1902  he  was  elected  to  the  State  Legislature,  and  re-elected  in  1904. 
After  a  two  years'  rest  he  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate  from  the  41st  Senatorial  Dis- 
trict, embracing  the  Counties  of  Armstrong  and  Butler.  As  this  is  a  four  years'  term 
he  has  a  couple  of  years  yet  to  serve. 

Comrade  Hays  has  not  only  been  active  in  politics,  but  he  has  always  been  promi- 
nently identified  with  civic  and  religious  affairs.  He  is  an  elder  in  the  Presbyterian 
Church  and  can  always  be  counted  on  to  throw  his  influence  on  the  side  of  righteousness. 

As  a  school  girl  Mrs.  Hays  assisted  in  making  a  fiag  which  was  presented  to  Co.  B, 
and  which  was  carried  through  Andersonville  prison.  The  unique  history  of  this  flag, 
which  will  be  preserved  in  Memorial  Hall,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  is  told  at  another  place  in  this 
volume.  A  reproduction  of  the  flag  and  a  portrait  of  Mrs.  Hays  also  appears  on  another 
page  of  this  volume.     Of  six  children  born  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hays,  four  are  living:     Mrs. 


Jennie  L.   Thomas,  Evans  City,   Pa. ;   Christopher  I.  Hays,  near  Chicora,   Pa. ;  Robert  N. 
Hays,  near  Karns   City,  Pa.,   and   Mrs.   Maude   B.   Cowden,   Butler,   Pa. 


Sergt.  S.  M.  Evans,  collaborator  in  compiling  this  volume,  was  personally  acquainted 
with  the  most  heroic  figure  of  the  war — Lieut.  William  Barker  Cushing,  of  the  United 
States  Navy.  He,  in  a  small  way,  had  a  part  in  Lieut.  Cushing's  enterprise,  which  again 
gave  the  Federal  army  control  of  the  eastern  counties  of  North  Carolina.  While  the  navy 
recaptured  Plymouth,  the  103d  Regiment  was  the  first  representatives  of  the  array  to  reach 
Plymouth,  a  detachment  under  Sergt.  John  A.  Gwinn,  of  Co.  C,  being  the  first  to  get  ashore, 
with  the  first  expedition  of  soldiers  to  arrive  at  Plymouth,  after  it  had  been  abandoned  by 
the  enemy.  The  writer,  in  his  youthful  days,  was  wont  to  boast  because  he  was  the  first 
soldier  to  land  at  Plymouth,  after  its  recapture,  and  the  first  to  board  the  sunken  ram 
Albemarle.  The  fact  that  he  refers  to  it  here,  is  evidence  that  he  has  a  lingering  pride  in 
such  a  trivial  event,  but  that  is  due  to  the  fact  that  it  was  connected  with  one  event  of  the 
war  that  will  never  be  forgotten — the  heroism  displayed  in  the  destruction  of  the  Albe- 
marle. Sergt.  Evans  supplements  a  personal  reference  to  Lieut.  Cushing,  by  a  concise 
account  of  this  heroic  event  in  the  following  terms : 

"My  recollections  at  or  about  the  time  the  Regiment  was  captured,  and  during  the 
'time  Plymouth  was  held  by  the  enemy,  was  of  an  interesting  character,  because  of  my 
official  relations  with  the  large  number  of  refugees  from  the  captured  town,  both  white 
and  colored,  some  of  them  the  families  of  men  in  the  navy,  natives  of  North  Carolina. 
Shortly  after  Company  C  arrived  at  Roanoke  Island,  January  3,  1864,  I  was  detailed  for 
■duty  at  headquarterSj  and  assigned  to  the  quartermaster's  department.  My  duties  at  first 
were  limited  to  looking  after  some  wood  choppers  and  some  lumbermen  taking  out  tim- 
•bers  for  an  extension  to  the  pier,  which,  owing  to  the  shallowness  of  the  water,  extended 
-quite  a  distance  into  Croatan  Sound.  However,  I  was  soon  put  in  charge  of  the  store  room, 
having  practically  full  control  of  all  unissued  camp  and  garrison  equipage,  and  a  small 
army  of  colored  employes,  such  as  carpenters,  blacksmiths,  harness-makers,  stevedores, 
common  laborers,  etc.  The  entire  industrial  machinery  of  the  Island  was  centered  in  the 
quartermaster's  department.  T  was  given  a  free  hand  to  recommend  for  assistants  such 
men  as  I  needed  and  at  the  quartermaster's  request  they  were  immediately  detailed  and  re- 
ported to  me  for  duty.  In  a  little  while  I  had  affairs  systematized  so  that  1  had  great 
freedom  and  considerable  leisure.  To  conduct  the  business  of  the  Island  required  a  large 
number  of  teams,  and  among  the  animals  were  some  very  fine  riding  horses.  These  were 
all  under  ray  direction,  even  the  quarterraaster,  when  wanting  a  horse  coraing  to  rae  for  it. 
No  one  was  permitted,  by  his  orders,  to  take  anything  from  my  department  without  con- 
sulting me.  As  he  was  under  a  heavy  bond  for  the  proper  care  of  this  property,  his 
authority  was  suprerae,  and  as  he  had  clothed  me  with  the  care  of  it,  he  gave  himself  no 
further  trouble  looking  after  my  department. 

"When  an  officer,  army  or  naval,  wished  to  take  a  ride  or  drive  over  the  Island,  the 
quartermaster  would  send  hira  to  rae,  always  making  a  polite  request,  'if  it  were  possible,' 
to  accomraodate  the  applicant.  Although  only  an  enlisted  raan,  ray  position  soon  put  rae  on 
a  very  friendly  footing  with  the  officers,  not  only  those  connected  with  the  array,  but  also 
with  the  naval  officers  belonging  to  the  fleet  operating  in  the  waters  in  eastern  North 
Carolina.  In  this  way  I  forraed  the  acquaintance  of  one,  whora  I  regard  as  the  most 
heroic  figure  of  the  war,  Lieut.  W.  B.  Cushing.  This  volume  has  related  in  detail  the 
battle  and  fall  of  Plymouth,  and  described  the  part  the  iron-clad  ram  Albermarle  played  in 
capturing  the  field  and  staff,  and  nine  companies  of  the  Regiment.  Without  the  aid  of  this 
vessel  the  position  at  Plymouth  would  have  been  impregnable  against  the  force  under  Gen. 
Hoke.  Therefore,  the  lives  of  two  hundred  of  the  Regiment  were  ended  by  the  success  of 
this  armored  vessel.  This  alone,  if  for  no  other  reason,  makes  it  fitting  and  proper  to 
tell  how  it  was  destroyed  in  the  annals  of  the  Regiment. 

"Besides  making  it  possible  for  the  Confederate  land  forces  to  compel  the  Federal 
garrison  to  surrender  on  April  20.  1864,  the  ram  was  a  perpetual  menace  to  the  fleet,  and 
to  the  other  garrisons  in  eastern  North  Carolina.  Two  weeks  and  a  day  after  the  down- 
fall of  Plymouth,  the  Albemarle,  accompanied  by  two  small  steamers,  the  Cotton  Plant  and 
Bombshell  (the  latter  having  been  sunk  and  captured  at  the  battle  of  Plymouth)  made  its 
appearance  in  Albemarle  Sound,  steaming  slowly  down  the  sound  in  the  direction  of  the 
fleet,  then  consisting  of  eight  gunboats,  as  follows :  Miami,  Ceres,  Commodore  Hull,  Sey- 
mour, Mattabesett,  Sassacus,  Wyalusing  and  Whitehead.  The  engagement  began  at  4:40 
P.  M.,  the  Albemarle  firing  the  first  gun,  the  first  shot  destroying  the  launch  of  the  Malta- 


LIEUT.   W.   B.  GUSHING  121 

besett  and  wounding  several  men.  The  engagement  continued  until  about  7 :30,  the  ram 
retiring  up  the  Roanoke  river,  the  fleet  capturing  the  Bombshell  and  crew. 

"In  the  report  of  this  engagement,  the  Commander  of  the  fleet  described  the  Albe- 
marle as  follows:  'The  ram  is  certainly  very  formidable.  He  is  fast  for  that  class  of 
vessel,  making  from  6  to  7  knots,  turns  quickly,  and  is  armed  with  heavy  guns,  as  is  proved 
by  the  100-pounder  Brooke  projectile  that  entered  and  lodged  in  the  Mattabeseti,  and  100- 
pounded  Whitworth  shot  received  by  the  Wyalusing,  while  the  shot  fired  at  him  were  seen 
to  strike  fire  upon  the  casemates  and  hull,  flying  upward  and  falling  in  the  water  without 
having  any  perceptible  effect  upon  the  vessel.' 

"While  the  ram  was  forced  to  retire,  the  damage  done  to  the  fleet  was  considerable, 
and  apprehensions  were  general  that  as  soon  as  repairs  were  made  and  defects  remedied 
on  the  ram,  that  it  would  attempt  to  clean  out  the  eastern  waters  of  North  Carolina  of  all 
wooden  gunboats.  These  apprehensions  were  not  allayed  as  time  passed  and  the  ram 
remained  apparently  quiet.  As  Roanoke  Island  was  the  first  Federal  post  the  ram  would 
meet  and  the  armament  of  the  forts  insignificant  and  old-fashioned,  the  approach  of  the 
ram  was  regarded  with  more  or  less  dread.  The  garrison  would  have  anticipated  with 
pleasure  a  visit,  if  the  equipment  of  the  forts  had  been  modern  and  heavy.  As  it  was, 
the  smooth-bore  32-pounders  with  which  the  forts  were  equipped,  would  have  been  of  little 
more  use  than  pop-guns  against  such  a  formidable  battleship. 

"It  was  not  long  after  the  encoimter  between  the  ram  and  the  fleet,  that  on  going 
out  on  the  pier  one  afternoon  I  ran  across  Lieut.  Gushing,  although  I  did  not  recognize  him 
until  I  came  very  close  to  him,  he  was  so  changed  in  appearance  to  what  I  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  see  him;  in  fact,  he  looked  "tough,"  as  though  he  had  been  on  a  prolonged  spree 
and  was  just  recuperating.  His  clothes  were  torn  and  muddy,  and  I  ejaculated,  as  he 
spoke  to  me :,  'Lieutenant,  you  look  like  you  had  been  in  the  woods !'  He  replied,  lacon- 
ically, 'That's  where  I've  been ;'  but  volunteered  nothing  further.  Later,  I  learned  that 
he  had  been  in  the  woods  and  swamps  opposite  Plymouth  for  nearly  two  weeks,  getting 
the  position  of  the  ram,  and  the  conditions  generally  surrounding  it,  and  the  defenses 
on  the  Roanoke  river.  During  the  last  week  of  October,  1864,  Isaac  M.  Quinn  of  the  16th 
Connecticut,  then  on  duty  in  the  quartermaster's  department,  came  hurriedly  into  my  office 
exclaiming  in  a  gleeful  manner,  "The  ram  will  be  sunk  sure  now !'  I  asked  him  to  explain 
himself.  The  only  reply  he  gave  me  was  'Lieut.  Gushing  is  out  on  the  pier.'  I  immediately 
started  out  to  see  what  caused  Quinn  so  much  merriment.  On  my  way  out  I  met  Gapt. 
Cooke,  the  quarter-master,  who  informed  me  that  Lieut.  Gushing  was  there  and  wanted  a 
torpedo  pole.  I  went  on  to  the  end  of  the  pier  and  saw  the  Lieutenant,  his  little  boat  lying 
alongside.  The  launch,  as  I  remember  it,  was  open,  no  part  of  it  being  decked,  but  with 
a  canvas  awning  stretched  from  either  end  to  serve  as  a  protection  from  the  sun's  rays, 
the  little  engine  entirely  exposed.  I  had  not  the  remotest  suspicion  of  the  mission  of  the 
boat,  surmising  it  was  intended  for  picket  duty.  I  returned  to  my  office,  and  gave  instruc- 
tions to  have  a  torpedo  pole  (a  small  straight  pine  tree  trimmed  of  its  branches)  sent  out 
to  the  pier.  On  going  to  the  store  room  I  found  Lieut.  Gushing  inquiring  for  some  ar- 
ticles which  had  come  some  days  previously  in  care  of  the  quartermaster's  department. 
Among  these  were  two  small  sheet  iron  tanks  or  drums,  about  12  inches  in  diameter  and 
36  inches  in  length.  In  less  than  48  hours  the  astounding  and  gladdening  news  came  to  the 
Island  that  Gushing,  with  his  little  vessel  and  a  volunteer  crew  from  the  fleet,  had  sunk 
the  Alhemnrle.  As  this  was  the  most  hazardous  feat  accomplished  during  the  Civil  War, 
and  its  intimate  connection  with  my  own  Regiment,  I  think  a  brief  account  of  Lieut.  Gush- 
ing's  perilous,  but  successful  enterprise  should  be  given  space  in  the  annals  of  the  Regi- 
ment. Especially  so,  as  it  was  by  his  daring  enterprise,  with  a  force  of  twenty  men,  Ply- 
mouth, which  had  cost  the  Confederates  so  much  to  gain,  was  recaptured. 

"On  July  9,  1864,  Lieut.  Gushing  wrote  to  Acting  Rear  Admiral  Lee,  then  commanding 
the  North  Atlantic  Blockading  Squadron,  that  he  deemed  the  capture  or  destruction  of  the 
ram  Albemarle  feasible,  that  he  was  acquainted  with  the  waters  held  by  her,  and  that  he 
was  willing  to  undertake  the  task,  and  if  detailed  for  the  work  he  would  like  to  superin- 
tend the  outfit  of  the  boats.  In  submitting  Cushing's  proposition  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  Admiral  Lee  commended  him  highly  for  his  gallantry,  and  he  was  given  authority 
to  superintend  the  necessary  outfit  for  the  destruction  of  the  Albemarle,  which  was  done 
at  the  Brooklyn  navy  yard.  In  preparing  for  his  hazardous  enterprise  Lieut.  Gushing 
selected  two  boats.  They  were  open  launches,  about  thirty  feet  in  length,  with  small  engines, 
propelled  by  a  screw.  A  12-pound  howitzer  was  fitted  to  the  bow  of  each.  One  of  these 
boats  was  lost  en  route  from  New  York  to  Norfolk.  When  Lieut.  Gushing  reached  the 
naval  fleet  anchored  about  fifty  miles  from  Roanoke  Island  he  completed  his  crew  by  vol- 
unteers from  the  various  vessels,  but  without  informing  of  the  object  of  the  expedition, 
further  than  that  it  would  be  a  perilous  one.  He  had  his  choice  of  the  sailors,  as  practically 
all  volunteered  to  go.  With  a  total  crew,  including  the  commanding  officer  and  his  subal- 
terns, of  fourteen,  accompanied  by  the  second  cutter  of  the  gunboat  Shamrock,  with  a  crew 
of  two  officers  and  eleven  men,  towed  by  the  launch  Cushing,  ascended  the  Roanoke  River 
on  the  night  of  October  27,  1864,  a  dark,  rainy  night.     A  mile  below  Plymouth    lay    the 


sunken  Soiithfield  with  a  channel  only  25  or  30  yards  wide  between  it  and  the  shore  on  the 
Plymouth  side.  He  succeeded  in  passing  the  pickets  and  even  the  Southfield,  on  which  there 
was  a  picket  post,  and  was  not  discovered  until  he  came  within  hailing  distance  of  the  Albe- 
marle. The  latter  was  surrounded  by  a  boom  of  logs,  about  30  feet  distant  from  her  sides. 
Gushing  from  the  first  had  some  hopes  of  catching  the  crew  of  the  ram  by  surprise,  board- 
ing and  capturing  it ;  but  when  the  alarm  was  given,  he  ordered  the  cutter  to  return.  The 
enemy  opened  fire  on  the  launch  after  repeatedly  hailing  it  and  getting  no  answer.  As 
Gushing  got  his  launch  ready  to  dash  over  the  boom  of  logs  fairly,  the  enemy  keeping  up 
a  steady  fire  on  him,  which  was  returned  by  grape  and  canister  from  the  12-pounder  on  the 
launch,  he  called  out,  "Leave  the  ram,  or  I'll  blow  you  to  pieces !"  Putting  on  full  steam, 
and  having  gone  back  far  enough  to  get  sufficient  headway  to  jump  the  log  boom,  he  suc- 
cessfully went  forward,  the  torpedo  boom  was  lowered,  and  Gushing  himself  exploded,  but 
none  too  soon,  for  almost  simultaneously  with  its  explosion,  a  shot  from  the  ram  went 
crashing  through  the  launch,  completely  knocking  it  out  of  service. 

"Twice  the  enemy  demanded  his  surrender,  when  within  fifteen  feet  range  of  the 
ram.  but  he  refused;  but  removing  his  coat  and  shoes,  he  jumped  into  the  water,  swam  to 
the  middle  of  the  river,  and  finally  succeeded  in  landing  on  the  Plymouth  side,  so  completely 
exhausted  that,  when  he  reached  the  shore,  he  attempted  to  rise ;  but  at  the  first  step  forward, 
fell  and  remained  lying  half  in  mud  and  water  unable  even  to  crawl  on  hands  and  knees. 
When  he  became  able  to  realize  where  he  was  he  found  himself  in  close  proximity  to  the 
enemy's  intrenchments,  and  he  hastily  secluded  himself  in  some  rushes  that  were  at  the 
edge  of  a  swamp  below  the  town.  Below  the  town  he  discovered  a  flat-bottom  boat  fastened 
to  the  root  of  a  cypress  tree.  On  the  bank  within  a  few  feet  of  the  boat  was  a  picket  squad 
of  seven  men.  Lying  in  a  position  where  he  could  observe  their  movements,  he  waited  until 
they  moved  back  to  eat,  when  he  slipped  into  the  stream,  swam  quietly  to  the  boat,  unfastened 
it,  and  floated  with  it,  until  out  of  danger  of  being  seen,  when  he  got  in  and  paddled  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Roanoke,  and  after  paddling  for  two  hours  in  the  sound  he  discovered  the 
picket-boat  Valley  City.  As  he  hailed  her,  with  his  'Ship  ahoy !'  he  fell  powerless  to  the 
bottom  of  his  boat,  and  lay  there  until  he  was  picked  up  by  a  boat  from  the  Valley  City. 
Three  days  later  Plymouth  was  evacuated  by  the  Gonfederates,  a  feeble  resistance  only  being 
made  to  the  fire  of  the  gunboats.    The  navy  took  possession  of  the  town  November  1,  1864." 

Diary  of  Marches  of   Wessells'  '  Brigade.      Published   During   the   War. 

Author  Unknown. 
(From  March  28,  1862,  to  December  31,  1863.) 

The  following  diary  giving  in  chronological  order  the  marches  and  principal  events 
in  which  Wessells'  brigade  participated  during  the  first  two  years  of  its  service  was  the 
property  of  Conrad  Petsinger,  Go.  B,  lOBd  Penna.  Regiment,  and  before  his  death,  was 
handed  to  his  son,  H.  W.  Petsinger,  of  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  along  with  a  flag  that  possesses  an 
unique  history. 

A  large  detachment  of  Co.  B,  103d  Regiment,  came  from  Sugar  Greek  Township, 
Armstrong  County,  and  among  this  group  were  the  teacher,  James  M.  Carson,  and  several 
pupils  of  the  Blaney  School,  situated  about  12  miles  northwest  of  Kittanning.  Shortly 
after  this  detachment  reached  the  rendezvous  camp  (Camp  Orr,  Kittanning,  Pa.),  the 
young  ladies  of  the  school  made  a  flag  and  presented  it  to  Co.  B.  This  flag  was  made  by 
hand,  and  when  the  flag  was  presented  to  the  Company,  the  pupils  of  the  school  and  their 
parents  brought  their  wagons  and  buggies  loaded  with  eatables  and  served  the  company 
with  an  excellent  dinner.  The  flag  was  put  in  the  care  of  the  former  teacher,  Corp.  J.  M. 
Carson,  who  died  in  Andersonville  prison.  When  Plymouth  was  captured,  Corp.  Carson 
concealed  the  flag  around  his  body  and  carried  it  to  Andersonville,  where  it  was  buried  for 
safekeeping.  Before  his  death,  Carson  entrusted  it  to  Conrad  Petzinger,  who,  when  paroled, 
concealed  it  around  his  body  and  brought  it  to  his  home.  A  cut  of  the  flag  appears  in  this 

The  author  of  the  diary  is  unknown.     It  was  published  in  pamphlet  form,  and  the 
copy  in  the  possession  of  Petsinger  was  minus  the  front  cover,  which  evidently  gave  the 
name  of  the  author.    It  is  reproduced  here  exactly  as  it  appeared  in  the  pamphlet,  without 
any  elimination,  addition  or  editorial  change. 
March,  1862. 


28.     Left  Washington  City,  and  marched  to  Alexandria,  Va.,  a  distance  of  ten  miles. 

29th.     Marched  about  two  miles  from  Alexandria  and  pitch  our  tents. 

30th.  March  back  to  the  city,  and  went  on  board  steam  boats  for  the  night. 

31st.     Started  for  Fort  Monroe  on  board  the  boats. 

April  1st.  Passed  the  Mount  Vernon  estate,  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac;  arrived 
in  the  Chesapeake  Bay. 

2d.  Landed  at  Fortress  Monroe,  and  encamped  at  some  Cavalry  barracks  for  the 
night.    Part  of  the  Brigade  landed  at  Newport  News,  on  the  James  River. 

3d.  Marched  through  Hampton  city,  which  was  burnt  by  the  Rebels  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war;  only  a  few  houses  were  standing.  Arrived  at  Newport  News  about 
5  p.  m.  and  encamped. 

16th.  Left  Newport  News  and  marched  towards  Yorktown  and  passed  by  Warwick 
Court  House,  which  is  quite  a  small  place  containing  about  half  a  dozen  houses.  The  court 
house  is  a  very  small  building  and  one  of  the  oldest  in  the  U.  S.  The  weather  was  very 
warm  and  a  large  number  of  overcoats,  blankets,  etc.,  were  thrown  away  on  this  march,  of 
about  20  miles,  and  encamped  at  night  with  another  part  of  the  army  in  some  pine  woods. 

17th.  Marched  to  camp  Winfield  Scott  a  short  distance  from  Yorktown,  could  hear 
the  firing  there  quite  plain ;  this  camp  was  situated  among  some  young  pines,  was  very 
marshy  and  wet,  and  a  large  number  of  the  troops  suffered  from  sickness.  We  remained 
here  until  the  3d  of  May,  during  which  time  we  were  chiefly  employed  at  road  making,  for 
the  land  on  the  Peninsula  is  most  all  sand  and  swamp  with  here  and  there  a  mud  hole  for 
variety.  We  improved  these  roads  by  falling  pine  logs  across  them  and  thus  making  them 
corduroy  roads,  but  the  ground  was  so  sandy  and  wet,  and  all  the  provisions  for  the  army 
being  transported  over  them,  they  were  soon  invisible  in  places.  There  was  scarcely  a  stone 
to  be  seen  here  or  on  the  whole  Peninsula  and  the  water  we  had  to  drink  was  very  much 
the  same  as  that  in  swamps,  and  sometimes  had  to  drink  the  swamp  water  itself,  almost 
as  black  as  ink.  During  the  time  we  were  at  this  camp  we  were  called  up  in  line  of  battle 
once  or  twice  every  night,  in  expectation  of  being  attacked  from  Yorktown,  for  at  night 
the  most  firing  seemed  to  be  done. 

May  3d.     The  Rebels  evacuated  Yorktown. 

4th.  The  Brigade  was  ordered  with  one  day's  rations  in  pursuit  and  marched  to  a 
large  fort  of  the  Rebels,  near  Yorktown ;  halted  a  short  time,  then  marched  forward  about 
8  miles  and  encamped  for  the  night.  We  had  brought  no  clothing  except  what  we  chanced 
to  have  on,  as  we  expected  to  return  again  night,  so  we  built  fires  and  lay  down  by  them 
till  morning,  when  it  began  to  rain. 

5th.  Was  wet  from  morning  till  night.  The  roads  were  cut  up  and  muddy  beyond 
description,  for  during  the  past  24  hours  the  whole  Rebel  army  and  most  of  our  own  had 
passed  over  them.  Commenced  marching  early  in  the  morning  and  soon  heard  the  roar  of 
cannon  in  advance,  occasionally  passed  a  broken-down  army  wagon,  a  dead  horse,  or  a 
cannon  or  two  stuck  fast  in  the  mud  which  was  about  knee  deep.  About  3  o'clock  p.  m.  we 
went  into  a  large  field  near  Williamsburg  and  had  the  satisfaction  of  being  shelled  by  the 
rebels  till  dark  without  a  chance  of  returning  the  compliment,  for  so  many  of  our  own  men 
were  in  our  front  that  we  could  not  fire  without  danger  to  them.  As  night  fell  firing  ceased 
on  both  sides  and  a  more  miserable  night  than  the  one  succeeding  the  battle  of  Williamsburg 
was  not  spent  by  us  during  the  whole  campaign,  for  we  were  wet  through,  had  lived  three 
days  on  one  day's  rations,  had  no  blankets  or  overcoats  to  keep  us  warm,  and  dare  not  light 
a  fire  for  fear  of  being  shelled.  After  remaining  in  this  position  about  two  hours  orders 
were  given  to  light  fires  and  shortly  after  beef  was  issued  to  the  troops — it  was  some  we 
had  captured  that  day  from  the  rebels,  but  it  tasted  of  garlic  bad  enough  to  poison  a  French- 
man, and  although  we  were  hungry  enough  to  eat  a  roasted  dog  we  could  not  eat  this,  so 
there  was  nothing  to  do  but  wait  till  morning.  To  sleep  was  impossible,  as  it  rained  con- 

6th.  Remained  near  the  battle  field  all  day  while  men  were  sent  back  to  bring  rations 
for  the  army  on  the  pack  mules,  the  roads  being  impassable  for  wagons,  and  never  were 
"hard  tacks"  more  thankfully  received;  they  had  been  selling  the  night  before  at  "two  for 
5  cents"  and  this  morning  could  not  be  had  at  any  price. 

7th.  Marched  through  the  battle-field  and  saw  men  and  horses  lying  dead  in  all 
directions,  nearly  all  appeared  to  have  been  killed  by  rifle  shots  as  very  little  artillery  was 
used  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  bringing  heavy  guns  into  position.  Our  cavalry  brought 
in  several  prisoners  and  a  large  number  of  contrabrands.  The  latter  seemed  very  much 
pleased  at  being  among  the  "yankees"  but  were  rather  astonished  that  we  had  no  horns  on 
our  heads,  as  "massa"  had  told  them. 

10th.  Left  Williamsburg  and  marched  9  miles,  the  roads  still  very  muddy,  and  passed 
several  cannon  that  were  spiked  and  left  behind  by  the  rebels.  The  part  of  country  we 
encamped  in  at  night  seemed  more  fertile  than  any  we  had  yet  seen  on  the  Peninsula,  and 
Gen.  Casey's  Division  seems  to  have  been  the  first  that  marched  that  road  as  the  negroes 
said  we  were  the  first  soldiers  they  had  seen.  We  remained  at  this  camp  until  the  13th, 
when  we  were  marched  12  miles  and  encamped  near  New  Kent  Court-house.     We  were 


seventeen  hours  on  this  march  on  account  of  the  bad  condition  of  the  roads,  and  passed 
several  spiked  cannons  and  broken  down  rebel  army  wagons. 

Next  day,  the  14th,  we  were  sent  on  picket  near  New  Kent  and  remained  till  the  17th, 
during  which  time  it  rained  almost  continually.  The  land  around  here  was  the  same  fiat, 
sandy,  swampy,  sickly,  muddy  looking  country  that  we  had  seen  since  landing  at  Ft.  Monroe. 

17th.  Marched  9  miles  in  direction  of  Chickahomany  River.  In  these  marches  we 
sometimes  passed  by  a  fine  looking  house  and  plantation,  but  for  one  of  these  we  saw  twenty 
little  huts  belonging  to  the  poor  whites.  These  huts  would  be  in  the  pine  woods  where  the 
owner  had  cleared  from  1  to  3  acres  of  land  planted  with  corn  and  sweet  potatoes,  and 
looked  as  we  passed,  with  his  family  around  him,  the  picture  of  misery  and  ragedness.  This 
night  we  encamped  at  a  placed  called  the  White  House,  the  residence  of  Gen.  Lee,  then  in 
the  rebel  army  but  not  the  Commander-in-Chief.  We  encamped  here  until  the  19th,  during 
which  time  most  of  us  received  our  knapsacks  which  had  been  left  at  Yorktown.  Until  now 
we  had  been  standing  the  weather  without  any  shelter. 

19th.  After  marching  13  miles  we  encamped  in  a  place  unto  which  I  believe  no  name 
was  ever  given,  and  did  picket  duty  until  the  21st,  and  then  marched  to  within  a  short 
distance  of  the  Chickahomany  River. 

22d.  Gen.  Casey's  Division  crossed  the  Chickahomany  and  encamped  at  Fair  Oaks, 
and  went  at  throwing  up  breastworks  and  forts  and  slashing  timber  in  our  front.  Our  camp 
was  situated  in  a  clearing  of  several  hundred  acres  surrounded  by  pine  woods  (with  a  road 
running  through  to  Richmond)  in  which  our  pickets  and  the  rebels  were  stationed  a  short 
distance  from  each  other.  Each  of  Gen.  Casey's  Brigades  erected  their  own  fortifications, 
and  were  commanded  by  Brigadier-Generals  Negley,  Wessells,  and  Palmer.  Gen.  Wessels 
had  been  lately  appointed  commander  of  the  2d  Brigade  in  place  of  Gen.  Keim. 

On  Saturday,  the  31st,  Casey's  Division  fought  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  and  as  every 
soldier  sees  the  battle  different  from  the  next,  owing  to  the  place  he  stood,  and  is  confident 
that  the  way  he  saw  it  is  right,  I  shall  leave  each  to  tell  his  own  story  and  have  his  opinion. 
Each  of  Gen.  Wessells'  Regiments  lost  about  100  men,  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  loss  of 
the  Division  was  1,500.  The  battle  continued  nearly  3  hours.  The  rebels  were  commanded 
by  Gen.  Longstreet,  and  estimated  to  be  from  30,000  to  40,000  strong  while  Gen.  Casey  had 
not  6,000  men  fit  for  duty  when  the  engagement  commenced.  The  night  after  the  battle 
marched  back  about  2  miles,  and  having  lost  all  our  camp  baggage  and  clothing  (except 
what  we  wore  in  battle)  had  to  try  to  sleep  as  best  we  could  without  them,  in  the  rain.  All 
night  troops  marched  past  us  towards  Fair  Oaks. 

Next  morning,  June  1st,  the  cannons  began  to  roar  in  the  direction  of  our  old  battle 
ground  and  were  succeeded  by  musketry  as  the  troops  got  to  close  quarters.  The  engage- 
ment lasted  all  morning  and  ended  by  the  rebels  being  driven  back  to  the  front  of  Richmond, 
with  a  loss,  in  the  2  days'  fighting,  of  10,000  men  killed  and  wounded,  according  to  their 

Although  our  former  position  was  now  unoccupied  by  the  enemy  we  never  more 
encamped  there,  but  remained  at  Savage  station  until  the  5th,  when  we  marched  back  to 
White  Oak  Swamp,  but  owing  to  the  several  days'  rain  the  roads  were  almost  knee  deep 
with  mud,  and  having  to  wade  through  three  streams  of  water  more  than  3  feet  deep  we 
arrived  at  the  place  we  were  to  encamp  wet  through,  had  to  blankets  or  tents,  and  not  one 
in  twenty  had  a  change  of  clothing.  Our  camp  was  situated  in  the  pine  woods  where  we 
remained,  in  the  same  condition  in  which  we  arrived,  until  the  10th,  when  we  received  a 
new  supply,  but  very  many  of  the  men  had  died  from  exposure  and  many  more  were  sick. 
We  worked  most  every  day  at  slashing  timber,  throwing  up  breastworks  or  doing  picket 

25th.  The  seven  days'  battles  commenced  today,  and  were  fought  as  follows :  25th, 
Mechanicsville ;  26th,  Peach  Orchard;  27th,  Savage  Station;  28th,  Aliens  Field;  29th,  White 
Oak  Swamp;  30th,  Glen  Dale;  1st,  Malvern  Hill. 

28th.  Evacuated  White  Oak  Swamp  and  crossing  a  branch  of  the  Chickahomany 
encamped  3  miles  from  it. 

29th.  Commenced  our  march  towards  James  River,  while  out  of  each  regiment  one 
or  more  companies  accompanied  by  a  squad  of  cavalry  and  some  artillery  were  sent  on 
picket  to  guard  the  different  fords  in  direction  of  Long  Bridge  and  had  several  skirmishes 
with  the  enemy.  One  company  of  the  96th  N.  Y.  was  surrounded  and  taken  prisoners,  while 
the  others  after  severe  marching  joined  their  regiments  at  Malvern  Hill,  where  the  whole 
"Army  of  the  Potomac"  was  stationed;  Gen.  McClellan's  headquarters  being  at  a  farm 
house  on  the  James  River. 

July  1st.  About  noon  the  battle  of  Malvern  Hill  commenced,  and  ended  at  dark  by 
the  enemy  being  driven  back  with  heavy  loss,  while  the  gunboats  threw  shells  after  them 
at  intervals  through  the  night.  After  the  battle  we  marched  towards  Harrison's  Landing 
but  the  mud  was  very  deep  and  the  roads  much  cut  up  by  wagons  and  artillery.  Remained 
on  picket  all  night  as  we  expected  the  rebels  to  advance  but  all  was  quiet. 

2d.  We  marched  nearer  to  the  Landing,  the  roads  still  very  muddy,  and  went  on 
picket  at  night. 

Corp.    Thomas    J.    McKee.  Sergt.    John    A.    Gwinn. 

Co.  C.  (Co.  C.) 

(Fired  the  first  shot  on  Union  side  at  battle  of        (The  best  natured  man  in  the  Regiment,  and  a 
Fair  Oaks.)  good  soldier.) 


Capt.  Cochran's  headquarters  on  the  right.     Flag  in  the  background   in  Fort  Foster. 


3d.  Remained  on  picket  till  dark  and  then  marched  into  Harrison'?  Landing.  Such 
a  scene  as  the  roads  and  fields  presented  from  about  a  mile  to  the  Landing  is  but  seldom 
seen,  even  in  war;  wagons  stuck  fast  in  the  mud  and  set  on  fire,  barrels  of  beef,  pork,  rice, 
coffee,  etc.,  cut  up  and  the  contents  strewed  around,  while  everywhere  there  seemed  to  be 
dead  mules  and  horses  (some  had  drowned  in  the  mud  and  those  that  stuck  fast  had  been 
killed),  and  every  kind  of  army  tent  had  been  thrown  upon  the  road  and  tramped  into  the 
mud  until  they  were  invisible. 

4th.  Today  was  our  first  at  Harrison's  Landing  and  we  were  inspected  by  Gen. 
McClellan,  but  what  he  saw  of  us  except  mud  is  hard  to  say.  Each  regiment  cheered  him 
loudly,  as  he  came  to  them,  for  (in  spite  of  the  late  retreat)  he  was  the  most  popular  general 
in  the  army  with  the  soldiers. 

8th.     We  were  inspected  by  President  Lincoln. 

Harrison's  Landing  was  a  natural  fortification,  being  an  elevated  tract  of  land  about 
7  miles  in  circumference  and  surrounded  by  swamps  on  the  land  side  and  the  James  River  on 
the  other.  We  fortified  the  place  till  it  was  considered  impregnable  on  the  land  side,  and 
the  gun  boats  protected  the  other. 

14th.  The  whole  army  was  paid  at  the  same  time,  for  two  months,  and  the  Sutlers 
had  a  fine  time  at  money-making  as  the  following  was  about  their  prices :  Butter  60  cents, 
cheese  40c,  eggs  75c,  lib.  loaf  bread  25c,  and  everything  in  proportion,  and  Sutlers'  tents  were 
crowded  from  morning  till  night,  Sundays  not  excepted. 

The  weather  was  now  very  warm  and  we  drilled  each  day,  often  had  division  drill. 
Gen.  Peck  being  our  Division  Commander  (in  place  of  Gen.  Casey  who  resigned  shortly 
after  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks)  would  drill  us  on  the  double-quick  on  the  very  hottest  days, 
and  in  every  drill  several  men  would  fall  down  exhausted,  and  by  the  time  the  drill  was 
over  the  others  were  but  little  better.  It  was  very  easy  for  an  oificer  on  horseback  to  give 
the  order  to  double-quick,  but  for  the  men  to  do  it  with  tight  belts  and  heavy  guns  was  a 
different  affair.  While  here  we  went  on  picket,  threw  up  breastworks,  and  drilled  nearly 
every  day,  and  in  this  way  passed  the  long  summer  days  while  on  the  Peninsula. 

August  16th.  Our  knapsacks  being  put  on  board  a  boat  we  started  in  light  marching 
order  towards  Fort  Monroe,  a  distance  of  about  60  miles,  and  march  17,  near  the  bank  of 
the  James  River.  The  weather  was  fine  but  too  hot  for  marching,  as  a  great  dust  is  always 
raised  by  an  army  in  motion.  Though  everything  was  carefully  guarded  when  we  advanced, 
now  scarcely  anything  was,  and  everything  in  the  shape  of  fruit,  vegetables,  etc.,  was  con- 
sidered public  property.  The  corn  was  just  getting  ripe  and  when  we  came  to  a  field  of  it 
there  was  a  general  "pitch  in"  for  roasting  ears,  which  we  would  cook  at  our  next  halting 
place.  The  field  we  encamped  in  this  night  was  about  100  acres  of  corn  and  by  morning 
was  worthless  to  its  owner,  the  ears  having  been  roasted  and  the  stalks  cut  down  to  sleep 
upon,  and  such  was  generally  the  fate  of  cornfields  on  that  march. 

17th.  Commenced  marching  at  daylight,  passed  through  Charles  City,  and  crossed  the 
Chickahomany  on  pontoon  bridges.  This  river  is  a  mere  stream  10  miles  from  its  mouth, 
but  the  swamps  it  ran  through  made  it  difficult  to  cross.  Water  was  very  scarce  on  this 
march  and  dust  very  plentiful  (almost  suffocating),  and  hung  on  the  trees  and  bushes  by 
the  roadside  not  far  unlike  snow.  Gen.  McClellan  and  staff  passed  us  today.  Me  marched 
26  miles,  and  were  13  hours  on  the  road. 

18th.  Passed  through  Williamsburg,  which  before  the  war  had  a  population  of  1,600 
or  1,800,  but  most  of  the  citizens  had  taken  their  "black  jewels"  and  fled  before  we  took 
possession.  We  passed  over  the  old  battle  ground,  and  a  few  trees  cut  by  the  shells  (and 
scattered  graves  over  which  the  grass  had  grown)  was  all  that  remained  of  the  great 
struggle.    Having  marched  today  16  miles  we  encamped,  and  remained  the  next  day. 

20th.  Passed  through  Yorktown,  on  the  banks  of  the  York  River,  which  contained 
only  a  few  houses  and  they  very  old.  The  land  around  is  broken  and  irregular,  affording 
splendid  fortifications  for  besieged  forces.  In  the  town  is  a  small  stone  monument  upon 
the  spot  where  Cornwallis  surrendered  his  sword  to  Washington,  and  some  of  the  fortifica- 
tions thrown  up  at  that  time  are  yet  in  existence.  We  marched  a  short  distance  from  the 
town  and  encamped  for  a  few  days. 

24th.  Left  Yorktown  and  marched  to  Fort  Monroe,  to  arrive  at  which  after  living 
4  months  on  the  Peninsula  seemed  like  coming  out  of  a  wilderness  into  a  second  land  of 
Canaan.  While  on  the  Peninsula  there  was  nothing  but  government  rations  and  such  things 
as  the  sutlers  carried  with  them,  and  many  had  not  tasted  a  loaf  of  bread  from  leaving  till 
returning  to  this  place.  It  was  pork,  coffee  and  crackers;  crackers,  coffee  and  pork,  the 
whole  time,  and  we  were  well  tired  of  it. 

Fort  Monroe  is  a  great  market  for  all  kinds  of  fruit,  etc.,  and  provisions  are  as 
cheap  as  at  Washington  city.  Our  knapsacks  which  we  had  placed  on  the  boat  were  sunk 
in  the  James  River  and  were  the  third  ones  for  some  of  us  to  lose,  and  though  lost  by  no 
fault  of  ours  were  changed  to  our  account  and  cost  some  of  us  four  months'  wages.  Re- 
mained here  nearly  a  month  and  were  allowed  to  recruit  up  some,  as  we  were  pretty  well 
worn  out  when  we  arrived.  We  drilled  often  enough,  but  as  Gen.  Peck's  headquarters  were 
at  Yorktown,  and  he  could  not  operate  upon  us  personally,  we  were  drilled  reasonably. 


September  18th.  Left  Fort  Monroe  by  water  and  went  to  Norfolk,  and  from  there 
by  cars  to  Suffolk.  The  land  between  the  latter  two  places  is  chiefly  swamp — the  Dismal 
Swamp.  Upon  our  arrival  we  found  ourselves  again  under  command  of  Gen.  Peck,  and 
were  at  once  put  to  drill,  and  to  dig  rifle  pits  and  forts. 

23d.  Started  at  5  p.  m.,  with  three  days'  rations,  on  a  reconnoissance  to  Blackwater, 
and  marched  all  night.  The  roads  were  very  sandy,  and  we  occasionally  came  to  a  mud 
hole  which  we  had  to  cross  in  single  file  on  a  board  or  fallen  tree,  which  delayed  us  very 
much.  By  daylight  we  were  at  a  church  two  miles  beyond  Carrsville  (19  miles  from 
Suffolk),  where  we  ate  our  breakfast  and  then  marched  to  the  banks  of  the  Blackwater, 
opposite  Franklin.  The  enemy's  pickets  retreated  before  us  and  crossed  the  river,  artillery 
firing  was  kept  up  nearly  two  hours ;  then  we  fell  back  a  short  distance,  made  a  flank  move- 
ment to  the  left,  and  attempted  to  cross  at  another  point.  The  rebels  had  sharpshooters  on 
the  opposite  bank  and  several  of  our  men  were  wounded — our  artillery  was  then  brought 
up  and  fired  for  some  time.  We  then  marched  back  to  Carrsville,  early  next  morning 
threw  a  few  more  shells  at  them,  and  returned  to  Suffolk,  which  we  reached  on  the  26th. 
On  this  march  everything  in  the  shape  of  poultry,  etc.,  was  considered  as  belonging  to  the 
first  to  catch  them,  and  the  way  in  which  our  boys  hunted  up  drinkables  would  have  done 
credit  to  a  detective  police  officer.  Our  time  here  was  spent  much  in  this  manner:  Went 
on  picket  at  9  a,  m.,  would  be  relieved  next  day  at  that  hour,  and  would  return  to  camp, 
clean  our  guns,  and  do  what  we  pleased  for  the  remainder  of  the  day  unless  Brigade  or 
Division  drill  was  ordered;  and  next  morning  there  would  be  fatigue  or  camp  guard,  and 
a  fellow  was  considered  lucky  if  he  was  not  put  on  one  of  these.  Picket  duty  was  the 
hardest  of  any,  as  the  picket  line  was  situated  in  a  thick  pine  wood  and  we  had  no  shelter 
to  go  under  if  it  rained  or  to  sleep  in  at  night,  nor  were  fires  allowed  to  be  kept  burning 
after  dark  as  it  showed  the  enemy  our  position  and  guerrillas  could  creep  up  and  shoot  us 
by  the  light.  Generally  four  men  were  stationed  at  a  post  with  orders  for  two  to  stand 
guard  while  the  others  slept,  and  relieve  each  other  during  the  night;  to  keep  a  bright  look 
out  for  the  "officer  of  the  day,"  salute  him  if  he  came  in  the  day,  but  if  at  night  to  make  him 
"dismount,  advance  and  give  the  countersign."  Instructions  were  to  shoot  everything  of  a 
suspicious  looking  character,  outside  the  line,  and  this  order  was  the  cause  of  "sudden 
death"  to  many  sheep,  hogs  and  steers,  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  that  were  enjoying  a 
night  ramble ;  and  converted  them  into  steak. 

We  had  to  form  a  line  of  battle  every  morning  before  daybreak  and  stand  so  an 
hour  or  more,  till  our  hands  were  nearly  froze  to  the  guns.  We  could  never  see  the  use  of 
doing  thus,  and  the  opinions  expressed  about  it  (and  about  a  certain  man,  then  high  in 
command),  were  very  amusing,  especially  if  the  morning  was  extra  cold. 

During  the  month  of  October  we  went  to  Blackwater  twice,  with  a  few  regiments, 
and  upon  returning  others  would  be  in  motion  for  the  same  place;  and  though  some  of 
these  expeditions  had  heavy  skirmishing  and  others  did  nothing  the  object  of  causing  the 
"rebs"  to  keep  a  large  force  there  was  accomplished. 

Nov.  7th.  Snow  fell  a  few  inches  deep,  remaining  but  a  short  time,  and  the  only 
snow  we  saw  this  winter. 

17th.  At  4  p.  m.  Gen.  Wessells'  Brigade,  and  most  of  the  other  troops,  started  on 
an  expedition  to  Blackwater,  taking  along  two  pontoon  bridges  to  cross  the  river  on ;  and, 
march  all  night,  came  in  sight  of  the  river  on  the  morning  of  the  18th,  when  we  commenced 
shelling  the  rebels  from  its  banks,  and  part  of  the  forces  were  sent  lower  down  to  throw 
the  pontoons  across  and  move  over,  but  only  ^  few  crossed  before  the  bridge  broke  and  (the 
other  pontoon  being  too  short)  we  were  compelled  to  return  to  Suffolk  without  doing  any- 
thing more,  and  this  was  our  last  visit  to  Blackwater. 

Dec.  5th.  Our  brigade  left  for  North  Carolina,  but  it  rained  all  day  and  the  mud 
was  about  knee  deep ;  the  country  was  low  and  sandy,  and  we  were  very  tired  at  night — 
having  marched  23  miles. 

6th.  Was  as  muddy  as  its  predecessor  (if  possible,  a  little  more),  but  there  was 
nothing  to  do  but  march  through  it,  and  enquire  of  every  darkey  how  far  it  was  to  Gates- 
ville?  and  their  answer  invariably  was  "Right  smart  of  a  distance,  sah!"  whether  20  miles 
or  2.  In  the  afternoon  we  arrived  at  Gatesville,  quite  a  small  village,  and  encamped  for 
the  night. 

7th.  Marched  2%  miles  and  went  on  board  boats  on  the  Chowan  River,  proceeded 
down  Albemarle  Sound,  past  Roanoke  Island,  up  Neuse  River  and  landed  at  Newbern  on 
the  10th,  but  had  scarcely  got  on  shore  when  we  were  ordered  to  cook  three  days'  rations 
and  prepare  for  marching. 

11th.  Began  to  march,  towards  Kinston,  through  turpentine  farms,  and  sometimes 
passed  cleared  farms,  but  they,  "like  angel's  visits,"  were  "few  and  far  between.''  The  dis- 
tance marched  today  estimated  at  16  miles. 

12th.  On  the  march  all  day,  but  as  we  went  first  in  one  direction  and  then  in  another 
the  distance  accomplished  was  not  ascertained.  The  3d  N.  Y.  Cavalry  brought  in  about 
a  dozen  prisoners. 


13th.  Cautiously  moved  forward,  had  a  skirmish,  artillery  fired  almost  continually, 
and  encamped  at  night  near  enough  to  the  rebels  to  hear  them  speaking  to  each  other.  Our 
pickets  and  theirs  were  but  a  short  distance  apart,  and  we  expected  a  battle  at  daybreak. 

14th.  Battle  of  Kinston  took  place,  and  was  the  greatest  battle  ever  fought  in  North 
Carolina.  With  the  exception  of  Wessells'  Brigade  the  troops  most  engaged  were  Massa- 
chusetts Regiments ;  the  9th  N.  J.  and  10th  Conn,  also  taking  an  active  part.  Of  the  brigade 
the  regiment  most  engaged  was  the  103d  Penna.  They  charged  upon  the  enemy  and  drove 
them  back  at  several  points,  but  lost  upwards  of  80  men  killed  and  wounded.  The  85th, 
92d  and  96th  N.  Y.,  and  the  85th  and  101st  Penna.  Regiments  were  also  engaged,  but  their 
loss  was  not  so  heavy.  The  entire  loss  of  the  brigade  was  140  killed  and  wounded.  The 
enemy  was  driven  back  at  all  points,  and  lost  600  prisoners  and  a  large  quantity  of  stores. 
In  the  afternoon  we  entered  Kinston,  a  very  pretty  town,  and  by  the  appearance  of  things 
we  were  very  unexpected  visitors.  Quite  many  of  the  citizens  were  still  there  but  the 
majority  had  fled;  many  of  the  stores  seemed  as  if  just  deserted,  everything  being  left 
behind  even  to  the  money  in  the  drawers;  tobacco  was  here  in  great  quantities,  and  was 
appropriated  by  the  boys  without  much  question  as  to  its  former  owner;  and  a  large  lot 
of  clothing  for  the  rebel  army  was  also  captured  here. 

We  this  day  lost  Colonel  Gray,  of  the  96th  N.  Y.  V.  His  regiment  was  the  first  to 
arrive  at  the  bridge  which  the  rebels  had  crossed  and  set  on  fire.  Several  old  muskets  were 
left  to  burn  with  it,  and  one  of  them  exploding  shot  him  dead ;  he  was  quite  a  young  officer 
and  very  much  respected  by  the  whole  brigade. 

15th.  Recrossed  the  Neuse,  burnt  the  bridge,  and  marched  towards  Goldsboro.  De- 
pending chiefly  upon  the  country  through  which  we  passed  for  our  supplies,  men  were  sent 
out  to  capture  all  the  hogs,  sheep  and  cattle  they  could  find  within  five  miles  of  us. 

16th.  Battle  of  Whitehall  was  fought;  commencing  early  in  the  morning  it  was 
continued  till  evening,  when  the  enemy  was  driven  back  with  much  loss  to  Goldsboro. 

17th.  Battle  of  Goldsboro,  in  which  the  enemy  were  again  defeated,  and  driven  across 
the  Neuse  River  into  the  town.  We  then  burnt  the  bridge  and  tore  up  the  railroad  track. 
Towards  evening  their  forces,  under  Gen.  Pettigrew,  come  out  to  attack  us  again,  but,  after 
a  sharp  engagement,  were  driven  back  with  heavy  loss.  The  object  of  the  expedition  being 
accomplished  we  marched  back  8  miles,  which  with  the  8  we  advanced  in  the  morning  made 
for  the  day  a  total  of  16  miles. 

]8th.  Having  marched  20  miles  we  encamped,  at  nearly  midnight,  in  a  cornfield  near 

19th.  Passed  Kinston  and  encamped  6  miles  from  it  on  a  different  road  frorH  that 
we  advanced  on. 

20th.    Arrived  within  14  miles  of  Newbern. 

21st.  Returned  to  Newbern,  crossed  the  Trent  River,  and  encamped.  Newbern  is 
situated  upon  the  confluence  of  Neuse  and  Trent  Rivers,  and  before  the  war  exported  large 
quantities  of  turpentine,  rosin,  etc.,  and  contained  about  7,000  inhabitants,  very  few  of  whom 
now  remain  (their  "secesh"  proclivities  having  procured  them  a  conveyance  beyond  our 
lines).  It  is  one  of  the  most  ancient  towns  in  the  state,  but  has  but  few  fine  buildings,  and 
the  Gaston  House  is  the  only  hotel. 

February  7,  1863,  was  pay-day  in  camp  and  "Uncle  Sam"  professed  to  pay  four 
months'  pay  of  the  seven  due,  but  upon  stepping  up  to  receive  our  "greenbacks"  we  were 
informed  that  the  knapsacks  lost  (at  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  and  White  Oak  Swamp  and 
by  Government  transportation  from  Harrison's  Landing)  must  be  paid  for  by  us,  and 
amounted  to  about  $45  each  man,  which  left  us,  on  the  average,  $7  for  four  months'  wages. 

March  7th.  An  expedition  (consisting  of  the  101st  and  103  Penna.  Vols,  and  a  Com- 
pany of  the  3d  N.  Y.  Cav.)  was  sent  into  Hyde  county,  to  break  up  a  band  of  guerrillas.  We 
landed  on  the  9th  at  Swan  Quarter,  a  small  village  near  the  coast,  marched  14  miles  on  the 
north  side  of  Mattimaskeet  Lake,  burnt  up  the  guerrilla  captain's  house,  and  took  all  the 
horses  that  were  of  any  value  to  serve  in  our  cavalry  instead  of  in  that  of  the  rebels.  The 
country  was  the  richest  we  had  yet  seen  in  the  southern  states,  and,  considering  that  most 
of  the  work  was  done  by  slaves,  was  very  well  cultivated.  We  encamped  at  night  opposite 
some  deserted  breastworks  of  the  rebels,  and  having  captured  large  quantities  of  hams, 
chickens,  etc.,  during  the  day,  began  cooking  them.  All  the  pots,  pans  and  kettles  of  the 
neighborhood  were  pressed  into  service,  and  many  who  lost  their  chickens  were  obliged  to 
lend  their  utensils  to  cook  them  in,  which  must  have  been  very  pleasant  to  the  feelings  of 
the  "Chivalry." 

We  were  aroused  about  midnight  by  firing  at  the  picket  line,  but  it  turned  out  to  be 
caused  by  an  old  one-eyed  man  whom  we  took  prisoner  and  carried  to  Newbern. 

His  story  was  that  he  and  his  son  had  been  out  to  shoot  bears,  that  they  knew  nothing 
of  our  being  there,  until  they  were  fired  into  by  our  pickets,  and  that  his  son  had  got  "right 
smart  of  scared"  and  had  "skiddaddled,"  leaving  his  gun  behind;  this  might  all  be  true, 
but  it  is  most  likely  that  the  "bear"  they  were  after  was  one  of  Uncle  Sam's  "two-legged 

10th.     Early  in  the  morning  we  cooked  and  eat  the  remainder  of  our  chickens  and 


then  continued  our  onward  march.  Every  man  and  horse  we  found  was  taken  along — the 
horse  for  his  usefulness,  and  the  man  to  keep  him  out  of  mischief.  We  captured  about  50 
prisoners  today,  and  a  more  boney,  lank,  lantern-jawed  set  could  scarcely  be  found,  and 
we  took  so  many  horses,  mules,  oxen,  carts,  carriages,  etc.,  that  we  were  almost  all  mounted 
Infantry.  Negroes,  with  all  the  goods  they  could  collect,  left  "ole  massa"  to  come  with  us; 
sometimes  in  whole  families,  with  the  "picaninnies"  strapped  to  their  backs,  and  most  of 
the  captured  ox-carts  were  given  to  the  women  and  children  to  ride  in.  It  rained  all  day 
and  the  roads  were  very  muddy,  but  this  was  a  slight  annoyance  for  we  were  wet  through 
and  muddy  as  possible,  so  we  splashed  along  without  any  regard  to  either,  knowing  we  were 
as  bad  off  as  we  could  be — a  kind  of  philosophy  soldiers  are  often  brought  to  believe  in. 
Distance  marched  today  was  15  miles. 

11th.  Onward  still,  and  a  better  country  than  this  for  forage  could  not  be  found,  and 
certainly  none  of  the  "starvation  of  the  South"  was  known  here,  for  this  was  a  "land  of 
milk  and  honey,"  though  there  was  no  way  for  us  to  get  the  latter  but  by  lifting  the  hive 
and  taking  it  out  with  the  bayonet,  and  the  way  the  bees  came  out  and  stung  made  the 
"darkies"  turn  up  the  whites  of  their  eyes,  for  they  were  often  put  to  the  work. 

We  passed  the  plantation  of  Judge  Donald,  one  of  the  largest  slave  owners  in  that 
section.  He  formerly  owned  600,  and  had  400  at  this  time  but  a  large  number  followed 
us,  and  many  carts  and  oxen  were  pressed  into  service  from  this  place.  At  night  we  reached 
Swan  Quarter,  with  about  80  prisoners  and  150  horses  and  oxen  which  we  had  taken,  having 
marched  26  miles,  and  remained  till  the  13th. 

13th.  Our  prisoners  had  to  either  take  the  oath  to  Uncle  Sam  or  go  to  Newbern  as 
prisoners ;  most  of  them  took  it  and  were  turned  loose,  but  the  most  suspicious  were  taken 
to  Newbern,  with  the  one-eyed  man  already  mentioned.  We  now  embarked  on  the  boat, 
and  took  along  the  most  valuable  of  our  captured  property. 

14th.     Arrived  at  Newbern  and  went  to  our  old  camp. 

April  4th.  Went  on  an  expedition  towards  Little  Washington,  for  the  purpose  of 
breaking  the  blockade  and  relieving  Gen.  Foster,  who,  with  a  small  force,  was  hemmed  in 
by  the  rebels. 

5th.  Arriving  in  Pamlico  River  towards  night  we  saw  a  rebel  battery  on  the  left 
bank,  our  gun-boats  opened  fire  upon  it  which  was  immediately  returned  and  kept  up  for 
about  two  hours  when  the  battery  ceased  firing,  some  of  our  men  then  landed  and  found 
it  deserted ;  other  batteries  were  further  down  the  river  but  our  force  was  too  small  to 
proceed  so  we  put  back  for  Newbern,  where  we  arrived  on  the  7th. 

During  our  absence  the  rebels  attacked  Fort  Anderson  with  a  determination  to  take 
it,  but  the  garrison  within,  the  92d  N.  Y.  Vols.,  were  fully  determined  to  hold  it.  The  tents 
inside  were  riddled  and  the  fort  sustained  considerable  damage,  so  the  rebels  ceased  to 
fire  and  sent  in  for  a  surrender  but  the  Colonel  was  too  old  a  soldier  to  see  it  in  that  light 
and  sent  word  to  that  effect.  The  rebels  again  opened  fire,  but  soon  bursting  their  biggest 
gun  gave  up  the  attempt. 

7th.  After  dark  we  were  taken  across  the  Neuse,  to  attempt  to  reach  Little  Wash- 
ington by  land;  our  force  consisting  of  15  regiments  of  infantry,  3d  N.  Y.  Cavalry  and  a 
battery  or  two  of  artillery. 

8th.  Began  to  move  early  in  the  morning.  Gen.  Spinola  commanding,  through  a  tur- 
pentine farm  country.  These  seem  to  be  the  most  miserable  kind  of  farms  in  the  world, 
for  the  pine  woods  are  dark  and  gloomy,  the  houses  are  miserable  buildings  and  in  places 
miles  away  from  other  dwellings,  and  very  few  of  the  people  can  read  or  write.  The  roads 
were  bad  as  usual  and  after  marching  over  them  14  miles,  through  mud-holes,  etc.,  we 
encamped  for  the  night. 

9th.  Before  any  order  was  given  to  get  up,  or  cook  breakfast,  we  heard  "fall  in !" 
and  in  we  fell  and  marched  forward.  It  was  a  pretty  general  opinion  throughout  the 
brigade,  the  day  before,  that  Gen.  S.  knew  but  very  little  and  today  the  boys  concluded  that 
he  knew  nothing  at  all.  About  noon  we  came  upon  the  enemy's  pickets  near  Swift  (or 
Blount)  Creek,  and  drove  them  back.  Artillery  firing  was  kept  up  on  both  sides  for  about 
and  hour  and  we  had  several  men  killed  and  wounded,  and  we  expected  the  order  to  advance 
but  "Retreat !"  was  what  we  heard.  When  marching  back  we  passed  our  "Leader"  in  the 
same  place  where  we  left  him  when  we  advanced,  which  was  about  a  mile  back  of  the 
position  where  the  firing  took  place.  We  have  had  some  hard  marches  since  joining  the 
army  but,  in  point  of  time,  this  beat  all,  as  we  marched  9  miles  in  two  hours  and  the  mud 
in  some  places  was  knee  deep.  We  had  not  been  allowed  time  to  cook  either  breakfast  or 
dinner  and  the  report  was  that  the  rebels  were  following  close  in  our  rear,  but  in  spite  of 
this  and  all  orders  to  keep  in  ranks  some  of  the  boys  would  fall  out  to  make  a  cup  of 
coffee.  The  fires  they  made  would  spread  and  ignite  the  rosin  and  turpentine  on  the  pines, 
the  flames  running  quickly  to  the  highest  branches,  and  from  these  to  other  trees  till  the 
whole  forest  seemed  on  fire,  and  sometimes  the  burning  trees  would  fall  with  a  crash  upon 
the  road  we  had  just  passed  over.  We  were  very  tired  when  we  halted  at  night,  having 
marched  30  miles  and  not  eat  anything.     So  much  for  the  generalship  of  Gen.  S, 


10th.  Passed  New  Hope  school  house  and  arrived  at  Newbern,  having  marched  11 

18th.  Again  on  the  road,  for  Little  Washington,  under  command  of  Gen.  Wessells. 
We  marched  from  Fort  Anderson  shortly  after  daybreak,  and  finding  upon  our  arrival  at 
Swift  Creek  that  the  enemy  had  abandoned  their  position  here  we  encamped  for  the  night, 
25  miles  from  Newbern. 

19th.  Captured  some  half  a  dozen  prisoners  and  encamped  at  night  near  Wash- 

20th.  Marched  through  Washington,  a  pretty  little  town,  built  on  some  rising  land 
near  Tar  River.  The  siege  had  caused  some  suffering,  from  want  of  provisions,  and  the 
niggers  came  to  us  begging  for  hard  tack. 

We  stopped  around  the  town  till  next  day,  when  we  went  into  Fort  Washington 
and  remained  until  the  26th  and  then  started  on  our  return  to  Newbern.  During  our  stay 
at  Washington  all  citizens  had  to  take  the  oath  to  the  United  States  or  go  over  the  lines 
to  "Jeff." 

27th.    Returned  to  Newbern  and  remained  8  days. 
May  5th.    Left  on  board  steamboats. 

6th.  Arrived  in  Plymouth,  N.  C.  It  was  taken  possession  of  by  our  troops  nearly 
at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  but  on  the  morning  of  the  10th  of  December,  1862,  the 
rebels  drove  in  our  pickets  and  came  into  the  town  with  infantry,  artillery,  and  cavalry, 
occupied  the  place  long  enough  to  burn  and  destroy  the  largest  and  finest  portion  of  the 
town  and  then  evacuated  it.  Its  former  population  was  about  2,000  white  and  black.  It  is 
situated  near  the  mouth  of  the  Roanoke  river  and  was  a  place  of  some  importance,  but 
now  its  glory  has  departed.  Plymouth  is  one  of  the  most  sickly  places  in  which  we  have 
yet  encamped, — scarcely  a  man  in  the  whole  Brigade  escaped  the  fever  and  ague  during 
the  summer  and  fall  of  1863,  and  though  abated  at  this  time  still  it  finds  a  victim  occasionally. 
July  5th.  Four  regiments  of  the  brigade  went  on  an  expedition  to  Williamston ;  two- 
by  way  of  Gardner's  bridge,  and  two  by  way  of  the  river  on  the  gun-boats.  After  working 
our  way  up  the  Roanoke  all  night  we  were  but  12  miles  from  Plymouth  by  morning  and 
had  20  rnore  to  go.  This  river  is  the  crookedest  to  be  met  with,  and  we  were  constantly 
running  into  the  banks  in  attempting  to  turn  the  bends.  The  land  along  the  river  is  mostly- 
low  and  swampy,  and  owing  to  a  freshet  was  then  covered  with  water.  About  once  in. 
4  miles  was  as  often  as  we  saw  a  habitation  of  any  kind,  but  passed  one  large  plantation 
where  the  negroes  came  to  the  river  bank  clapping  their  hands  and  singing,  while  the 
juvenile  darkies  stood  upon  their  heads.  Most  of  these  slaves  seemed  to  be  women  and 
children,  the  men  having  probably  escaped  into  our  lines  or  been  sent  into  the  interior  for 

6th.  In  the  evening  we  came  in  sight  of  Williamston  on  the  left  of  the  river,  and 
It  seemed  to  be  a  pretty  village.  Some  few  rebel  soldiers  were  visible  and  shells  'were 
thrown  at  them,  but  they  soon  got  out  of  sight. 

Time  was  given  for  the  citizens  to  remove  out  of  the  bombardment  and  at  9  n  m 
the  gunboats  opened  their  fire  upon  the  town,  and  we  saw  the  shells  go  crashing  and 
bursting  through  the  houses,  which  were  soon  on  fire;  still  the  boats  poured  in  their  shells 
firing  about  15  guns  every  6  minutes.  We  expected  the  "rebs"  to  return  the  fire  but  thev 
did  not  and  it  soon  became  evident  that  the  Chivalry  had  fled.  One  gun  every  5  minutes 
was  fired  till  morning,  when  we  landed  and  marched  up  to  the  town  but  found  no  enemy 
7th.     Returned  to  Plymouth.  ^"tmjr. 

26th.     Marched  to  Gardner's  Bridge. 

night. 'very  weTday''  '°  ^°''"''  """'''  ''"™'  *'""  ^"^  '''"'""^'^  ''  '"  ^'  J^'"«'°"  -» 
too  pkntHul.^'*"""^  *°  Plytnouth,  but  as  it  rained  continually  mud  and  water  was  rather 

Small   expeditions    have   since   been   sent   out,    containino-   detailpH    m,.„    f  .u  ■ 

regiment,  which  would  be  neither  useful  nor  interesting  to  recofd  ""^   "'"'" 

September  20th.     A  small  expedition  went  to  Currituck  countv   rlfstr,^,,.^  ,.  . 

salt-works,  and  returned  on  the  24th.  county,  destroyed  some  rebel 

October  3d.     The  brigade  was  paid  4  mouths'  wages 
December  17th.    We  were  agai^n  paid,  by  Maj.  Crane,  for  2  months 
29th.     An  expedition  went  to  Nixenton,  on  Little  river   anH  r^u.^^^A        xi.     o, 
1864.-January  7th.     An  expedition  went  to  near  Winton    on    he'rh  "  *^'  ^^''• 
returned  on  the  8th.  vvinton,  on  the  Chowan  river,  and 

enlistef '•    ^"°*"  "'"'  '°  *'  ""'  ^''''  ^"'^  *°°'^  °"  board  50  negroes,  all  of  whom 
20th.    An  expedition  went  up  the  Chowan  river 
21st.    Landed  and  marched  to  Harrellsville,  4  miles   from  th^  .; 
large  quantities  of  pork,  horses,  mules,  etc.     The   rebels   fireH   ur.r.1  '  •^"'^  captured 

returned  and  kept  up  till  morning,  and  we  had  one  man  killed  and  another"  wound'ed'    Ab'^ut 


1,000  rounds  of  ammunition  was  fired,  and  we  took  one  prisoner  and  killed  one  "reb,"  and 
most  of  the  town  was  burnt.  Col.  Maxwell,  of  the  103d  P.  V.,  was  in  command,  and  the 
expedition  then  returned  to  Plymouth. 

23d.     Expedition  went  to  Lake  Phelps,  and  returned  on  the  26th. 

Several  other  expeditions  have  since  been  made  from  this  place,  to  Windsor,  Edenton, 
and  other  parts,  but  none  of  any  great  importance;  and  so  ends  our  campaigning  for  the 

Three-fourths  of  the  Brigade  have  re-enlisted,  for  3  years,  and  we  hope  that  our 
next  expedition  will  be  to  the  Northern  States  where  we  are  promised  a  furlough  for  30 
days,  and  when  that  expires  we  desire  to  make  a  raid  to  Richmond  to  bring  in  Jeff  himself, 
— his  dearly  beloved  darkies  we  have  got  already. 


Dedication  or  the  Monument  Erected  by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  as  a  MEiiORLivL  to 
THE  Soldiers  of  the  State  Who  Died  in  Southern  Prisons  and  are  Interred  in 
THE  National  Cemetery  at  Andersonville,  Ga. 

The  following  surviving  members  of  the  103d  Regiment,  who  were  prisoners  of 
war,  and  confined  at  Andersonville  prison,  attended  the  dedication  of  the  Monument 
erected  by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  National  Cemetery  at  Andersonville,  Ga., 
December  7,  1905: 

Calvin  B.  Alt   (A),  Tylersburg,  Pa.  Samuel  McCoy  (H),  Shippenville,  Pa. 

Jacob  J.  Anthony  (D),  Climax,  Pa.  John  S.  Moorhead  (D),  Deanville,  Pa. 

Alvin  H.  Alexander  (A),  Clarion,  Pa.  Joseph  Moyer  (A),  Letonia,  Ohio. 

John  J.  Ashbaugh  (H),  St.  Petersburg,  Pa.  Sebastian  Neiderriter   (H),  Marble,  Pa. 

R.  P.  Black  (E),  Chicora,  Pa.  James  W.  Richardson  (A),  Shippensville,  Pa. 

Adam  Banner  (E),  Bedford  Stair  Cross'g,  Pa,  Daniel  L.  Rankin  (B),  Butler,  Pa. 

George  W.  Bruner  (G),  Pittsburg,  Pa.  Robert  R.  Reardon  (H). 

Daniel  Bowser  (D),  Parkers  Landing,  Pa.  Samuel  Rupert  (H),  West  Freedom,  Pa. 

William  Boarts    (F),  Union  City,  Pa.  William  B.  Sedwick  (E),  Foxbury,  Pa. 

James  S.  Cooper  (A),  Pittsburgh,  Pa.  Andrew  Shankle  (G),  Derry  Sta.,  Pa. 

Oliver  P.  Campbell   (K),  West  Sunbury,  Pa.  Isaac  Shakely  (B),  Emlenton,  Pa. 

Gabriel  Duffy  (E),  Petrolia,  Pa.  Uriah  Sloan  (B),  Emlenton,  Pa. 

James  Dunlap,  Franklin,  Pa.  Fletcher  Smullin  (D),  Putneyville,  Pa. 

Charles  C.  Gray   (D),  Dubois,  Pa.  George  W.  Stoke  (B),  Reynoldsville,  Pa. 

Clarence  B.  Gelston  (K),  Derry,  Pa.  Walter  R.  Small  (A),  East  Hickory,  Pa. 

John  C.  Guiher  (A),  Grampion,  Pa.  Moses  T.  Steele  (G),  Elkins,  Pa. 

George  M.  Gourley  (G),  Big  Run,  Pa.  William  A.  Smith  (B),  Vernon,  Pa. 

John  Gould  (D),  Kittanning,  Pa.  Levi  Schreckengost  (D),  Putneyville,  Pa. 

Samuel  W.  Hamilton  (D),  Vandergrift,  Pa.  George  Troutman  (E),  Butler,  Pa. 

Peter  Klingler  (H),  St.  Petersburg,  Pa.  Jeremiah  Wyant  (D),  Adrian,  Pa. 

William  Kleck  (H),  Lucinda,  Pa.  John  M,  Webb  (E),  Branchton,  Pa. 

Aaron  W.  Lang  (B),  Marion  Center,  Pa.  John  Walters  (H),  Wilkinsburg,  Pa. 

John  Lower  (H),  Marble,  Pa.  Lester  R.  Warner  (H),  Redclyflfe,  Pa. 

Others  who  had  received  orders  from  the  State  for  transportation  from  a  point 
near  their  homes  to  Andersonville  and  return  to  attend  the  dedication  of  the  Monument, 
through  illness  and  other  reasons  could  not  attend.  Among  those  of  the  Regiment  who 
returned  the  orders  were : 

Samuel  C.  Burkholder  (H),  Butler  Plank  Hiram  Irwin  (H),  North  Pine  Grove,  Pa, 

Road,  Pa.  William  D.  Keefer  (B),  West  Monterey,  Pa. 

Henry  C,  Croup  (E),  Butler,  Pa,  Jackson  McCoy  (I),  Slippery  Rock,  Pa. 

William  P.  Dunlap  (I),  North  Hope,  Pa.  Andrew  J.  Reese  (A),  Shippenville,  Pa, 

Emanuel  Emminger  (E),  Brookville,  Pa.  Robert  J.  Thompson  (E),  Butler,  Pa. 

William  E.  Gray  (H),  Franklin,  Pa.  Cornelius  G.  W.  Stover  (A),  Callensburg,  Pa 



My  collaborator  has  insisted  that  I  shall  write  a  personal  sketch.  As  it  is  chiefly 
through  his  individual  effort,  enthusiasm,  encouragement  and  assistance  that  this  com- 
pilation has  been  made,  I  feel  that,  in  a  measure,  I  should  comply  with  his  desire.  He 
has  suggested  several  reasons  for  this,  but  I  shall  mention  only  one  or  two.  The  principal 
reason  for  acceding  to  this  request  is  that  the  reader  who  may  be  interested  to  know  why, 
after  nearly  a  half  century  has  elapsed,  an  obscure  enlisted  man  should  presume  to 
criticise  the  official  reports  of  trained  military  men,  heretofore  accepted  by  the  historians 
of  established  reputation  as  authoritative  and  final.  In  my  quest  for  the  truth  on  all 
mooted  questions  I  found  myself  interested  in  the  personality  of  those  who  professed  to 
speak  with  personal  knowledge,  in  so  far  as  they  had  participated  in  the  events  described. 
Early  in  my  search,  in  a  regimental  history,  my  attention  was  especially  aroused  by  a 
description  of  the  conduct  of  Casey's  division  at  Fair  Oaks,  and  a  detailed  delineation  of 
the  personal  qualities  and  appearance  of  Gen.  Casey.  As  I  could  see  no  motive  for  the 
misrepresentations  in  the  volume,  I  carried  my  investigation  far  enough  to  learn  by  a 
personal  sketch  of  the  author,  published  in  the  same  volume,  that  during  the  entire  Pen- 
insular campaign  he  lay  sick  with  typhoid  fever  in  a  hospital  at  Washington,  D.  C,  and 
did  not  reach  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  until  it  had  been  for  some  days  at  Harrison's 
Landing.  The  writer  referred  to  had  accepted  the  gossips  of  the  camps  and  the  imaginary 
stories  of  the  enterprising  newspaper  correspondents  as  truth,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that 
he  was  perfectly  sincere  in  what  he  wrote.  In  the  preparation  of  this  volume  I  have 
received  several  communications  containing  descriptions  of  the  battle  of  Seven  Pines, 
from  comrades  who  are  absolutely  truthful,  that  are  at  variance  with  the  truth.  Their 
impressions  were  formed  from  the  gossip  they  heard  at  the  time,  which  they  accepted 
as  true,  but  of  which  they  had  no  personal  knowledge.  Those  who  covered  the  battle 
in  detail  invariably  stated  that  the  Federal  troops  regained  Casey's  camps  and  intrench- 
raents  on  Sunday  forenoon,  completely  routing  the  Confederates  and  driving  them  pell- 
mell  into  Richmond.  However,  it  is  possible  that  they  may  have  refreshened  their 
memories  by  reading  the  official  reports  and  letters  of  Gen.  McClellan. 

Another  reason  for  a  personal  sketch  is  that  I  am  only  known  to  a  comparatively 
few  of  the  surviving  members  of  the  Regiment ;  not  having  met  them  since  the  war.  It  is 
possible  that  some  members  of  my  own  company  remember  me  only  as  the  "worst  boy" 
in  the  company.  As  an  indication  of  this,  the  following  incident  is  given :  Some  thirty 
years  after  the  war  Lieut.  Scott  of  my  company  drove  me  to  the  home  of  Capt.  Town- 
send,  the  first  captain  of  my  company.  We  had  not  seen  each  other  since  the  summer 
of  1862.  By  prearrangement  Scott  remained  in  the  background,  and  I  entered  the  Town- 
send  home  as  an  entire  stranger,  ostensibly  to  make  inquiry  concerning  certain  neighbors 
of  the  Captain  whose  names  had  been  given  me  by  Scott.  The  information  was  vouchsafed 
and  as  I  was  apparently  about  to  take  my  departure,  a  casual  question  from  me  caused 
Capt.  Townsend  to  inform  me  of  his  army  connection.  As  if  in  doubt,  I  told  him  I  thought 
I  had  some  friends  in  that  regiment,  naming  four  members  of  his  company,  my  name 
among  them.  To  all  he  gave  most  excellent  characters,  but  myself ;  I  was  the  "worst  boy" 
in  the  company.  I  had  some  difficulty  to  convince  him  that  I  was  the  "worst  boy,"  and 
had  merely  called  to  see  him,  and  I  think  he  was  not  fully  persuaded  until  Scott  came 
in  and  vouched  for  me.  Capt.  Townsend's  recollections  of  me  were  confined  to  the  first 
year  of  the  service. 

In  the  spring  of  1866  I  had  a  chance  meeting  with  Maj.  Mackey  at  Oil  City,  Pa.  In 
introducing  me  to  a  friend,  the  major  said  I  had  caused  him  more  trouble  than  his  entire 
company.  As  Maj.  Mackey  was  with  the  Regiment  during  its  entire  service  after  leaving 
the  State  until  it  was  captured,  it  would  seem  the  reputation  given  me  by  Capt.  Townsend 
as  to  my  conduct  during  the  first  year  of  service,  was  a  fair  index  to  my  career  during 
the  entire  term.  Maj.  Mackey's  vivid  recollections  of  my  conduct,  however,  was  confined 
practically  to  the  first  year's  service  also.  He  being  at  the  right  of  his  company  and  I 
at  the  left  of  mine,   the  color-guard   only  intervening,  threw  me  in   closer   contact  with 


hiin   on  our   forced  marches  than  with   the  officers   of   my   own   company.     My  escapades 
which  irritated  and  aggravated  him  practically  ended  after  the  Peninsular  and   Goldsboro 
campaigns.     There  was  no  special  reason  why  my  conduct  after  the  arrival  of  the  Regi- 
ment  at   Plymouth   should  have   been   impressed   on   his   memory.     I   remember   very   few 
incidents,  except  vaguely,  in  which  the  major  was  a  participant  after  the  Peninsular  cam- 
paign ;   but   during  our  early   marches   in   1862   incident   after   incident  comes   to   mind   in 
which  he  was  prominent.     One  that  had   entirely  escaped  my   memory   has  been   recalled 
by   my  collaborator.     One   chilly   night  going   up   the   Peninsula,   when   we   were   without 
overcoats  and  rubber  or  woolen  blankets,  and  we  were  compelled  to  stand  and  sit  around 
wood  fires,  shifting  positions  occasionally  to  get  away  from  the  smoke,  in  order  to  exist.  I 
decided   to    seek   cover   under   Maj.    Mackey's   blanket.      As   he   was    sleeping   soundly   no 
protest  was  made  until  after  I  had  awakened  him  by  monopolizing  more  than  a  fair  share. 
However,  he  then  only  accused  me  of  being  selfish  and  permitted  me  to  share  its  cover 
until  morning.     At  no  time  can  I  recall  that  either  Capt.  Townsend  or  Maj.  Mackey  ever 
gave  evidence  that  they  had  any  personal  dislike  to  me,  although  I  was  constantly  doing 
things,  with  no  other  purpose  than  to  irritate  and  aggravate  them.     In  fact,  as  my  mind 
reverts  to  those  happy  days  in  the  army,  I  can  not  recall  that  any  commissioned  officer  of 
the  Regiment  ever  gave  evidence  of  mistreating  me.     For  a  long  time  I  was  bitterly  hated 
by  some  of  the  non-commissioned  officers  of  my  Co.,  but  in  the  end  those  who  disliked 
me   most  turned  to  be  my  warmest  friends.      Perhaps  the  worst  enemy  I  had,  and  one 
who   had  power  to  make  me   most   uncomfortable   at  times,   was   Lieut.   Wilson   when  he 
was   orderly   sergeant.     His   dislike   began   at   Camp    Orr   when   he   was   only   a   corporal. 
However,  it  was  not  only  he  that  was  bitterly  prejudiced  against  me,  but  a  group  of  the 
non-commissioned  officers.     At  a  period  in  the  recruitment  of  the  Regiment  at  the   ren- 
dezvous camp  there  was  a  great  influx  of  large  robust  men,  many  of  whom  preferred  to 
enlist  in  our  company  in  preference  to  those  whose  quota  was  yet  deficient.     A  movement 
was    started    among    a    group    of    non-commissioned    to    have    the    "little    fellows''    trans- 
ferred to  Co.  K,  in  order  to  accept  the  fine  looking  men.     It  so  happened  that  one  of  the 
non-commissioned  officers  was  my  particular  friend,  and  he  protested  against  my  transfer, 
but  as  I  was  the  smallest  boy  in  the  company,  it  seemed  this  coterie  was  determined  to  get 
rid  of  me.     My  friend  kept  me  informed  of  their  plans  and  we    (the  boys)    soon  put  a 
quietus  to  the  transfer.     However,  I  held  a  grudge  against  the  men  who  had  endeavored 
to  get  rid  of  me,  and  at  every  opportunity  did  what  I  could  to  intensify  their  dislike  of 
me,  resenting  all  overtures  towards  amity  and  comradeship.     While  all  the  commissioned 
officers    of    the   company   treated    me    with    consideration,    every    peccadillo    of    mine    was 
reported  to  them.     My  enemies  in  the  Co.  were  not  confined  alone  to  the  group  of  non- 
commissioned officers.    Nearly  all  the  "big''  men,   during  the  first  months  of  the  service, 
had  a  strong  dislike  to  me.     Co.   C.  had   a  practical    joker,  who     was  my  "evil   genius." 
Private  Edward  Rogers  was  past  forty,  and  during  the  period  of  his  service  with  the  Co. 
devoted  his  talents   in   concocting  mischief,   and  found  in  me  a  willing  helper.     He   used 
me   to    divert    suspicion    from   himself. 

Although  I  had  the  reputation  of  being  the  "worst  boy''  in  the  company,  which  appel- 
lation was  given  to  me  for  my  conduct  during  the  first  year  of  my  service,  I  have  been 
unable  to  recall  any  really  reprehensible  act  of  mine  during  that  time,  except  once.  While 
we  lay  at  Meridian  Hill,  while  a  huckster's  attention  was  diverted,  I  purloined  two  pies 
from  his  stand.  Speedy  retribution  came,  however.  I  was  so  pie  hungry  I  did  not  wait 
to  divide  with  my  mess-mates,  but  gorged  the  pies  into  my  stomach  until  the  latter  re- 
belled. A  large  dose  of  ipecac,  supplemented  with  plenty  of  tepid  water,  could  not  have 
acted  more  promptly  as  an  emetic.  I  neither  bought  or  purloined  pies  from  the  Meridian 
Hill  hucksters  thereafter.  I  do  not  revert  to  the  mean  things  I  did  while  in  the  army  to 
boast  about  them.  I  refer  to  them  because  of  my  sobriquet  as  "worst  boy"  in  the  company. 
The  most  reprehensible  act  of  mine  during  the  service  was  done  after  I  had  attained  a 
high  degree*  of  respectability  among  all  my  comrades.  It  was  a  detestable  act,  and  while 
I  pride  myself  that  I  would  not  participate  in  the  spoils  of  the  transaction,  it  has  always 
been  a  matter  of  humiliation  to  me  that  I  had  not  the  moral  courage  to  denounce  the  act 


at  the  time.  A  comrade  who  had  been  on  detached  service-a  harum-scarum  sort  of  a 
devil-induced  me  to  go  foraging  with  him,  when  on  an  expedition.  Commg  to  a  n°"se 
where  there  were  two  or  three  women  in  evidence  he  suggested  that  I  stand  guard  while  he 
entered  the  house.  I  readily  assented,  thinking  he  wanted  to  chat  with  the  women.  After 
we  had  gone  some  distance  from  the  house  he  proffered  me  some  silver  pieces.  I  think 
it  was  less  than  a  dollar,  which  he  had  found  stowed  away  with  some  clothing.  He  had 
represented  to  the  women  that  he  was  an  officer  searching  for  fire-arms.  I  refused  his 
proffer  by  making  the  excuse  it  was  too  insignificant  to  divide— the  real  reason  was  that 
my  conscience  revolted  at  the  transaction,  but  I  lacked  the  moral  courage  to  tell  him  so. 
However,  I  never  afterwards  participated  in  any  further  schemes  of  his;  I  preferred  to 
do  my  foraging  alone.  During  my  entire  service  I  have  no  recollection  of  foraging  any- 
thing but  eatables.  And  I  have  no  recollection  of  ever  taking  anything  from  inside  of  a 
residence  that  I  did  not  pay  for.  I  had  no  scruples  against  confiscating  eatables  found 
in  the  cook  houses,  generally  separated  some  distance  from  the  main  residence.  I  can 
recall  only  one  incident  of  this  kind.  Gen.  Wessells  made  his  headquarters  at  a  mansion 
while  we  halted  for  our  noonday  meal.  As  the  negro  cooks  were  lifting  the  dinner  I 
boldly  walked  in,  helped  myself  to  two  corn  dumplings  which  had  been  cooked  with  meat 
and  vegetables.  The  negroes  made  no  protest,  but  they  evidently  were  not  pleased.  The 
dumplings  were  steaming  hot  and  I  had  to  keep  them  jumping  in  my  hands  as  I  hurried 
to  my  mess-mates.  One  of  my  peccadilloes  that  caused  Capt.  Townsend  consternation 
occurred  when  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  lay  in  front  of  Yorktown.  Our  Co.  was  on 
picket  and  at  that  time,  during  the  day,  the  pickets  on  post  were  relieved  every  two  hours. 
While  I  was  on  post  some  cattle  strayed  out  from  the  enemy's  lines  some  distance  to  the 
right,  and  some  Confederates  were  creeping  out  stealthily  to  flank  them  just  as  I  was 
relieved.  I  was  very  anxious  to  see  how  the  affair  would  result,  so  I  determined  to 
return  to  the  picket  line.  When  we  got  back  to  the  reserve  I  discarded  my  accoutre- 
ments and  blouse,  the  weather  being  extremely  hot,  and  instead  of  starting  directly  to 
the  picket  line,  went  the  other  direction  in  the  woods,  and  then  flanked  the  reserve,  and 
hurried  back  to  the  picket  line.  The  picket  posts  being  in  sight  of  each  other  I  had  no 
difficulty  in  passing  on  to  the  right,  chatting  with  the  pickets  from  time  to  time  as  I 
passed  along.  No  one  questioned  my  right  to  be  there.  However,  before  I  had  gotten 
opposite  to  the  point  from  which  the  enemy  had  emerged  he  and  the  cattle  had  vanished 
out  of  sight.  Realizing  that  I  was  some  distance  from  my  Co.  and  that  I  should  make 
haste  to  get  back  I  started  through  the  woods  in  rear  of  the  pickets,  walking  as  rapidly 
as  I  could.  I  had  only  gone  a  short  distance  when  I  met  a  general  and  his  staff  and 
attendants,  the  party  forming  quite  a  cavalcade.    As  we  met  we  both  halted.  "Who  in  the 

hell  are  you,"  asked  the  general.  "I'm  a  picket,"  I  replied.     "You're  a  d d  nice  looking 

picket !  Are  you  a  Yank  or  a  Reb  ?"    "I'm  a  Yank,'"  I  responded,  not  the  least  bit  abashed. 

"You  look  a  d d  sight  more  like  a  Reb  than  a  Yank;  where  do  you  belong?"  I  told 

him.  He  said  he  had  a  notion  to  send  me  into  camp,  interjecting  his  remarks  with  con- 
siderable profanity.  As  I  recall  the  incident  I  think  I  must  have  been  a  queer-looking 
picket.  The  first  trousers  we  drew  were  a  dark  blue — so  dark  as  to  readily  pass  for  black ; 
our  dress  hats  had  been  transformed  into  low  slouches,  and  I  was  wearing  a  black  and 
red  flannel  shirt  which  I  had  brought  from  home.  There  wasn't  a  shred  of  clothing 
on  me  that  would  indicate  that  I  was  an  enlisted  man.  Finally,  the  general  requested  a 
captain  of  his  staff  to  accompany  me  to  the  reserve,  and  told  him  to  have  me  sent  to 
camp  if  I  did  not  belong  there.  As  we  reached  the  opening  in  the  woods  where  my  Co. 
lay  in  reserve  Capt.  Townsend  spied  the  officer  bringing  me  to  the  reserve.  He  hurried 
out  to  meet  us,  exclaiming,  "I  told  him  not  to  go  away,"  at  which  I  immediately  took 
issue.  But  my  escort  had  taken  a  kindly  interest  in  me  and  told  the  Captain  that  he 
merely  wanted  to  know  if  I  belonged  there.  He  said  nothing  about  the  General  having 
seen  me.  Who  the  General  was  I  never  knew.  The  incident  occurred  about  the  time 
Gen.  Naglee  took  command  of  the  First  Brigade  of  Casey's  division,  and  it  is  possible 
that  it  may  have  been  him ;  at  any  rate,  he  could  swear  as  fluently  as  Gen.  Naglee. 

The  boys  of  Co.  C  had  many  ways  of  irritating  their  enemies,  and  even  their  friends. 


When  bivouacking  in  proximity  to  the  enemy  it  was  customary  to  stack  arms  as  they  stood 
in  line  of  battle,  and  for  the  men  to  retain  positions,  close  to  their  guns  as  they  rested 
during  the  night.  When  everything  was  quiet  one  of  us  boys  would  single  out  some 
individual  who  could  hear  us,  and  make  him  the  object  of  our  remarks,  acting  as  though 
we  supposed  he  were  asleep.  Of  course  we  either  manufactured  tales,  or  exaggerated 
incidents  in  which  the  object  of  our  gibes  had  been  implicated.  I  have  a  vivid  recollection 
of  engaging  in  this  kind  of  sport  the  night  after  the  battle  of  Seven  Pines  at  the  expense 
of  Capt.  Townsend  and  Corp.  Leech  of  our  Co.,  and  Capt.  Mackey.  I  had  overheard 
the  two  former  expressing  something  like  abhorrence  of  war,  and  so  tales  were  invented 
and  whispered  so  they  could  be  heard  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Co.  Capt.  Mackey  was 
also  guyed  that  night  by  the  boys  of  Co.  C.  Among  the  things  invented  on  him  that 
night  was  that  he  had  exclaimed  when  the  enemy  opened  fire  on  the  Regiment  in  the 
woods,  "Boys,  do  your  duty;  I  have  a  wife  and  family  at  home."  This  would  be  fol- 
lowed by  some  one  telling  of  seeing  the  Captain  in  some  ludicrous  position  to  escape  the 
enemy's  fire ;  by  another  who  saw  him  fleeing  rapidly  to  the  rear ;  &c.,  &c. ;  perhaps  a 
half-dozen  or  more  describing  various  ridiculous  predicaments  in  which  they  had  seen 
him ;  at  times,  some  one  would  strike  such  a  happy  remark  that  everyone  in  hearing 
joined  in  laughter.  This  badinage  was  confined  exclusively  to  the  boys  of  the  Co.,  and 
I  think  I  was  the  main  instigator.  My  enemies  in  the  Co.  received  frequent  verbal  castiga- 
tions  in  this  way.  During  my  entire  term  of  service  I  was  in  the  guard  house  three  times; 
once  at  the  rendezvous  camp ;  at  New  Bern,  and  at  Fort  Reno,  Roanoke  Island.  At  New 
Bern  the  entire  Co.  was  in  one  large  room,  the  non-commissioned  officers  having  a  section 
partly  partitioned  off  from  the  privates.  W.  S.  Birch  and  I  and  two  other  comrades  were 
playing  cards  on  an  upper  bunk  near  the  non-commissioned  officers'  apartments.  The 
boys  were  making  an  unusual  racket  on  the  floor.  First  Sergt.  Wilson  had  ordered  them 
to  keep  quiet,  but  as  soon  as  he  returned  to  his  apartment  they  broke  loose  into  a  perfect 
pandemonium.  When  he  came  out  the  second  time  he  asked  me  who  was  making  the 
noise.  I  replied  that  if  he  wanted  to  know  he  had  better  stay  out  and  see.  He  then 
asked  Birch  and  received  an  insolent  reply.  He  ordered  us  to  come  down  and  go  to  the 
guard  house.  We  refused  until  he  detailed  a  corporal  and  two  men.  We  were  taken  to 
the  guard  house  and  remained  until  breakfast  time,  when  Capt.  John  M.  Cochran  came 
after  us.  Only  two  or  three  weeks  previous  to  this  the  orderly  sergeant  and  I  had  an 
altercation  which  subsequently  culminated  our  enmity  towards  each  other.  We  were  en- 
camped east  of  the  Trent  river  at  New  Bern.  One  of  the  company  had  been  on  a  drunk 
and  had  emitted  the  contents  of  his  stomach  on  the  street  of  our  camp.  Meeting  the 
orderly  at  this  point  the  next  morning  he  ordered  me  to  "clean  it  up."  I  declined.  A 
little  later  he  returned  and  said  that  he  would  give  me  "fifteen  minutes  to  clean  it  up." 
I  emphatically  told  him  I  would  under  no  consideration  "clean  it  up."  He  ordered  me 
to  get  my  gun  and  accoutrements ;  I  obeyed  and  was  taken  to  guard  quarters  and  re- 
lieved Geo.  Forward,  who  was  then  on  post.  I  stood  guard  in  Forward's  place  that  day. 
When  the  time  came  for  court-martial  boards  to  convene  Capt.  John  Cochran  sent  for 
me.  He  told  me  that  he  was  very  sorry,  but  serious  charges  had  been  preferred  against 
me.  After  lecturing  me  at  length,  he  asked  me  to  apologize  to  Sergt.  Wilson  and  he 
would  have  the  charges  withdrawn.  I  refused.  He  argued  with  me,  calling  attention 
to  the  disgrace  attached,  &c.  I  stood  firm  and  told  him  that  I  could  go  to  "Fort  Totten 
for  six  months  and  wear  a  ball  and  chain,  but  I  could  not  say  that  I  was  sorry  for 
refusing  to  clean  up  the  dirt  of  a  drunken  shirker  who  evaded  duty  all  the  time."  I  told 
him  that  every  man  in  the  Co.  knew  who  had  committed  the  nuisance,  but  Sergt.  Wilson 
merely  wanted  to  humiliate  me.  I  then  recounted  incident  after  incident  in  which  I  had 
gone  on  picket  duty  after  a  hard  day's  march  through  rain  and  mud  out  of  my  turn,  when 
my  mess-mates  asked  me  to  come  to  him  and  protest.  As  I  talked  to  Capt.  Cochran  the 
tears  rolled  down  his  cheeks,  but  when  I  left  him  he  said  that  he  would  have  to  forward 
the  charges.  "All  right,  captain,  I  can  stand  it  if  you  can,"  I  replied,  and  left  him.  I  was 
not  court-martialed  and  from  that  time  on  I  never  again  had  an  acrimonious  word  with 
Sergt.  Wilson.     From  that  time  he  became  one  of  my  staunchest  friends. 

Luther  S.   Dickey. 
(Corporal   Co.  C.) 

Samuel    M.    Evans. 
(Sergeant   Co.   C.) 

Baptist   H.   Scott. 
(2d    Lieut.    Co.    C.) 

John     Donaghy. 
(Captain     Co.     F.) 

AUTHOR'S      SKETCH  135 

From  the   day   I   was   mustered   into  the  service   of  the   United    States   until    I   was 
finally  discharged  from  the  service  the  incidents  I  witnessed  of  one  day  are  more  vividly 
impressed  on  my  memory  than  that  of  any  other  day  in  my  life.     Not  that   I   remember 
clearly  everything  that  transpired  that  day  of  which  I  was  a  witness,   but  certain   things 
which  have  a  bearing  on  the  most  important  events  recorded  elsewhere  in  this  volume.     It 
is  to  the  incidents  of  that  particular  day,  so  indelibly  and  clearly  stamped  in  my  memory, 
that  caused  me  to  prepare  this  compilation.    As  long  as  my  memory  remains  normal  certain 
incidents  that  came  under  my  observation  on  May  31,  1862,  cannot  be  obscured.     Of  the 
particular   events   preceding   those   of    May   31,    my   memory   is    somewhat    hazy.      Had    I 
written  from  memory  alone  and  had  no  authentic  data  to  refer  to,  I  should  have  insisted 
that  Casey's  division  had  advanced  to  the  "twin  houses"  three  days  prior  to  the  battle  of 
Seven    Pines,    and    that    the    pickets    had    been  driven  into  the  abatis  in   front  of  Casey's 
redoubt  on  May  28,  29  and  30.     My  impression  was  that  "Newt"  Joseph  of  Co.  B  had  been 
killed  on  May  28,  instead  of  May  29.    To  relate  the  incidents  of  May  31,  I  shall  briefly  refer 
to  the  action  of  my  company  the  preceding  day.     Somewhere  about  the  noon  hour,  or  per- 
haps a  little  after,  the  attack  was  made  on  the  picket  line  just  north  of  the  Williamsburg 
road.    The  entire  division  was  hurriedly  formed  in  line  of  battle,  the  103d  Regiment  south 
of  the  Williamsburg  road,  and  in  advance  of'the  rifle  pits.    The  artillery  of  Casey's  division 
thoroughly  shelled  the  woods  in  advance  of  the  abatis  at  which  large  details  from  the  divi- 
sion had  been  working  before  the  enemy  had  made  his  attack.     The  100th  New  York  Regi- 
ment was  then  sent  forward  and  the  enemy  retired  without  attempting  to  hold  the  position 
from  which  he  had  driven  the  pickets.    After  the  enemy  had  fallen  back  a  battery  of  Casey's 
artillery  continued  throwing  shells  over  the  picket  line,  the  division  still  formed  in  line  of 
battle  awaiting  a  general  advance  of  the  Confederate  army.     Late  in  the  afternoon,  it  may 
have  been  as  early  as  four  o'clock,  and  it  may  have  been  after  five  o'clock,  it  was  some- 
where between  four  and  six  o'clock,  Co.  C.  was  taken  from  the  line  of  battle  and  hurried  out 
to  the  picket  line.     A  little  while  before  the  Co.  left  the  line  of  battle  a  torrential  rain  and 
thunder  storm  broke  forth,  which  surpassed,  in  the  volume  of  water  falling  and  the  terror  of 
the  lightning  and  thunder,  anything  of  the  kind  I  have  ever  witnessed  before  or  since.     Dur- 
ing the  heaviest  part  of  this  storm  my  Co.  waded  out  to  the  picket  line  and   relieved  the 
pickets  directly  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road.    Just  what  pickets  were  relieved  the  record 
nowhere  indicates,  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  they  were  from  Co.  C,  101st  Regiment.     My 
belief  for  so  thinking  is  formed  from  conversations  I  have  had  with   Private   George   P. 
Craig,  of  that  Co.     He  is  firmly  of  the  opinion  that  his  Co.  was  on  picket  May  31,  in  the 
position  occupied  by  Co.  C,  103d.     His  description  of  the  position  and  the  location  of  the  log 
cabin  in  which  the  picket  reserve  was  quartered,  is  so  clear,  that  in  my  judgment,  he  is  con- 
fused as  to  the  date  only,  on  which  he  was  on  duty.     H  there  is  anything  of  which  I  have 
positive  knowledge,  it  is  that  Co.  C,  103d  Regiment,    was  on  the  picket  line,  immediately 
north  of  the  Williamsburg  road  during  the  night  of  May  30-31,  and  during  the  forenoon  of 
May  81,  1862.  Lieut.  Fahnestock  was  the  only  commissioned  officer  to  accompany  the  Co.  to  the 
picket  line,  both  Capt.  Townsend  and  2d  Lieut.  Cochran  being  ill  in  camp.     The  right  wing 
of  the  Co.  relieved  the  pickets  deployed  along  the  picket  line,  the  left  wing  being  held  in 
reserve,  taking  refuge  in  a  log  cabin  perhaps  a  hundred  yards  in  rear  of  the  picket  line  and 
a  short  distance  back  of  the  road.    A  blazing  log  fire  was  kept  going  all  night  and  most  of 
the  men  on  reserve  took  off  their  clothing,  thoroughly  wrung  the  water  out  of  them,  and 
dried  them  before  the  fire.  When  I  got  my  clothes  in  order,  I  drew  the  load  from  my  gun, 
and  thoroughly  cleaned  it,  but  did  not  reload,  as  the  rain  was  still  coming  down  in  torrents. 
As  I  remember  the  events  of  that  night  at  the  log  cabin  no  one  had  any  apprehensions  of 
an  attack  by  the  enemy.     A  guard  was  kept  posted  outside  to  give  the  alarm,  but  the  men 
inside  chatted  and  joked  with  each  other,  as  they  would  have  done  had  the  enemy  been  a 
hundred  miles  away.     During  the  after  part  of  the  night  most  of  the  men  lay  stretched  on 
the  floor  of  the  cabin  soundly  asleep.     Shortly  after  daybreak  as  I  was  getting  my  break- 
fast ready,  which  consisted  only  of  coffee  and  sugar.    Sergt.  Wilson  ordered  the  reserve  to 
"fall  in,''  saying  that  we  must  relieve  the  men  on  picket  so  they  could  dry  their  clothes, 
At  this  I  demurred,  saying  that  we  ought  to  have  time  to  make  and  drink  our  coffee.     Dur- 


ing  our  advance  up  the  Peninsula,  after  leaving  Yorktown,  vvhen  the  Co.  was  detailed  for 
picket  duty,  the  left  wing  had  been  invariably  posted  on  picket  duty  and  the  right  wing  held 
on  reserve.  I  called  attention  to  this  fact,  and  furthermore  that  the  left  wing  had  never 
been  relieved  by  the  right  wing.  However,  the  sergeant  paid  no  attention  to  my  bickerings 
until  the  men  were  all  about  ready  to  start,  when  he  came  to  me  as  I  stood  by  the  fire 
outside  the  cabin  watching  my  coffee  simmer,  about  ready  to  reach  the  boiling  stage,  and 
said,  "Dick,  now  I  want  you  to  get  your  gun  and  fall  in  at  once."  He  said  it  in  a  manner 
that  meant  "business'' ;  thereupon  I  gave  my  tin  cup  of  boiling  coffee  a  kick,  which  sent  it 
flying  several  yards,  got  my  gun,  picked  up  my  tincup,  and  fell  in  to  the  left  of  the  reserve, 
which  was  only  awaiting  my  presence  to  start.  We  began  the  relief  of  the  men  on  duty  at 
the  first  post  next  to  the  Williamsburg  road,  and  moved  north  from  there.  When  we  came 
to  the  last  post  of  our  company's  pickets  there  were  three  of  us  on  the  left  who  were  not 
needed  to  make  up  the  full  complement  required  to  relieve  those  who  had  been  on  duty 
during  the  night.  Without  giving  the  matter  any  thought  Sergt.  Wilson  told  us  to  distribute 
ourselves  along  the  picket  line  at  such  posts  as  we  desired  to  stop  at,  and  left  us.  The  first 
thing  we  did  was  to  strike  a  fire  and  make  coffee.  After  drinking  our  coffee  we  gathered 
some  green  huckle-berries  which  grew  in  abundance  in  the  woods  back  of  the  picket  line. 
Having  filled  our  havelocks  with  these  we  started  along  the  picket  line.  The  enemy  was 
already  in  force  several  hundred  yards  in  front  of  the  picket  line.  We  found  the  men  on 
post,  behind  trees  all  on  the  alert,  expecting  the  enemy  to  advance.  The  picket  line  at  this 
point  was  along  the  edge  of  a  woods,  west  of  which  was  an  open  space,  perhaps  400  to  500 
yards  in  width,  covered  with  bushes  and  briers,  and  clusters  of  scrubby  oaks  and  pines, 
which  interfered  with  the  view  in  front.  The  atmosphere  was  heavy  and  tended  to  obscure 
the  view.  But  by  shifting  positions  the  enemy  could  be  seen  in  great  numbers  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  opening.  I  continued  shifting  from  post  to  post  endeavoring  to  get  the  best 
possible  view  of  the  enemy,  until  I  finally  came  to  the  first  post  north  of  the  Williamsburg 
road.  From  this  point  by  far  the  best  view  was  obtained,  and  added  to  this  there  was  a 
field  glass,  by  the  aid  of  which  we  could  distinguish  the  officers  from  the  enlisted  men.  By 
this  time  Capt.  Townsend  had  come  out  from  camp  and  relieved  Lieut.  Fahnestock,  the 
latter  having  gone  to  camp  to  change  his  clothes  and  get  some  breakfast.  As  this  post, 
next  to  the  Williamsburg  road,  offered  the  best  view,  Capt.  Townsend  made  it  his  head- 
quarters. The  field  glass  referred  to  belonged  to  the  Captain,  and  by  the  time  I  had  reached 
this  post  it  was  not  in  very  much  demand,  so  that  I  had  the  uninterrupted  use  of  it.  There 
were  four  men  on  this  post,  three  of  whom  I  remember;  the  fourth  I  cannot  place.  Those 
that  I  distinctly  remember  were  William  Dougherty,  Thomas  J.  McKee,  known  as  "Tom," 
and  George  W.  McKee,  the  two  latter  being  brothers.  The  fourth  I  have  beeen  informed 
was  William  (or  "Bill")  Hays.  Although  Capt.  Townsend  made  this  post  his  headquarters 
he  kept  constantly  moving  along  the  line,  cautioning  the  men  to  be  on  the  alert  and  warning 
them  not  to  fire  until  the  enemy  advanced  in  force.  In  his  official  report  Gen.  Casey  men- 
tions having  received  information  twice  through  vedettes  from  the  picket  line  that  the 
enemy  was  advancing  in  force.  It  was  Capt.  Townsend  who  sent  the  vedettes  in  to  the 
division  commander,  and  I  am  sure  he  went  back  at  least  a  half  dozen  times  with  the  inten- 
tion of  sending  information  to  Gen.  Casey,  or  to  the  general  officer  of  the  day.  As  I  was 
a  supernumerary  at  this  post,  no  one  paid  any  attention  to  my  movements  and  I  was  per- 
mitted to  have  undisputed  use  of  the  Captain's  field  glass.  The  other  men  on  the  post  each 
had  a  tree  from  behind  which  they  kept  peering  as  though  expecting  to  see  the  enemy  ad- 
vance at  any  moment.  From  where  they  stood  they  could  not  see  the  enemy  in  the  distance, 
but  they  were  scanning  intently  all  the  vistas  through  which  the  enemy  would  be  compelled 
to  pass  in  making  his  advance.  With  so  many  on  the  alert  I  kept  shifting  from  one  point 
to  another  in  an  endeavor  to  get  a  better  view  of  the  enemy.  From  behind  a  cluster  of 
bushes  surrounding  three  or  four  saplings,  a  little  in  advance  of  the  picket  post,  and  north 
of  it,  I  found  an  excellent  diagonal  view,  which  gave  me  a  glimpse  of  what  appeared  to  be 
several  regiments.  While  intently  watching  these  through  the  glass  the  officers  mounted  and 
the  men,  who  had  been  lying  or  sitting  down,  or  standing  around  apparently  in  groups,  came 
to  attention,  and  I  realized  that  the  advance  would  soon  be  made.     I  hurried  back  to  the 


post  and  putting  down  the  field  glass  picked  up  my  gun.  As  I  did  this  I  remarked,  "that  I 
had  better  load  niy  gun,  as  the  'Johnnies'  were  getting  ready  to  come."  George  McKee,  who 
overheard  my  remark,  responded  by  saying,  "You  are  a  hell  of  a  nice  picket  out  here  in 
front  of  the  enemy  without  your  gun  loaded."  To  this  I  made  what  I  thought  was  an  appro- 
priate response,  when  Capt.  Townsend  came  upon  the  scene,  and  hearing  the  colloquy  be- 
tween McKee  and  I,  inquired  in  an  agitated  manner  as  to  what  was  the  trouble,  when 
McKee  said,  "Dick  is  out  here  in  front  of  the  enemy  with  his  gun  unloaded."  The  Captain 
then  turned  his  attention  to  me,  coming  close  by  my  side,  exclaiming,  "Why  haven't  .vou 
your  gun  loaded?"  repeating  the  question  before  I  had  time  to  reply.  Before  the  interrup- 
tion by  the  Captain,  I  had  broken  my  cartridge  and  was  about  to  pour  the  powder  in  my 
musket  barrel,  but  when  he  broke  in  I  stopped  and  as  soon  as  he  gave  me  an  opportunity  I 
responded  in  an  insolent  manner,  "Because  I  had  no  orders  to  load  my  gun."  At  this  the 
Captain  whipped  out  his  sword,  and  drawing  it  up,  as  though  he  were  about  to  slash  me  in 
two,  exclaimed,  in  an  excited  and  loud  voice,  "I  command  you  to  load  your  gun !"  Before 
he  had  completed, his  command,  bang!  bang!  bang!  went  the  signal  guns  of  the  enemy,  fired 
from  a  battery  masked  directly  in  our  front,  not  more  than  200  yards  distant.  The  missiles 
from  these  gims  went  whizzing  through  the  tree  tops  near  where  we  stood,  and  the  Captain 
lost  no  time  in  seeking  the  cover  of  a  tree,  from  which  he  commanded  me  to  "Get  behind  a 
tree."  There  being  no  tree  convenient  to  the  post  which  afforded  any  shelter  except  those 
already  occupied,  I  hurried  out  to  the  point  from  which  I  had  the  best  view  of  the  enemy. 
The  smoke  from  the  signal  guns  did  not  rise,  but  moved  northward,  obscuring  momentarily 
the  vista  I  had  enjoyed  with  the  glass,  but  as  it  passed  I  saw  the  enemy  advancing;  not  the 
skirmishers,  but  the  regiments  in  rear  of  them,  moving  by  the  flank.  I  immediately  called 
out  to  Tom  McKee :  "Tom,  they're  coming."  He  responded,  "Why  don't  you  fire  ?"  As  he 
did  so  he  fired  his  gun  and  almost  simultaneously  with  his  fire,  the  post  on  the  Williamsburg 
road  fired  and  I  then  fired.    My  shot  was  the  third  fired  on  our  side. 

There  has  been  great  discrepancy  in  the  reports  as  to  the  time  when  the  battle  of 
Fair  Oaks  or  Seven  Pines  began.  Gen,  Longstreet  says :  "The  forward  movement  began 
about  two  o'clock,  and  our  skirmishers  soon  became  engaged  with  those  of  the  enemy." 
Gen.  Keyes  says :  "At  about  12  :30  P.  M.  it  became  suddenly  apparent  that  the  attack  was 
real  and  in  great  force."  Before  this  he  says:  "The  firing  was  becoming  brisk,  but  there 
was  yet  no  certainty  of  a  great  attack,"  In  the  preceding  paragraph  of  his  report  he  says : 
"At  about  10  o'clock  A.  M.  it  was  announced  to  me  that  an  aid-de-camp  of  [the]  *  *  * 
C.  S.  Army  had  been  captured.  *  *  *  While  speaking  with  the  young  gentleman,  at  the 
moment  of  sending  him  away,  a  couple  of  shots  fired  in  front  of  Casey's  headquarters  pro- 
duced in  him  very  evident  emotion.  *  *  *  j  concluded  therefore,  in  spite  of  the  shots, 
that  if  attacked  that  day  the  attack  would  come  from  the  right.  Having  sent  orders  for 
the  troops  to  be  under  arms  precisely  at  11  o'clock  A.  M.,  I  mounted  my  horse  and  rode 
along  the  Nine  Mile  road  to  Fair  Oaks  Station."  This  would  indicate  that  the  signal  guns, 
according  to  Gen.  Keyes,  were  fired  before  eleven  o'clock.  I  am  positive  that  no  shots  were 
fired  in  front  of  Casey's  headquarters  during  the  forenoon  of  May  31,  until  the  signal  guns 
from  Bondu  rant's  battery  were  fired.  Just  what  the  exact  time  was  no  one  apparently 
knows.  However,  it  could  not  have  been  many  minutes  after  12  o'clock.  Private  Samuel 
Murphy  of  Co.  C  was  acting  commissary  of  the  Company.  He  drew  our  rations  early  in 
the  forenoon  of  May  31,  and  had  some  beans  cooked  as  soon  as  possible,  and  brought  out 
two  full  mess  pans,  a  little  before  the  noon  hour.  They  were  cooked  even  dryer  than  baked 
beans  of  the  present  day,  and  were  evenly  distributed  among  the  men,  which  amounted  to 
about  a  tablespoonful  to  each  man.  That  was  all  we  had  for  dinner  that  day  and  our 
breakfast  consisted  exclusively  of  coffee.  I  remember  being  called  from  my  advanced  posi- 
tion to  partake  of  the  beans,  and  I  also  remember  I  was  very  much  disappointed  at  the 
modicum  that  was  reserved  for  me  and  expressed  indignation,  as  though  I  had  not  been 
allotted  my  share.  "Murph"  assured  me  that  I  fared  as  well  as  the  rest,  and  that  he  had 
brought  all  that  he  could  carry.  This  occurred  only  a  few  minutes  before  the  incident 
related  as  to  loading  my  gun.  The  impression  formed  in  my  mind  at  the  time,  and  which 
I  have  seen  no  reason  to  modify  since  I  have  thoroughly  examined  all  the  official  reports 


was,  that  the  signal  guns  were  fired  a  few  minutes  after  12  o'clock.  It  certainly  was  not 
later  than  12  :30.  No  musket  shot  was  fired  from  either  side  at  the  point  where  the  attack 
was  made  on  May  31,  until  after  the  three  shots  were  fired  from  the  battery  north  of  the 
Williamsburg  road,  which  evidently  was  the  Jeff  Davis  Battery,  from  Alabama,  commanded 
by  Capt.  J.  W.  Bondurant. 

Before  I  had  fired  my  second  shot  Tom  McKee  was  by  my  side,  having  come  in  order 
to  get  a  view  of  the  enemy.  He  and  I  remained  together  firing  as  rapidly  as  we  could, 
making  no  attempt  to  sight  at  any  one.  As  it  appears  to  me  now  several  minutes  elapsed 
before  the  skirmishers  of  the  enemy  returned  our  fire  and  then  Tom  suggested  we  fall  back 
to  where  there  were  a  couple  of  good  sized  trees,  which  we  did.  Soon  afterwards  we 
heard  Maj.  Gazzam  giving  commands  in  our  rear  and  shots  began  to  come  closer  to  us  from 
the  rear  than  from  the  enemy.  Finally  Tom  McKee  said,  "Dick,  we  must  get  out  of  this, 
or  we  will  get  shot  by  our  own  men."  I  needed  no  persuasion,  and  we  started  to  the  rear, 
I  ahead.  In  bringing  my  gun  to  a  trail  I  realized  my  gun  barrel  was  uncomfortably  hot, 
the  first  experience  I  had  of  this  kind ;  it  had  never  occurred  to  me  that  rapid  firing  would 
heat  a  musket,  as  the  charge  of  powder  seemed  so  insignificant.  We  were  at  this  time 
equipped  with  Austrian  rifles,  which  were  short  with  a  large  bore.  When  they  were  clean 
they  could  be  loaded  without  the  use  of  a  ramrod.  In  loading,  the  cartridge  was  broken  in 
two,  separating  the  bullet  from  the  powder;  the  latter  was  poured  from  a  paper  cup,  and 
the  bullet,  which  was  well  greased,  would  readily  drop  to  the  powder  when  the  bore  of  the 
musket  was  dry  and  clean.  I  have  heard  Maj.  Gazzam  criticised  by  some  of  our  own  men 
because  he  hurried  the  Regiment  to  the  front  without  taking  the  precaution  to  have  them 
load.  To  me  this  criticism  has  always  seemed  trivial.  It  is  always  easy  to  find  fault,  and 
point  out  where  mistakes  have  been  made  after  events  have  occurred.  Maj.  Gazzam  re- 
ceived orders  to  move  his  Regiment  quickly,  and  he  did  so.  Had  Gen.  Casey  known  how 
formidable  the  advance  of  the  enemy  was  he  would  not  have  sent  the  Regiment  forward, 
but  the  fact  that  he  did  send  it  forward  was  a  wise  precaution,  because  the  brief  time  it 
held  the  enemy  in  check  not  only  apprised  him  and  all  the  troops  of  the  division  that  the 
attack  was  a  formidable  one,  but  it  also  gave  him  time  to  make  a  proper  disposition  of  his 

As  McKee  and  I  moved  back  we  crossed  the  Williamsburg  road,  but  none  too  soon, 
as  the  enemy  opened  a  terrific  fire  north  of  the  road.  The  force  of  this  fire  fell  upon  our 
Regiment,  which  was  then  making  its  alignment  in  the  woods.  To  me  the  battle  had  then 
opened  in  earnest.  McKee  and  I  were  moving  as  rapidly  as  possible,  through  the  tangled 
underbrush,  supposing  we  were  moving  to  the  rear.  The  musketry  north  of  the  road  con- 
tinued without  cessation,  although  at  times  much  heavier  than  others.  I  was  holding  the 
lead,  McKee  following  closely.  I  was  suddenly  brought  to  a  halt  by  an  exclamation  from 
my  companion  calling  on  me  to  halt.  As  I  did  so  I  raised  ray  head  and  beheld  the  enemy's 
line  of  battle  not  more  than  ten  feet  from  me,  advancing  toward  us.  Instinctively  I  turned 
and  ran  away  from  them.  If  they  made  any  demand  on  us  to  halt  I  did  not  hear  them; 
neither  did  they  fire  at  us. 

While  compiling  this  volume  my  collaborator  and  I  have  not  only  written  to  all  the 
surviving  comrades  whose  addresses  we  had,  but  I  have  personally  visited  some  who  were 
with  the  Regiment  when  it  received  the  fire  of  the  enemy  near  the  picket  line.  Three 
years  ago  I  called  on  Comrade  Tom  McKee  at  his  home  in  Allegheny,  Pa.  In  the  presence 
of  Mrs  McKee  and  a  grown  daughter  I  had  him  relate  his  recollections  of  the  31st  of  May. 
He  remembered  having  fired  the  first  shot,  but  had  no  recollection  of  seeing  me.  Two. 
things  he  related  with  apparent  pride;  one  was  having  fired  the  first  shot,  and  the  other  was 
that  he  was  captured  by  the  enemy  and  broke  away  from  them  under  a  heavy  fire.  Now, 
to  me  Tom  McKee  was  an  ideal  soldier,  and  I  know  he  was  absolutely  sincere  in  the  belief 
that  he  had  been  captured  and  made  his  escape.  I  can  understand  that  he  experienced  the 
sensation  of  having  made  his  escape,  but  as  I  was  with  him  from  the  time  the  finng  began 
until  we  reached  the  fragment  of  our  Regiment  rallied  by  Maj.  Gazzam  m  rear  of  the  Ime 
of  intrenchments,  and  as  his  actions  were  such  during  this  time  as  to  make  h.m  a  hero  m 
my  estimation,  I  shall  relate  them  here. 



Before  McKee  and  I  had  emerged  from  the  woods  our  batteries  were  shelling  the 
woods  in  which  we  had  been  lost.     During  this  time  the  Regiment  had  been  driven  back 
completely  routed.     We  emerged  from  the  woods  about  fifty  yards  south  of  the  Williams- 
burg road  and  as  we  came  out  we  spied  our  acting  color  bearer,  Sergt.  "Nets"  Barr  of  our 
Co.,  sitting  on  a  stump,  apparently  exhausted,  holding  the  colors,  which  were  furled,  in  one 
hand  and  the  lower  part  of  the  flagstaff  in  the  other.    The  flagstaff  had  been  shot  in  two> 
pieces,  the  bullet  striking  it  squarely  in  the  center  at  the  lower  edge  of  the  colors.     As 
McKee  noticed  Sergt.  Barr  he  exclaimed,  "Nels,  you   must  get  out  of  this;   the  Johnnies 
are  right  on  us."    Barr  replied  that  he  was  "played  out,"  and  could  go  no  farther.     There- 
upon McKee  reached  for  the  colors  to  take  them,  but  Barr  pulled  them  away,  saying  that 
he  would  not  part  with  them.    McKee  insisted  that  he  must  have  the  colors  or  Barr  should 
get  back  with  them.     For  a  moment  we  hesitated  whether  we  should  attempt  to  go  back 
through  the  abatis,  on  the  opposite  side  of  which  our  infantry  was  formed,  or  move  north 
to  the"  road.    There  was  a  lull  in  the  firing  north  of  the  road,  but  Col.  Bailey's  artillery  was 
shelling  the  woods  both  north  and  south  of  the  road  and  frequently  the  shells  would  ex- 
plode short,  making  it  as  dangerous  for  us  as  for  the  enemy.     It  did  not  take  Barr  and 
McKee  long  to  decide,  I  acting  entirely  passive  in  the  matter.      We  ran  along  the  edge 
of  the  woods  until  we  reached  the  road,  Barr  taking  the  lead.      McKee  would  not  budge 
until  he  did  so.    Just  as  we  turned  on  the  road  the  enemy  opened  a  terrific  fire  and  McKee 
called  to  me  to  drop,  which  I  did;  I  lay  so  close  to  the  ground  that  McKee  asked  me  if 
I  had  been  hit.     The  balls  struck  the  ground  all  around   us,   one   going  underneath    me, 
making  two  holes  in  my  blouse,  but  neither  of  us  received  a  scratch.     When  Tom  gave  the 
order  I  arose  and  we  were  both  moving  rapidly  to  the  rear,  when  .McKee  spied  one  of  our 
Regiment  lying  in  the  ditch  south  of  the  road,  and  finding  that  he  was  wounded  in   the 
thigh  and  unable  to  walk,  he  told  me  to  take  his  gun,  and  he  assisted  this  wounded  mam 
back  to  camp,  and  then  fell  in  with  Maj.  Gazzam's  rallied  fragment  of  the  Regiment.     As 
we  came  in  we  passed  Gen.  Casey,  who  sat  on  his  gray  horse,  only  a  short  distance  in  rear 
of  Spratt's  battery,  in  position  north  of  the  road,  perhaps  400  yards  in  advance  of  the  in- 
trenched line.    Gen.  Wessells  was  also  in  advance  of  the  intrenched  line  south  of  the  road, 
quietly  observing  the  enemy,  who  was  then  engaged  with  the  advanced  line  at  the  abatis. 
Maj.  Gazzam  had  taken  position  with  his  small  group  along  the  roadside  north  of  the  road, 
facing  towards   our  camp,  so  that  he  could  hail  any   stragglers   coming   from   the   front. 
Realizing  that  we  might  lose  our  camp  I  went  over  to  ray  shelter  tent  and  had  just  opened 
my  knapsack  to  take  out  some  home  souvenirs  when  a  ball  struck  the   framework  with 
such  force  as  to  cause  the  tent  to  collapse.     I  decided  the  situation  was  too  serious  to 
care  for  souvenirs.     As  I  emerged  from  my  tent  I  was  accosted  by  Private  Jones  of  our 
company,  who  asked  me  to  come  and  see  Sergt.  Scarem,  who,  he  said,  was  dying  from  a 
wound,  in  his  tent.     I  stepped  over  to  Scarem's  tent  and  took  only  a  momentary  glance  as 
he  lay  apparently  breathing  his  last.     His  bosom  was  bared  and  there  was  an  abrasion  of 
the   skin,   which   had  the  appearance   of   having  been   made  by   a   bullet   penetrating  thei 
abdomen,     T  was  very  much  .surprised  that  night  to  find  Scarem  with  the  Regiment.     The 
ball,  instead  of  entering  the   abdomen,  had  merely  broken   the   skin  near  the   pit   of   the> 
stomach,  and  made  him  deathly  sick.    I  have  criticised  Gen.  Naglee  severely  in  this  volume, 
and  justly  so,  I  think.     However,  it  has  been  done  without  animus  or  prejudice.     In  fact, 
until  I  made  the  investigation  bearing  on  the  battle  of  Seven  Pines  I  never  spoke  of  him 
except  in  the  highest  commendation.     Always  when  looking  at  the  imaginary  picture   of 
Sheridan's  ride  at  Winchester  I  was  reminded  of  Gen.  Naglee's  approach  to  the  battle  field 
of  Seven  Pines.    When  the  attack  was  made  and  until  the  musketry  firing  became  frequent, 
he  was  some  distance  to  the  right  of  Fair  Oaks  Station  observing  the  construction  of  a 
breastwork  facing  the  Old  Tavern.    In  his  report  he  says  that  when  he  regarded  the  move- 
ment of  the  enemy  to  be  serious,  "I  hastened  in  the  direction  indicated  by  the  fire  and  soon 
arrived  upon  the  ground,  on  the  Williamsburg  road."     To  one  with  a  proper  comprehen- 
sion of  the  points  where  the  battle  was  then  raging,  and  the  position  of  the  breastwork 
fronting  on  the  Old  Tavern,  he  would  infer  that  Gen.  Naglee  went  in  direct  line  from  the 
Nine  Miles'  road  position  to  the  scene  of  the  conflict,  a  distance  of  not  to  exceed  a  mile 


and  a  half.     This  has  strong  corroboration  by  Col.  Davis  of  the  104th  Penna.  Regiment, 
not  in  his  official  report,  however,  but  in  the  history  of  his  regiment,  published  in  1866,  in 
which  he  says :     "He  [Naglee]  came  dashing  toward  us  through  field  and  wood  to  be  with 
his  brigade.     In  the  warmest  of  the  contest  he  dashed  by  the  regiment,  cap  in  hand,  the 
men  giving  him  three  hearty  cheers,  and  passed  toward  the  left."    The  context  from  which 
this   quotation   is   made   clearly   indicates   that   Col.    Davis'    statement   was   based   on   Gen. 
Naglee's   own  description   of  how  he   arrived   on  the  battle   field.     Gen.   Naglee   did   not 
approach  the  point  of  contest  from  the  Nine  Miles'  road  "through  field  and  wood";   from 
the  breastworks  in  front  of  the  Old  Tavern  he  followed  the  Nine  Miles'  road  to  Seven 
Pines  where  it  intersected  the  Williamsburg  and  Richmond  road  and  came  out  the  latter 
road  to  where  Gen.  Casey  was  directing  the  movement  of  the  troops.     Just  the  length  of 
time  that  had  intervened  between  the  firing  of  the  signal  guns  and  his  arrival  at  the  front 
can  be  positively  stated  by  no  one.     The  writer's  impression  has   always  been  that  morel 
than  an  hour  had  elapsed,  and  his  investigations  have  confirmed  this  impression.     Naglee's 
ofiicial  report  clearly  implies  that  the  firing  of  the  signal  guns,  the  fusilade  of  the  pickets, 
and  the  stand  of  the  103d  Regiment  in  the  woods  caused  him  no  concern.     He  probably 
was  of  the  same  opinion  held  by  Gen.  Keyes  that  if  an  attack  was  made  it  would  be  on 
the  right,  and  he  may  have  regarded  the  firing  at  the  Williamsburg  road  as  a  feint.     In 
his  testimony  before  the  congressional  committee  Gen.  Keyes  says,  "I  did  not  consider  the 
battle  serious  until  the  shot  began  to  fall  about  me  where  I  stood,  and  until  I  could  see  the 
masses  of  the  enemy  bursting  through  the  woods  in  front  of  Casey's  line."     Of  all  the 
exciting  incidents  of  which  I  bore  witness  on  the  31st  of  May,   1862,  two   episodes  were 
more  vividly  impressed  on  my  memory  than  any  others  in  my  lifetime.     The  first  was  the 
colloquy  between  George  McKee,  my  captain  and  myself,  which  occurred  just  preceding  and 
at  the  time  the  signal  guns  of  the  enemy  were  fired.    I  remember  clearly  every  word  uttered 
then  by  all  three;  I  can  clearly  recall  the  attitude  of  each  one  at  the  time.     The  other  was 
the  approach  and  manner  of  Gen.  Naglee  as  he  came  out  the  Williamsburg  road.     From 
the  point  on  the  Nine  Miles'   road  where  the  breastworks  were  being  erected  to  the  in- 
trenchments  at  the  Williamsburg  road  was  about  two  and  a  half  miles  distant  by  the  route 
covered  by  Gen.  Naglee.     All  the  incidents  I  have  already  related  in  this  sketch  had  oc- 
curred and  I  was  crossing  the  road  from  my  tent  to  the  fragment  of  the  Regiment  when 
I  noticed  a  rider  coming  out  the  road  as  rapidly  as  his  horse  could  gallop.     From  the  time 
I  first  beheld  him  I  kept  my  eyes  upon  him  until  he  passed  beyond  the  intrenchments.     The 
furious  haste  in  which  he  approached  riveted  ray  attention,  notwithstanding  the  terror  of 
the   situation   which    confronted    us.     The   horses   belonging   to   the    batteries    of    Casey's 
artillery  were  falling  rapidly  and  their  rearing  and  pitching  when  suffering  from  wounds 
and  in  the  throes  of  death  was  a  most  horrible  spectacle.     The  collapse  of  my  tent,  with 
men  and  horses   dropping  all  around  me,  caused  me  to   feel  that  the  world  was  coming 
to  an  end ;  and  yet  the  sight  of  this  horse  and  rider  dashing  with  such  haste  as  if  they  were 
anxious  to  enter  the  gates  of  hell,  made  me  for  the  time  oblivious  to  the  terror  of  the  sit- 
uation.    The  little  fragment  of  my  Regiment  was  gradually  augmented  until  it  now  must 
have  approximated  150,     Maj.  Gazzam  sat  on  his  horse  at  the  roadside  with  the  colors  in 
his  hands,  furled  and  sheathed  as  they  had  been  during  the  entire  day.     The  flagstaff  hav- 
ing been  shot  in  two  had  made  it  unwieldy  to  unfurl  them  and  as  men  came  from  the  front 
Maj.  Gazzam  called  for  the  103d  men  to  rally  on  their  colors.     As  Gen.  Naglee  spied  the 
Major  waving  the  sheathed  colors  and  the  little  band  of  men  aligned  back  of  him,  he  pulled 
the  reins  on  his  horse,  bringing  him  to  his  haunches,  and  inquired,  "What  regiment  is  that?" 
Maj.  Gazzam  replied  in  an  excited  manner,  "It's  the  103d  Pennsylvania,  and  it's  all  cut  to 
pieces!"     The  Major's  words  were  followed  by  a  burst  of  profanity   from   Gen.   Naglee, 
ending  with  "Unfurl  your  colors!"    The  dash  and  fearlessness  of  Naglee  had  an  electrical 
effect  upon  me,  and  I  then  formed  such  a  favorable  impression  of  him  that  I  have  been 
loath  to  arraign  him  for  being  guilty  of  injustice  to  Gen.  Casey,  or  to  the  troops  of  his 
division  outside  of  his  own  brigade.    As  to  Maj.  Gazzam's  excitement,  one  must  take  mto 
consideration  the  events  in  which  he  had  participated  for  an  hour  or  more  previous  to  this. 
During  the  fire  from  the  enemy  in  the  woods  he  had  been  swept  from  his  horse  by  the  limb 

AUTHOR'S      SKETCH  141 

of  a  tree,  his  head  striking  a  log  where  he  fell,  and  when  he  recovered  himself  and  re- 
mounted and  reached  the  abatis  he  found  his  command  scattered  into  fragments.  Galloping 
down  the  road  to  head  off  his  fleeing  men  he  was  ordered  by  Gen.  Casey  to  take  a  position 
in  the  rear  to  catch  the  men  as  they  came  in  from  the  front.  The  condition  of  the  flagstaff 
made  it  unwieldy  and  the  experiences  that  Maj.  Gazzam  had  undergone  during  the  preced- 
ing hour  would  have  caused  the  most  phlegmatic  commander  to  become  somewhat  unnerved  and 
excited.  It  should  be  remembered  that  such  veterans  as  Kearny  and  Peck  retired  by  a 
secret  road  from  before  the  enemy  without  commands  a  few  hours  later ;  and  in  a  letter  written 
a  day  or  two  subsequent  to  the  battle  the  former  said,  "It  is  most  infecting  to  be  sent  for 
to  restore  a  fight  and  see  hordes  of  others  panic  stricken,  disobedient,  craven  and  down- 
cast. Anywhere  it  is  a  disagreeable  sight  to  see  the  wounded  being  carried  off  the  field  of 
battle,  even  from  a  victorious  one."  The  position  we  occupied  at  this  time  was  even  more 
trying  on  the  nerves  than  had  we  been  on  the  firing  line,  for  from  our  position  we  had  the 
most  advantageous  location  to  witness  all  the  horror  and  terror  of  a  battle  without  any 
activity  to  divert  the  mind  from  self-consciousness.  In  a  subsequent  battle  I  heard  a 
"West-Pointer,"  the  colonel  of  a  regiment,  use  the  identical  words  of  Maj.  Gazzam,  under 
conditions  which  were  not  to  be  compared  with  the  position  of  the  103d  Regiment  and  its 
commander,  and  within  a  very  brief  period  this  same  officer  was  promoted  to  brigadier- 
general,  for  his  gallantry  in  that  same  action.  As  I  have  related  this  incident  in  detail, 
which,  by  the  thoughtless,  will  be  construed  as  a  reflection  on  the  valor  of  Maj.  Gazzam,  I 
wish  to  accompany  it  with  the  statement  that,  so  far  as  I  had  opportunity  to  witness  the 
actions  of  the  Major  during  his  entire  career  with  the  Regiment  and  from  all  the  criticisms 
I  have  heard  from  both  his  friends  and  foes,  no  action  of  his  ever  gave  evidence  that  he 
lacked  courage  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy. 

The  last  time  I  was  put  in  the  guard  house,  I  think  I  really  deserved  punishment. 
Lieut.  Scott  (when  orderly  sergeant)  and  I  had  a  dispute  as  to  the  issue  of  rations.  I 
denounced  him  as  a  cheat,  and  while  he  and  I  were  engaged  in  a  heated  verbal  altercation, 
the  Captain  (T.  A.  Cochran)  came  upon  the  scene  and  tried  to  pacify  us.  Neither  of  us 
was  in  a  proper  mental  attitude  to  listen  to  reason  and  the  captain  ordered  me  to  report 
to  Sergt.  Low  and  tell  him  I  was  to  be  put  in  arrest.  The  next  day  Capt.  Cochran,  who 
was  then  in  command  of  the  Regiment,  installed  me  into  office  as  Regimental  Clerk.  Two 
or  three  days  later  Scott  and  I,  without  either  making  any  apologies  to  the  other,  renewed 
our  former  pleasant  relations,  and  these  were  never  after  broken  during  or  since  the  war. 
Our  difficulty  was  due  to  a  desire  on  my  part  to  take  advantage  of  an  insignificant  flaw  I 
had  noticed  in  Scott's  distribution  of  the  rations  and  I  would  have  been  very  much  dis- 
appointed had  he  corrected  his  error,  before  I  had  an  opportunity  to  denounce  him  as 
dishonest.  After  Col.  Lehmann  assumed  command  of  the  Sub-District  of  the  Albemarle  I 
was  detailed  as  chief  clerk  to  his  acting  assistant  adjutant  general.  All  the  clerical  work 
of  the  office  devolved  upon  me,  even  to  affixing  the  assistant  adjutant  general's  signature  to 
the  official  papers.  I  had  control  of  the  countersign  and  issued  it  daily.  The  commissioned 
officers  could  not  purchase  liquor  without  an  order  from  the  adjutant  general's  office,  and 
this  function  devolved  upon  me.  When  the  new  companies  came  to  the  101st  and  103d 
Regiments,  many  of  the  commissioned  officers  approached  me  with  diffidence  and  trepidation 
when  wanting  an  order  for  whiskey,  saluting  me  as  if  I  were  a  ranking  ofiftcer.  Lieut. 
Edgar  Lee  of  the  101st  Regiment  was  acting  as  assistant  adjutant  general  when  I  first 
entered  the  office.  He  was  succeeded  by  Lieut.  G.  W.  Stoke  of  the  103d.  Both  gave  me 
full  authority  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  office  as  I  deemed  proper,  and  neither  ever 
had  occasion  to  criticise  any  action  of  mine.  My  collaborator,  who  was  my  mess-mate, 
having  in  charge  all  the  horses  in  the  quarter  master's  department,  I  had  my  choice  of 
animals  when  I  wished  to  take  a  ride. 

After  Lieut.  Lee  had  returned  to  his  Regiment  he  prevailed  upon  one  of  the  new 
companies  to  give  me  some  clerical  work,  which  netted  me  nearly  $50.  This,  compelled  me 
to  visit  the  quarters  of  the  company,  two  miles  distant  from  headquarters.  The  morning 
returns  from  some  of  the  commands  had  been  returned  for  correction,  and  I  was  com- 
pelled to  transact  my  business  before  I  could  make  out  my  daily  return.  During  my  ab- 
sence a  dispatch  boat  had  arrived  from  New  Bern  and  a  request  was  made  from  depart- 
ment headquarters  for  a  detailed  report  of  all  the  troops  in  the  Sub-District  of  the  Albe- 
marle. Col.  Lehmann  was  very  much  agitated  when  he  discovered  the  morning  report  had 
not  been  made  and  wanted  to  know  where  I  was.     Lieut.  Stoke  informed  him  that  I  had 


gone  for  a  ride.  The  Colonel's  orderly  came  after  me  as  fast  as  his  horse  could  travel  and 
found  me  just  as  my  mission  was  completed.  When  I  reached  the  office  Lieut.  Stoke  told 
me  that  the  colonel  had  left  word  for  me  to  go  to  his  quarters  on  my  arrival.  Before 
doing  so  I  made  out  the  daily  return,  the  corrected  reports  having  been  returned  in  my 
absence.  When  I  met  the  colonel  he  opened  on  me  with  a  tirade  for  neglect  of  duty.  I 
endeavored  to  explain,  but  he  was  in  no  mood  to  listen  to  me.  Knowing  that  I  had  him 
at  a  vantage  I  called  him  by  requesting  him  to  send  me  back  to  my  Regiment.  As  soon 
as  I  did  this  his  attitude  changed,  and  never  after  did  he  in  the  faintest  manner  chide 
me,  and  never  refused  any  request  I  made  of  him, 

I  wonder  if  any  of  my  comrades  ever  witnessed  Col.  Lehmann  crying;  I  did,  and 
there  were  other  witnesses,  but  who  they  were  I  cannot  now  recall.  It  was  on  the  15th 
day  of  April,  1865.  I  was  all  alone  at  my  work  in  my  office.  It  was  a  bright  sunny  day 
scarcely  a  cloud  in  the  sky.  As  I  sat  at  my  desk  I  heard  the  puff  from  a  boat  and  as 
I  looked  out  the  window  I  saw  a  small  steamer  rapidly  approaching  the  dock.  I  hastened 
out  and  arrived  at  the  end  of  the  dock  just  as  the  boat  reached  it.  It  did  not  stop;  a 
man  stood,  holding  at  arm's  length,  not  an  envelope,  but  a  loose  hand-bill,  and  as  I  grasped 
it,  he  called  to  me  with  tears  streaming  down  his  cheeks,  "The  President  is  dead — mur- 
dered!" The  boat  sped  on  towards  New  Bern  as  though  it  were  in  a  race.  I  glanced  at 
the  hand-bill  which  had  been  printed  at  Norfolk,  and  receiving  it  from  a  Government 
dispatch  boat  accepted  it  as  official.  It  merely  announced  the  time  of  death  of  President 
Lincoln,  with  a  brief  reference  to  his  assassination.  There  was  no  signature  attached.  I 
consulted  the  Army  Regulations  and  wrote  the  appropriate  orders.  I  ran  to  the  stable 
taking  the  first  horse  I  could  find  and  started  on  a  wild  gallop  to  deliver  the  tragic  news. 
As  I  was  flying  on  a  narrow  road  bordered  on  either  side  by  a  dense  wood  I  ran  into  the 
colonel  and  an  accompanying  cavalcade.  Before  I  could  get  my  voice  he  started  to  upbraid 
me  for  frightening  his  horse  which  was  rearing  and  plunging  from  the  shock  I  had  given 
it  by  almost  colliding  my  horse  with  it.  "President  Lincoln  is  dead"  was  all  that  I  could 
utter.     The  Colonel  raved  and  swore,  and  then  cried  like  a  child. 

I  think  the  most  pathetic  memory  I  have  of  the  Civil  War  was  one  of  its  final  inci- 
dents.    First  Sergt.  W.  S.  Cochran  of  my  Co.,  my  collaborator  and  I  visited  the  Kinston 
battle-field  a  few  days  before  our  muster  out  in  June,  1865.     The  bones  of  three  of  my  boy 
comrades  were   still  lying  there,  "Col."   Wilson,  Jake   Stiffey  and  Joe  Austin.     The  latter 
was  several  months  younger  than  I  when  he  was  killed,  and  he  had  always  been  my  par- 
ticular friend.     He  was  by  far  the  brightest  boy  in  the  Co.,  but  lacked  the  proper  physique 
for  an   enlisted  man      He  was  by  my  side  when  he  was  killed  and  spoke  to  me   a  few 
moments  before  he  received  the  fatal  bullet  in  his  brain.     After  my  companions  and  I  had 
visited  the  scene  of  the  conflict  we  visited  the  town  of  Kmston,  perhaps  a  little  over  a 
mile  distant      We  were  at  the  railroad  depot  when  a  train  arrived  bringing  a  number  of 
Confederate    soldiers.      Some   were   expected   and  had   friends   there  to   greet   them.     But 
there  was  one  who  especially  attracted  our   attention.     He  had  lost  one   of  his  legs  and 
walked  with  crutches.     When  he  stepped  from  the  train  he  hesitated  for  a  few  moments 
scanning  the  faces  of  those  near  him  but  no  one  extended  any  greetmg  to  him.    He  started 
in  the  direction  of  the  bridge  below  the  town,  the  scene  of  the  battle  of  Dec.  14,  1862.     We 
leisurely  followed  him  some  distance  in  the  rear.     As  he  went  through  the  town  he  was 
accosted  by   no   one.     He  exchanged  no   words  with  any  one.     He  crossed  the  trj^ge   a 
little   in  advance   of   us   and    when   we   got  to   the  other   side   of   the   river,   near   by   the 
church  where  the  Confederate  line  was  formed  on  that  December  Sunday  m  1862,  he  was 
sitting  down  with  some  negro  soldiers  stationed  there,  eating  supper  with  them.     It  was  the 
most  pathetic  incident  I  witnessed  during  my  entire  term  of  service. 

If  I  am  remembered  by  my  comrades  as  the  "worst  boy,"  I  beg  to  remind  them  that 
T  was  associated  most  intimately  with  one  of  the  best  boys  of  the  Co.  from  the  beginnmg 
of  the  service  until  the  close.  To  mess  with  a  comrade  for  nearly  four  years,  m  such  an 
environr^ent  as  is  described  in  this  volume,  gave  an  opportunity  to  test  the  character. 
TtWs  final  paragraph  written  for  this  volume  I  wish  to  bear  this  testimony  as  to  the 
chaacter  o  my  collaborator.  We  not  only  drank  from  the  same  canteen,  slept  under 
the  same  blanket,  shared  our  food  under  all  circumstances,  but  so  far  as  I  can  recall 
neither  ever  denied  the  other  any  request  made  by  his  messmate.  Chided  as  I  was  by 
him  alwlys  deservedly  so,  it  was  done  in  an  effective  manner,  and  was  always  kindly 
revived  During  the  nearly  four  years  of  our  intimate  comradeship,  I  "^ver  saw  Ser^ 
Evans  under  the  influence  of  liquor;  I  never  heard  him  utter  a  profane  word;  I  never 
knew  him  to  be  ^ilty  of  any  petty  meanness.  Neither  did  he  affect  piety;  nor  was  he 
ever   giiilty  of  shirking  duty;  he  was  an  ideal  soldier  and  a  true  comrade. 


KtiW^  ^r'^WF"  ^^rjv--if ';^;'^'  Ca|.u-»)^n.^^-  s„..>,,t^-,:i^^ 

/,iui:f?.^6:.v-  4-Js«^'|jt^^'^'-'^'  iiaj^Di'i^-  i;.Joiiv,to- 




"We  have  had  a  desperate  battle.  *  *  *  Casey's  division,  which  was  in  first  line, 
gave  way  unaccountably  and  discreditably.  This  caused  a  temporary  confusion,  during 
which  some  guns  and  baggage  were  lost,  but  Heintzelman  and  Kearney  most  gallantly 
brought  up  their  troops  which  checked  the  enemy.  *  *  *  With  the  exception  of  Casey's 
division  our  men  behaved  splendidly." — Gen.  McClellan. 

"An  officer  informed  me  that  after  we  had  driven  the  enemy  beyond  our  first  intrench- 
ments  he  visited  Gen.  Casey's  camp  and  found  more  men  bayoneted  and  shot  within  their 
shelter  tents  than  outside  of  them." — Gen.  Heintzelman. 

The  above  aspersions  on  Casey's  division,  and  on  the  gallant  dead  who  fell  on  the 
firing  line  at  the  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  repelling  the  assault  of  an  overwhelming  force  of 
the  enemy,  appear  in  the  official  archives  in  the  War  Record  Office  of  the  Nation.  Against 
ihese  calumnies  the  commanding  general  of  the  division  earnestly  protested  but  "without 
avail.  With  this  exception,  so  far  as  the  records  show,  they  have  been  practically  unchal- 
lenged, and  will  probably  remain  a  standing  and  continuous  slander  on  brave  men  who  gave 
their  lives  to  defend  the  integrity  of  the  Nation.  This  compilation  is  made  in  refutation, 
and  as  a  protest  to  these  slanders. 

The  story  of  Casey's  Division  at  Seven  Pines,  as  presented  in  this  volume,  has  in- 
volved many  months  of  arduous  research.     None  who  may  assume  the  role  of  critic  can 
have  a  more  perfect  knowledge  of  the  imperfections  of  the  compilation  than  has  the  com- 
piler.    In  his  effort  to  get  at  the  truth  everything  else  has  been  subordinated  and  no  pre- 
tension has  been  made  to  follow  the  conventional  war  history.     When  the  writer  started  on 
this  work  his  first  effort  was  made  to  find  some  histories  from  which  he  could  cull  the 
various  parts  of  the  story  and  thus  save  time  and  labor,  and  in  doing  this   follow  some 
writer  of  exceptional  literary  ability,  which   would  make  the   work  curry   favor   with  the 
pedantic  reader.     His  preliminary  research  resulted  in  showing  him  the  absolute  untrust- 
worthiness  of  all  histories  that  he  examined  which  touched  upon  matters  of  which  he  had 
positive  knowledge.     This  conclusion  was  not  arrived  at  by  reading  two  or  three  volumes 
but  by  a  careful  investigation  of  everything  written  on  those  points  pertaining  to  the  battle 
of  Seven  Pines  on  which  the  writer  was  conversant.     The  further  his  research  was  carried 
the  more  convinced  he  became  of  the  utter  untrustworthiness  of  the  war  histories  published, 
as  to  giving  the  true  facts.     But  this  preliminary  quest  did  something  more ;  it  convinced 
the  writer  that  in  their  indifference  as  to  the  truth,  most  writers  were  absolutely  reckless 
as  to  the  reputation  they  gave  to  the  men  who  were  giving,  or  had  given,  their  all  in  de- 
fense of  the  Union.    This  was  especially  noticeable  in  the  histories  written  by  comrades-in- 
arms.    As  one  who  had  done  service  with   Casey's   division,   second  to   no   one,    from   its 
organization  until  it  disintegrated,  he  was  quick  to  see  how  the  first  dispatch  of  the  com- 
manding general  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  the  Secretary  of  War  announcing  the  first 
great  battle  between  his  army  and  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  had  absolutely  discredited 
this  division  in  the  eyes  of  the  historians.     This  dispatch,  absolutely  false  and  misleading 
in  all  essentials,  from  beginning  to  end,  indelibly  discredited  the  "raw  troops,"  who  had 
stood  the  brunt  of  the  battle  and  saved  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  from  irretrievable  disaster. 
So  prone  is  the  human  mind  to  follow  first  impressions  that  come  from   "high  au- 
thority" that  the  slander  on  as  brave  men  as  ever  faced   an  overwhelming   foe,  will  last 
during  the  lifetime  of  all  those  who  participated  in  this  great  contest  in  front  of  the  Con- 
federate capital.     Realizing  this,  the  writer  believed  it  would  be  a  waste  of  time  for  him 
to  merely  refute  the  aspersions  cast  on  Casey's  troops  by  a  brief  summary  and  a  general 
denial.     Hence  the  comprehensive  compilation  bringing  together  all  the  slanders  and  mis- 
representations made  and  published  which  he  was  able  to  find  in  the  libraries  of  the  princi- 
pal cities  of  the  country  and   elsewhere.     A  careful  reading  of  this   compilation,  without 
reference  to  any  comment  from  the  writer,  of  itself  presents  a  complete  vindication  of  the 
troops  held  up  to  obloquy,  and  reflects  unfavorably  on  all  those  who  followed  the  bark  of 
those  who,  to  hide  their  own   culpability,   for  the  first  day's  disaster,  threw  the  blame  on 
the  general  and  the  men  who  should  have  had  the  most  credit  for  defeating  the  plans  of 
the  enemy. 

The  great  mass  of  those  who  think  they  comprise  the  "patriots,"  and  love  to  do  honor 
to  the  patriotic  dead  on  Memorial  Day,  when  their  ostentation  can  be  witnessed  by  the 
multitude,  will  waste  no  time  delving  into  the  compilation  which  follows.     Even  among  the 


comrades  who  love  to  listen  to  fulsome  praise  on  Memorial  occasions  from  orators,  who, 
in  impassioned  oratory,  lavish  praise  on  them  by  calling  attention  to  how  much  the  nation 
is  indebted  to  them  for  their  sacrifices  when  the  Nation  was  in  peril;  even  among  these, 
there  will  be  those  who  will  pooh-pooh  this  defense  of  the  calumniated  dead  as  too  pre- 
tentious, and  if  they  deign  to  give  it  passing  notice,  will  take  delight  in  calling  attention 
to  the  crude  manner  in  which  the  compilation  is  made,  the  defects  in  syntax, 
and  diction  and  lack  of  literary  merit,  rather  than  to  honestly  follow  the 
investigation  closely  and  acknowledge  the  injustice  done  to  brave  comrades. 
But  this  compilation  is  not  made  alone  for  this  generation.  The  writer  has  an 
abiding  faith  that  his  labors  will  be  recognized  by  the  historian  who  is  yet  to  write  the 
true  story  of  the  Civil  War.  It  will  not  only  tend  to  bring  out  the  full  truth  as  to  the 
action  of  all  the  troops  engaged  in  the  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  or  Fair  Oaks,  but  will  assist 
the  historian  of  the  future  by  calling  to  his  attention  the  fallibility  of  the  men  in  high  com- 
mand, and  the  importance  of  scrutinizing  and  verifying  their  reports  with  those  of  their 
subordinates  who,  by  virtue  of  their  position,  were  the  most  competent  to  speak. 

The  investigation  and  research  made  by  the  writer  in  vindication  of  the  comrades  of 
his  division  has  shattered  some  of  his  boyish  idols.    And  this  result  was  brought  about  with 
no  spirit  of  the  iconoclast.      It  has  been  no  pleasant  task  to  impeach  the  ability  or  integrity 
of  men  whom  he  idolized  in  his  boyhood  army  days.     But  the  injustice  done  to  the  men 
who  for  three  hours  held  in  check  an  overwhelming  force  of  the  enemy,  many  of  whom 
sleep  in  unknown  graves  in  the  National  Cemetery  at  Seven  Pines  and  elsewhere,  coupled 
with  a  pardonable  pride  in  having  the  record  of  his  own  command  freed  from  an  unjust 
blemish,  has  impelled  the  writer  to  this  vindication.     And  the  vindication  is  complete  and 
unassailable.     No  one  who  belonged  to  Casey's  division  need  ever   feel  ashamed  for  the 
action  of  the  division  in  the  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  or  Fair  Oaks.     Not  that  all  did  their 
duty;  not  that  the  division  was  as  well  disciplined  as  other  divisions  in  the  army;  or  that 
the  regimental  and  company  officers  were  as  competent,  perhaps,  as  in  the  other  divisions; 
but  for  the  fact  that  this  division  held  the  enemy  in  check  long  enough  to  allow  Sumner  to 
cross  the  Chickahominy  under  adverse  conditions,  travel  several  miles,  and  form  line  of 
battle  in  a  most  advantageous  postition  in  time  to  resist  the  onslaught  of  the  enemy. 

In  this  investigation  the  writer  has  come  to  the  firm  conviction  that  had  it  not  been 
for  the  valiant  action  of  the  weakest  and  "rawest"  division  of  the  army,  led  and  encouraged 
by  the  white-haired  old  Mexican  War  hero,  Gen.  Casey,  in  advance  of  Seven  Pines  on 
Saturday  afternoon,  May  31,  1862,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  would  have  been  disastrously 
defeated,  and  the  commanding  generals  responsible  for  the  calumnies  on  Casey's  division 
utterly  discredited  as  inefficient  commanders ;  and  that  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  was  the  first 
(not  the  greatest)  of  the  decisive  contests  fought  during  the  Civil  War. 

Today  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  is  doing  special  honor  to  her  sons  who  had  the 
privilege  of  battling  with  the  enemy  on  Pennsylvania  soil.  This  action  on  the  part  of  the 
Commonwealth  is  fitting  and  proper;  but  her  sons  who  served  in  the  52d,  85th,  101st,  and 
103d  Regiments  are  as  justly  entitled  to  her  assistance  in  removing  the  unjust  blot  on  their 
record  and  especially  to  have  that  foul  blot  expunged  from  the  official  records  of  the  War 
Department  of  the  Nation,  aspersing  the  heroic  dead  of  these  regiments:  for  had  it  not 
been  for  the  devotion  of  the  men  comprising  these  regiments,  along  with  their  comrades 
from  the  Empire  State  and  the  little  band  from  Maine,  in  advance  of  Seven  Pines,  there 
might  have  been  no  battle  of  Gettysburg.  In  the  preparation  of  this  work  there  has  been 
an  impelling  motive,  without  which  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  have  brought  it  to  com- 
pletion To  keep  faith  with  the  dead  who  fell  in  advance  of  Seven  Pines,  made  it  incum- 
bent on  the  writer  to  complete  this  vindication  of  the  brutal  aspersion  cast  upon  them  and 
printed  in  the  official  records  of  the  War  Department.  The  writer  has  endeavored  to  put 
himself  in  the  place  of  a  boy  comrade  of  his  company,  Tom  Meredith,  who  fell  on  the 
picket  line  more  than  a  mile  in  advance  of  Seven  Pines,  and  of  whose  burial  place  it  can 
be  said,  as  it  is  recorded  of  a  noted  man  in  the  history  of  the  world,  "but  no  man  knoweth 
of  his  sepulchre  unto  this  day" 

MAJ.    GEN.    SILAS    CASEY. 

Casey's  Division  at  the  Battle  of  Fair 
Oalis  or  Seven  Pines. 

A  Critical  Analysis  of  the  Official  Reports  and  Dispatches  Censuring 
Casey's  Division  for  Discreditable  Conduct  at  the  Battle 
of  Fair  Oaks  or  Seven  Pines,  May  31,  1862. 

No  large  body  of  troops  engaged  in  the  Civil  War  was  treated  with  greater  injustice 
than  Casey's  division  of  the  Fourth  Army  Corps,  attached  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
during  the  Peninsular  campaign  under  Gen.  McCIellan.  As  the  published  official  records 
of  the  War  Department  stand  today,  no  amend  has  been  made  for  the  wrong  done  to  the 
division.  No  battle  of  the  CivU  War  has  been  more  misrepresented  than  the  battle  of  Fair 
Oaks.  After  the  lapse  of  nearly  a  half  century  it  is  still  designated  by  two  names.  Fair 
Oaks  and  Seven  Pines.  The  transitory  historian  has  treated  it  lightly,  regarding  it  at 
though  't  were  but  a  skirmish,  preceding  the  Seven  Days'  Battles  around  Richmond,  and 
yet,  when  the  final  word  is  written  of  the  battles  between  the  North  and  the  South,  the 
battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  which  occurred  May  31  and  June  1,  1862,  will  head  the  list  of  the 
decisive  contests  of  the  Civil  War,  and  the  division  which  was  made  the  scapegoat  for  the 
first  day's  disaster  will  receive  credit  for  doing  more  to  frustrate  the  plans  of  the  Con- 
federate commander  than  any  other  division  engaged  in  the  battle. 

The  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  was  the  first  great  contest  between  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
and  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  No  other  battle  of  the  war  was  fought  so  close  to 
the  capital  of  the  Confederacy;  no  battle  of  the  war  was  better  planned  for  the  success  of 
the  offensive  army,  and  had  the  plans  been  executed  as  originally  designed,  the  defeat  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  would  have  been  overwhelming  and  complete,  and  yet  what  has 
been  regarded  as  the  chief  factor  in  endangering  the  safety  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
was  what  really  saved  it  from  irretrievable  disaster,  the  unprecedented  rainstorm  of  May 
30,  1862.  Had  it  not  been  for  this  storm  there  is  little  doubt  that  both  Casey's  and 
Couch's  divisions  would  have  been  gobbled  up  without  an  opportunity  to  show  much  if  any 
resistance,  and  the  remainder  of  the  army  whipped  in  detail  by  the  very  impulsion  of  the 
victorious  army. 

It  is  said  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  when  asked  for  correct  information  as  to  the 
battle  of  Waterloo,  by  one  who  was  about  to  write  its  history,  that  he  replied,  in  substance, 
as  follov/s: 

"No  man  is  more  incapable  of  giving  you  the  required  aid  than  myself.  Of  that  battle 
I  only  saw  what  came  within  the  limited  range  of  my  own  vision,  the  remainder  I  heard 
from  others.  Take  all  the  official  reports  and  the  descriptive  writings  on  both  sides  and, 
with  the  best  judgment  you  possess,  seek  for  the  truth.  You  will  more  certainly  find  it  by 
that  method  than  by  any  other." 

Whether  the  incident  above  referred  to  is  true  or  not,  the  official  report  of  the 
commanding  general  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  battle  of 
Fair  Oaks,  gives  evidence  that  he  was  utterly  incapable  of  giving  correct  information  as  to 
the  action  of  any  of  the  troops  under  his  command  in  this  battle.  Even  with  the  aid  of 
all  the  official  reports  of  his  subordinate  commanding  officers  who  participated  in  the 
battle,  the  report  of  the  congressional  committee  on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  and  the  innum- 
erable descriptive  writings  written  by  his  special  newspaper  friends,  his  report  demon- 
strates conclusively  that  he  had  no  proper  conception  of  how  the  battle  began,  how  it  was 


conducted  and  how  it  terminated.  If  the  historian  who  writes  the  final  word  as  to  the 
battle  of  Seven  Pines,  or  Fair  Oaks,  should  accept  the  report  of  Gen.  McClellan  as  authori- 
tative, posterity  will  never  know  the  true  story  of  that  bloody  conflict.  The  fact  that 
such  a  proficient  military  man  as  Gen.  McClellan  was  unable  to  get  a  proper  grasp  of  the 
battle  of  Fair  Oaks  is  an  indication  of  the  stupendous  task  that  confronts  the  historian 
who  writes  the  true  story  of  the  first  great  contest  between  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
and  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia. 

It  is  not  the  purpose  of  the  writer  to  assume  the  prerogatives  of  the  historian  in 
reference  to  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks.  His  chief  concern  is  to  the  part  played  in  this  battle 
by  Case/s  division,  and  even  here  the  place  he  would  take  is  not  that  of  historian,  but 
rather  that  of  an  assistant  or  guide  to  him  who  shall  write  the  final  word  on  the  battle. 
He  would  point  out  from  the  chaos  of  discrepant  official  reports  and  imaginary  descriptive 
writings  of  the  battle,  obvious  errors,  omissions,  and  misstatements,  and  endeavor  to  recon- 
cile discrepancies  honestly  made,  which  will  confuse  anyone  who  attempts  elucidation,  unless 
he  has  some  knowledge  of  the  lay  of  the  grounds  and  of  the  conditions  under  which  the 
battle  was  fought. 

There  are  two  wagon  roads  approaching  Richmond  from  the  east,  leading  from  the 
battle-field  of  Fair  Oaks,  one  known  as  the  Nine-miles  road,  but  usually  designated  in 
the  official  report  as  the  "Nine-Mile,"  and  sometimes  as  the  New  Bridge  road;  the  other 
as  the  Williamsburg  road,  sometimes  referred  to  as  the  Richmond  road,  and  the  main 
road.  "I  he  Nine-miles  road  enters  the  city  through  the  northeast  suburb,  while  the  Williams- 
burg road  enters  through  the  southeast  suburb.  These  two  roads  intersect  each  other  at 
Seven  Pines,  seven  miles  east  of  Richmond  on  the  Williamsburg  road  and  nine  miles  via 
the  Nine-miles  road.  Approaching  Richmond  from  the  east  is  a  railroad  (Richmond  and 
York  River,  now  known  as  the  Southern),  which  is  intersected  by  the  Nine-miles  road  a 
scant  mile  from  Seven  Pines.  This  intersection  is  designated  as  Fair  Oaks,  or  Fair  Oaks 
Station,  and  is  also  distant  from  Richmond  seven  miles  via  the  railroad.  The  Williams- 
burg road  crosses  the  Chickahominy  at  Bottom's  Bridge,  almost  fourteen  miles  east  of 
Richmond.  The  railroad  crosses  the  river  about  three-fourths  of  a  mile  north  of  the  road, 
and  these  two  roads  converge  and  diverge  to  and  from  each  other  from  a  fourth  of  a 
mile  to  a  mile  until  they  pass  beyond  the  battle-ground  of  Fair  Oaks,  being  a  little  over 
a  half  mile  distant  at  Seven  Pines  on  a  straight  line  north  and  south. 

The  country  south  and  west  of  the  Chickahominy  is  low  and  flat.  Extending  from 
the  Chickahominy  river  south  of  Bottom's  Bridge  to  within  five  or  six  miles  of  Richmond 
was  a  deep,  heavily  wooded  morass  known  as  White  Oak  Swamp,  affording  a  natural  pro- 
tection from  the  south.  The  northern  border  of  White  Oak  Swamp  varied  in  distance 
from  the  Williamsburg  road  from  five  or  six  miles  to  less  than  a  mile,  being  about  a  mile 
distant  at  Seven  Pines,  veering  slightly  to  the  north  for  the  next  mile. 

Casey's  division  crossed  the  Chickahominy  river  at  Bottom's  Bridge  May  23,  1862, 
then  being  the  vanguard  of  the  left  wing  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.    On  Saturday,  May 

24,  the  advance  picket  line  was  established  at  Seven  Pines,  and  on  the  following  day,  May 

25,  the  line  was  pushed  forward  on  the  Williamsburg  road  a  mile  and  a  half  in  advance 
of  Seven  Pines. 

On  the  26th  and  27th  the  picket  line  was  gradually  extended  to  the  right  until  it 
reached  the  Chickahominy  river.  The  picket  line  of  the  left  wing  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  now  extended  along  the  northern  border  of  White  Oak  Swamp  until  within  six 
miles  of  Richmond,  when  it  gradually  curved  to  the  right,  crossing  the  Williamsburg  road, 
perpendicular  to  it,  five  and  a  half  miles  east  of  Richmond,  extending  north  to  the  rail- 
road, crossing  it  about  a  mile  west  of  Fair  Oaks  Station,  thence  to  the  Nine-miles  road  to 
a  point  where  it  was  intersected  by  a  private  road  leading  to  the  Garnett  farm  house,  thence 
along  this  road  for  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  whence  it  slightly  veered  to  the  right  until  it 
reached  the  Chickahominy  river.  This  picket  line,  between  four  and  five  miles  in  length, 
was  covered  by  Casey's  division  until  May  30,  when  the  line  from  the  Williamsburg  road 
south  was  entrusted  to  Couch's  division,  Casey's  pickets  taking  care  of  the  line  north  of 
the  road  to  the  Chickahominy,  about  three  miles  in  extent. 

AT    SEVEN     PINES.  147 

Early  in  the  morning  of  May  29  Casey's  division  was  advanced  five-eighths  of  a  mile 
west  on  the  Williamsburg  road,  the  order  directing  the  advance  indicating'  the  position  to 
be  occupied  as  follows :  "By  a  large  wood-pile  and  two  houses,  about  three-fourths  of  a 
mile  beyond  Seven  Pines.'' 

The  two  houses  referred  to  were  situated  135  yards  south  of  the  Williamsburg  road, 
in  line  with  each  other,  facing  north  towards  the  road,  and  in  the  same  yard,  only  a  few 
feet  apart,  and  in  the  oiScial  reports  and  descriptive  writings  are  frequently  referred  to  as 
the  "twin  houses."  The  wood-pile  referred  to  was  situated  a  short  distance  west  of  the 
two  houses.  It  was  about  ten  or  twelve  feet  high  and  more  than  100  feet  long,  extending 
north  and  south,  the  north  end  being  about  75  yards  south  of  the  road,  and  it  consisted  of 
four  foot  cordwood.  The  land  surrounding  the  two  houses  had  been  under  cultivation,  and 
there  v.-as  an  open  space  west  of  the  wood  pile,  extending  towards  Richmond  about  a  third 
of  a  mile,  and  which  extended  about  a  fourth  of  a  mile  both  north  and  south  of  the  Williams- 
burg road.  The  grounds  immediately  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road  in  front  of  the  two 
houses  had  evidently  been  under  cultivation  some  years  before,  but  at  this  time  were  covered 
by  undergrowth  for  150  yards  north  of  the  road,  when  the  growth  became  heavier,  at  first 
being  mostly  saplings,  while  farther  north  they  assumed  the  proportions  of  trees,  but  appar- 
ently of  recent  growth.  These  woods  continued  more  or  less  dense  and  heavy  until  they 
reached  the  railroad,  nearly  three-fourths  of  a  mile  distant.  About  200  yards  north  of  the 
road  the  woods  gradually  curved  to  the  west,  and  the  borders  were  fringed  with 
undergrowth  and  saplings.  The  western  border  of  the  open  space  between  Richmond  and 
the  position  assigned  to  Casey's  division  was  a  heavy  forest  filled  with  undergrowth,  at 
places  matted  and  tangled  with  briers  making  them  impenetrable.  This  forest,  both  north 
and  south  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  gradually  curved  to  the  east,  making  both  the  northern 
and  southern  extremities  semi-circular,  and  a  continuous  forest  on  the  north  for  more 
than  a  fourth  of  a  mile  south  of  the  railroad,  east  to  and  beyond  the  Nine-miles  road  and 
south  to  the  undergrowth  north  of  the  road  in  front  of  the  two  houses.  On  the  south 
the  forest  extended  to  White  Oak  Swamp  and  gradually  curved  east  and  north  until  it 
reached  within  100  yards  east  of  the  two  houses,  the  woods  between  White  Oak  Swamp,  in 
rear  of  Casey's  position,  being  continuous  from  White  Oak  Swamp  to  the  railroad.  The 
woods  between  Richmond  and  the  open  space  in  front  of  Casey's  position  extended  west 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  on  both  sides  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  west  of  which  was  an 
open  space  about  a  fourth  of  a  mile  in  width,  covered  by  a  dense  undergrowth.  The  Federal 
picket  line  was  posted  along  the  western  edge  of  these  woods,  while  the  Confederate  pickets 
were  posted  about  a  hundred  yards  west  of  the  woods,  well  concealed  by  clusters  of  small 
trees  and  undergrowth. 

When  Casey's  division  advanced  on  the  29th,  Naglee's  brigade  was  assigned  to  a 
position  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road;  with  Wessells'  brigade  directly  south  of  the  road, 
between  the  road  and  the  two  houses,  and  immediately  east  of  the  wood-pile,  and  Palmer's 
brigade  south  of  the  two  houses.  As  soon  as  the  respective  regiments  reached  the  positions 
assigned  them,  on  the  morning  of  the  29th,  large  details  were  made  for  fatigue  duty  and 
work  was  begun  at  once  intrenching  the  position. 

The  erection  of  a  pentangular  redoubt,  rifle-pits,  and  the  slashing  of  timber,  the 
location  of  which  had  been  directed  by  Gen.  J.  G.  Barnard,  Chief  of  Engineers  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  on  the  28th,  was  begun  under  the  supervision  of  Lieut.  M.  D. 
McAlester,  of  the  Engineer  Corps,  As  this  redoubt  was  the  pivotal  point  in  the  battle  of 
Fair  Oaks,  so  far  as  Casey's  division  is  concerned,  it  is  very  essential  to  know  its  location 
to  understand  the  position  of  Casey's  troops  during  the  battle.  It  was  located  fully  fifty 
yards  south  of  the  Williamsburg  road  and  about  the  same  distance  in  advance  of  the 
wood-pile.  It  was  over  a  half  mile  in  advance  of  Seven  Pines  and  nearly  three-fourths  of 
a  mile  from  Fair  Oaks  Station,  and  about  the  same  distance  from  White  Oak  Swamp. 
With  the  site  of  the  Casey  redoubt  clearly  in  mind,  and  its  relative  position  to  other  points, 
certain  discrepancies  in  the  official  reports  can  be  better  understood,  and  errors  of  statement 
be  corrected.  This  is  very  essential  to  do  justice  to  Wessells'  and  Palmer's  brigades.  In 
none  of  the  official  reports  of  the  battle  is  the  location  of  the  redoubt  given;  but  Gen. 


Wessells,  in  giving  the  position  of  the  troops  of  his  brigade,  properly  places  it  south  of 
the  Williamsburg  road,  which  he  terms  the  Richmond  road. . 

At  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  29th,  the  enemy  attacked  Casey's  pickets,  imme- 
diately north  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  driving  them  back  through  the  woods,  killing  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  picket,  Maj.  John  E.  Kelley,  96th  New  York  Regiment,  and 
Private  Newton  Joseph,  Company  B,  103d  Penna.  Regiment.  Capt.  George  W.  Gillespie, 
103d  Regiment,  being  on  picket  with  his  company  (B),  assumed  command  of  the  pickets 
when  Maj.  Kelley  fell,  drove  the  enemy  back,  and  reestablished  the  picket  line.   ; 

Gen.  Casey  reported  the  affair  as  follows : 

"At  daylight  this  morning  the  enemy  attacked  my  advanced  picket  on  the  Richmond 
road.  They  took  advantage  of  the  dense  fog,  and  approached  very  near  before  being  dis- 
covered. The  pickets  behaved  nobly,  and  drove  the  rebels  back  in  disorder.  They  left 
a  wounded  prisoner  on  the  ground,  who  states  that  their  force  consisted  of  300  men, 
of  the  Twenty-third  North  Carolina  Regiment.  We  lost  1  officer  and  1  private  killed,  and 
2  enlisted  men  wounded.  The  officer  killed  (Maj.  John  E.  Kelley,  of  the  Ninety-sixth  New 
York  Volunteers,  who  commanded  the  pickets)  is  a  great  loss  to  the  service.  I  knew  him 
well  when  orderly-sergeant  of  the  Second  Infantry.  I  have  inclosed  a  list  of  the  killed  and 
wounded.  Capt.  George  W.  Gillespie,  of  the  One  Hundred  and  Third  Penna.  Volunteers, 
who  commanded  the  pickets  after  the  death  of  Maj.  Kelley,  behaved  very  well"  CO  R 
Ser.  I,  Vol.  XI,  part  I,  pp.  745-746). 

Evidently  this  reconnoissance  proved  a  failure  due,  no  doubt,  to  the  heavy  fog  that 
prevailed  and  also  to  the  spirited  resistance  made  by  the  pickets;  for  about  noon 
on  May  30  the  enemy  again  attacked  the  pickets  at  the  same  point,  driving  them  back  through 
the  woods  to  where  the  men  on  fatigue  duty  were  slashing  timber,  and  enabling  him  to  get 
a  view  of  the  line  of  intrenchments  then  being  constructed.  This  attack  seeming  to  be 
formidable,  the  entire  division  was  kept  in  line  of  battle  most  of  the  afternoon,  and  the 
batteries  of  the  division  opened  fire  on  the  woods  and  continued  the  fire  for  some  time, 
thoroughly  shelling  the  woods.  The  100th  New  York  Regiment  was  sent  forward  to  the 
support  of  the  pickets  and  succeeded  in  reestablishing  the  picket  line.  The  Confederate  attack 
was  led  by  Col.  D.  H.  Christie,  23d  North  Carolina  Regiment,  who  says  in  his  official  report 
of  the  affair: 

"The  enemy  is  in  large  force  in  our  immediate  front  and  intrenching.  The  evidence 
before  me  is  sufficient  to  enable  me  to  say  that  4  or  5  of  the  enemy  were  killed  and  10 
to  15  wounded;  1  prisoner.  I  regret  to  announce  the  loss  of  Capt.  J.  F.  Scarborough 
*    +   *   and  Private  Redfearn."     (O.  R.  Ser.  I.  Vol.  XI,  part  II,  page  646.) 

In  the  history  of  the  23d  North  Carolina  in  North  Carolina  Regiments  the  writer  says: 

"In  this  sortie  down  the  Williamsburg  road  30  May,  several  men  were  wounded  and 
Capt.  Ambrose  Scarborough,  of  Co.  C,  in  command  of  the  four  companies  reconnoitering, 
was  killed.  In  the  person  of  this  gallant  officer  the  regiment  lost  its  first  man  from  a 
hostile  bullet.  Capt.  Frank  Bennet  commanded  the  advance  line  of  sharpshooters,  who 
really  developed  the  enemy's  strength  was  severely  wounded,  being  disabled  for  months  " 
(N.  C.  Regiments,  Vol.  II,  pp.  208-204.) 

The  only  official  report  of  the  affair  from  the  Federal  side  is  made  by  Gen.  Casey  in 
his  official  report  of  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks.     He  says : 

"In  the  attack  of  the  30th  I  ordered  the  100th  New  York  Volunteers  to  move  to  the 
support  of  the  pickets.  With  the  assistance  of  this  regiment,  under  command  of  Col. 
Brown,  they  succeeded  in  repelling  the  attack,  the  enemy  leaving  6  of  his  dead  upon  the 
ground."     (O.  R.  Ser.  I,  Vol.  XI,  part  I,  page  914.) 

No  reference  is  made  to  any  loss  on  the  Federal  side  by  Gen.  Casey. 

On  May  31,  1862,  Casey's  division  was  composed  of  13  regiments  of  infantry  in 
three  brigades,  and  four  batteries  of  artillery,  aggregating  22  guns.  The  First  Brigade, 
commanded  by  Brig. -Gen.  Henry  M.  Naglee,  consisted  of  the  following  regiments :  104th 
Penna.,  commanded  by  Col.  William  W.  H.  Davis;  52d  Penna.,  commanded  by  Col.  John 
C.  Dodge,  Jr. ;  56th  New  York,  commanded  by  Lieut.-Col.  James  Jourdan ;  100th  New  York, 
commanded  by  Col.  James  M.  Brown;  11th  Maine,  commanded  by  CoL  Harris  M.  Plaisted. 

The  Second  Brigade,  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  Henry  W.  Wessells,  consisted  of  the 
following  regiments :  85th  Penna.,  commanded  by  Col.  Joshua  B.  Howell ;  101st  Penna.,  com- 

AT     SEVEN     PINES.  149 

mandeJ  by  Col.  David  B.  Morris;  103d  Penna.,  commanded  by  Maj.  Audley  W.  Gazzam; 
96th  New  York,  commanded  by  Col.  James  Fairman. 

The  Third  Brigade,  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  Innis  N.  Palmer,  consisted  of  the  fol- 
lowing regiments :  81st  New  York,  commanded  by  Lieut.-Col.  Jacob  J.  De Forest;  85th  New 
York,  commanded  by  Col.  Jonathan  S.  Belknap ;  92d  New  York,  commanded  by  Col.  Lewis 
C.  Hunt;  98th  New  York,  commanded  by  Lieut.-Col.  Charles  Durkee. 

The  artillery  was  commanded  by  Col.  Guilford  D.  Bailey,  and  was  composed  of  the 
following  batteries:  Company  A,  1st  New  York,  commanded  by  Lieut.  George  P.  Hart; 
Company  H,  1st  New  York,  commanded  by  Capt.  Joseph  Spratt;  7th  New  York  Independent 
Battery,  commanded  by  Capt.  Peter  C.  Regan;  8th  New  York  Independent  Battery,  com- 
manded by  Capt.  Butler  Fitch. 

In  order  to  show  how  unjust  and  uncalled  for  the  treatment  accorded  to  Casey's 
division  was  in  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  it  will  be  necessary  to  refer  to  the  other  troops 
which  participated  in  the  battle.  At  this  time  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  consisted  of  five 
corps,  as  follows:  Second,  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  Edwin  V.  Sumner;  Third,  by  Brig.- 
Gen.  S.  P.  Heintzelman;  Fourth,  by  Brig.-Gen.  Erasmus  D.  Keyes;  Fifth,  by  Brig.-Gen. 
Fitzjohn  Porter;  Sixth,  by  Brig.-Gen.  William  B.  Franklin.  The  Second  Corps  (Sumner's) 
consisted  of  two  divisions:  First  Division,  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  Israel  D.  Richardson; 
Second  Division,  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  John  Sedgwick.  The  Third  Corps  (Heintzel- 
man's)  consisted  of  two  divisions:  Second  Division,  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  Joseph 
Hooker;  Third  Division,  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  Philip  Kearny.  The  Fourth  Corps 
(Keyes")  consisted  of  two  divisions ;  First  Division,  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  Darius  N. 
Couch ;  Second  Division,  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  Silas  Casey.  As  the  corps  of  Porter  and 
Franklin  did  not  participate  in  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  the  only  notice  of  them  relevant  in 
this  narrative  is  to  state  that  they  comprised  the  right  wing  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
and  were  encamped  on  the  north  and  east  bank  of  the  Chickahominy  river,  and  after  the 
Sumner  bridges  became  submerged  on  May  31,  were  practically  isolated  from  the  left  wing 
of  the  army. 

Richardson's  division  of  Sumner's  corps  consisted  of  three  brigades,  as  follows : 
First  Brigade,  Brig.-Gen.  O.  O.  Howard;  comprising  the  following  regiments:  5th  New 
Hampshire,  Lieut.-Col.  Samuel  G.  Langley;  61st  New  York,  Col.  Francis  C.  Barlow;  64th 
New  York,  Col.  T.  J.  Parker;  81st  Penna.,  Col.  James  Miller. 

Second  Brigade,  Brig.-Gen.  Thomas  F.  Meagher:  63d  New  York,  Col.  John  Burke; 
69th  New  York,  Col.  Robert  Nugent;  88th  New  York,  Lieut.-Col.  Patrick  Kelly. 

Third  Brigade,  Brig.-Gen.  William  H.  French:  52d  New  York,  Col.  Paul  Frank; 
57th  New  York,  Col.  Samuel  K.  Zook;  66th  New  York,  Col.  Joseph  C.  Pinckney;  53d 
Penna.,  Col.  John  R.  Brooke;  Artillery,  Capt.  G.  W.  Hazzard:  B  1st  New  York,  Capt. 
Rufus  D.  Petit;  G,  1st  New  York,  Capt.  John  D.  Frank;  A  and  C,  4th  U.  S.,  Capt.  G.  W. 

Second  Division,  Brig.-Gen.  John  Sedgwick. 

First  Brigade,  Brig.-Gen.  Willis  A.  Gorman ;  15th  Mass.,  Lieut.-Col.  John  W.  Kimball ; 
1st  Minn.,  Col.  Alfred  Sully;  34th  New  York,  Col.  James  A.  Suiter;  82d  New  York,  Lieut.- 
Col.  Henry  W.  Hudson ;  1st  Company  Mass.  Sharpshooters,  Capt.  John  Saunders ;  2d  Com- 
pany Minn.  Sharpshooters,  Capt.  William  F.  Russell. 

Second  Brigade,  Brig.-Gen.  William  W.  Burns :  69th  Penna.,  Col.  Joshua  T.  Owen ; 
71st  Penna.,  Maj.  Charles  W.  Smith;  72d  Penna.,  Col.  DeWitt  C.  Baxter;  106th  Penna., 
Col.  Turner  G.  Morehead. 

Third  Brigade,  Brig.-Gen.  N.  J.  T.  Dana:  19th  Mass.,  Col.  Edward  W.  Hinks;  20th 
Mass.,  Col.  W.  Raymond  Lee ;  7th  Mich.,  Col.  Ira  R.  Grosvenor ;  42d  New  York,  Col.  E.  C. 
Charles ;  Artillery,  Col.  Charles  H.  Tompkins :  A,  1st  Rhode  Island,  Capt.  John  A.  Tompkins ; 
B,  1st  R.  I.,  Capt.  Walter  O.  Bartlett;  G,  1st  R.  I.,  Capt.  Charies  D.  Owen;  I,  1st  U.  S., 
Lieut.  Edmund  Kirby;  Cavalry:  6th  New  York,  Capt.  Riley  Johnson. 

The  Third  Corps,  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  S.  P.  Heintzelman,  consisted  of  two 
divisions,  commanded  by  Gens.  Joseph  Hooker  and  Philip  Kearney.  Hooker's  division 
embraced  the   following  troops:   First  Brigade,   commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.   Cuvier  Grover, 


consisting  of  the  1st  Mass.,  Col.  Robert  Cowden;  11th  Mass.,  Col.  William  Blaisdell;  2d 
New  Hampshire,  Col.  Gilman  Marston;  26th  Penna.,  Col.  William  F.  Small.  Second 
Brigade,  Brig.-Gen.  Daniel  E.  Sickles:  70th  New  York  (1st  Excelsior),  Maj.  Thomas  Holt; 
71st  New  York  (2d  Excelsior),  Col.  George  B.  Hall;  72d  New  York  (3d  Excelsior),  Col. 
Nelson  Taylor;  73d  New  York  (4th  Excelsior),  Maj.  John  D.  Moriarity;  74th  New  York 
(5th  Excelsior),  Col.  Charles  K.  Graham.  Third  Brigade,  Brig.-Gen.  Francis  E.  Patterson: 
6th  New  Jersey,  Col.  Samuel  H.  Starr;  6th  New  Jersey,  Col.  Gresham  Mott;  7th  New 
Jersey,  Maj.  Frank  Price,  Jr. ;  8th  New  Jersey,  Lieut.-Col.  Joseph  Trawin. 

Kearny's  division  was  composed  of  the  following  troops:  First  Brigade,  commanded 
by  Brig.-Gen.  Charles  D.  Jameson;  78th  New  York,  Col.  Stephen  A.  Dodge;  57th  Penna., 
Col.  Charles  T.  Campbell;  63d  Penna..  Col.  Alexander  Hays;  105th  Penna.,  Col.  Amor  A. 
McKnight.  Second  Brigade,  Brig.-Gen.  David  B.  Birney :  3d  Maine,  Col.  Henry  G.  Staples ; 
4th  Maine,  Col.  Elijah  Walker;  38th  New  York,  Col.  J.  H.  H.  Ward;  40th  New  York, 
Lieut.  Col.  Thomas  W.  Egan.  Third  Brigade,  Brig.-Gen.  Hiram  G.  Berry :  2d  Mich.,  Col. 
Orlando  M.  Poe;  3d  Mich.,  Col.  S.  G.  Champlin;  5th  Mich.,  Col.  Henry  D.  Terry;  37th 
New  York,  Col.  Samuel  B.  Hayman;  Artillery,  commanded  by  Maj.  Charles  S.  Wainwright: 
D,  1st  New  York,  Capt.  Walter  M.  Bramhall. 

Couch's  division  of  Keyes'  corps  consisted  of  three  brigades,  commanded  respectively 
by  Brig.-Gens.  John  J.  Peck,  John  J.  Abercrombie  and  Charles  Devens,  Jr.  Peck's  brigade 
was  composed  of  the  following  regiments :  55th  New  York,  commanded  by  Lieut.-Col.  Louis 
Thourot;  62d  New  York,  Col.  J.  LaFayette  Riker;  93d  New  York,  Col.  J.  M.  McCarter; 
102d  Penna.,  Col.  Thomas  A.  Rowley.  Abercrombie's  brigade  was  composed  as  follows: 
65th  New  York  (1st  U.  S.  Chasseurs),  Col.  John  Cochrane;  67th  New  York  (1st  Long 
Island),  Col.  Julius  W.  Adams;  23d  Penna.,  Col.  Thmas  H.  Neill;  31st  Penna.,  Col.  David 
H.  Williams;  61st  Penna.,  Col.  Oliver  H.  Rippey.  Devens'  brigade:  7th  Mass.,  Col.  David 
A.  Russell ;  10th  Mass.,  Col.  Henry  S.  Briggs ;  36th  New  York,  Col.  Charles  H.  Innes.  The 
2d  Rhode  Island,  of  this  brigade,  was  absent  on  detached  service  and  did  not  participate  in 
the  battle. 

The  artillery  of  Couch's  division  consisted  of  four  batteries  of  the  1st  Penna.  Light 
Artillery,  commanded  by  Maj.  Robert  M.  West;  Battery  C,  commanded  by  Capt.  Jeremiah 
McCarthy;  Battery  D,  by  Capt.  Edward  H.  Flood;  Battery  E,  by  Capt.  Theodore  Miller; 
Battery  H,  by  Capt.  James  Brady. 

Both  divisions  of  Sumner's  corps  were  encamped  at  noon,  May  31,  on  the  north  bank 
of  the  Chickahominy,  some  five  or  six  miles  distant  from  Casey's  position,  Gen.  Richardson 
near  what  is  known  as  Sumner's  lower  bridge,  and  Gen.  Sedgwick  near  the  upper  bridge. 

Hooker's  division  was  encamped  along  the  northern  border  of  White  Oak  Swamp, 
south  and  east  of  Savage  Station,  guarding  the  approaches  through  the  swamp. 

Kearny's  division  was  in  camp  near  the  Williamsburg  road,  a  mile  or  two  east  of 
Bottom's  Bridge;  two  brigades,  Birney's  and  Berry's,  were  advanced  to  a  point  near  Savage 
Station,  bivouacking  there  about  noon  on  Saturday,  Jameson's  brigade  remaining  near 
Bottom's  Bridge  until  after  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  had  been  raging  for  more  than  an  hour. 

Cjuch's  division  was  encamped  along  the  Nine-miles  road,  a  little  west  of  it,  from 
east  of  Fair  Oaks  Station  to  the  Williamsburg  road,  and  thence  south  towards  White  Oak 
Swamp;  Abercrombie's  brigade  as  follows:  67th  New  York  (1st  L.  I.  Vols.)  in  rear  of  the 
rifle-piis,  near  the  intersection  of  the  Williamsburg  and  Nine-miles  road,  but  to  the  right 
of  the  former  road;  23d  Penna.  and  65th  New  York  (1st  U.  S.  Chasseurs)  along  the 
Nine-miles  road,  almost  in  rear  of  the  67th  N.  Y. ;  the  31st  Penna.  north  of  Fair  Oaks 
Station,  on  the  Nine-miles  road,  between  the  railroad  and  Richmond;  the  61st  Penna.  north 
of  the  railroad,  between  Fair  Oaks  Station  and  the  Chickahominy  river.  The  special  duty 
assigned  to  the  31st  and  61st  Penna.  regiments  was  to  guard  the  crossing  at  Fair  Oaks 

Devens'  brigade  was  encamped  a  short  distance  east  of  the  Nine-miles  road  near  the 
Williamsburg  road,  and  Peck's  brigade  south  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  between  that  road 
and  White  Oak  Swamp.    Brady's  battery  was  in  position  at  Fair  Oaks  Station,  with  the 

AT    SEVEN    PINES.  151 

31st  and  61st  Penna.  regiments,  while  the  other  three  batteries  of  the  division  were  parked 
east  of  the  junction  of  the  Williamsburg  and  Nine-miles  roads  with  Devens'  brigade. 

From  the  time  Casey's  division  had  crossed  the  Chickahominy  river  on  May  23  large 
details  from  every  regiment  were  kept  constantly  at  work  slashing  timber  into  abatis, 
building  breastworks,  rifle-pits  and  redoubts,  and  repairing  the  roads.  The  heavy  rain  on 
the  afternoon  and  night  of  May  30  had  made  it  impracticable  to  work  on  the  rifle-pits  on 
the  31st,  but  a  large  force  was  put  to  work  slashing  timber  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road, 
on  the  edge  of  the  wood,  in  front  of  the  intrenchments.  An  abatis  had  been  formed  south 
of  the  WilUamsburg  road,  from  50  to  75  yards  in  width,  extending  about  200  yards  south; 
while  north  of  the  road  it  did  not  exceed  100  yards  in  length,  and  was  not  more  than  40  or 
50  yards  in  width.  The  woods  in  rear  of  Wessell's  camp,  and  also  for  a  short  distance 
north  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  had  been  slashed  into  abatis. 

On  Saturday  forenoon.  May  31,  the  commissary  department  of  Casey's  division 
received  and  issued  supplies,  and  the  men  in  Camp  were  anticipating  a  full  repast 
after  more  or  less  fasting  for  two  or  three  days.  A  few  minutes  after  12  o'clock,  while 
some  of  the  men  were  already  enjoying  their  dinner,  and  others  were  anxiously  awaiting 
theirs,  three  cannon  balls  came  whizzing  over  Casey's  camp,  in  rapid  succession,  passing 
on  to  Couch's  camp,  three-fourths  of  a  mile  to  the  rear.  As  these  shots  were  immediately 
followed  by  musketry  fire  on  the  picket  line,  Gen.  Casey  ordered  Gen.  Wessells  to  send 
forward  the  103d  Penna.  Regiment  to  support  the  pickets.  As  the  firing  soon  indicated  a 
formidable  advance  of  the  enemy,  the  division  was  ordered  under  arms,  orders  issued  to 
have  the  men  at  work  on  the  rifle-pits  and  abatis  recalled  to  their  regiments,  the  artillery 
harnessed,  and  lines  of  battle  formed,  which  was  done  under  the  direction  of  Gen.  Casey 
and  Gen.  Wessells,  as  follows : 

The  101st  Penna.  Regiment  was  placed  on  the  right  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  perpen- 
dicular to  it,  the  right  flank  of  the  battalion  extending  into  the  woods  and  in  rear  of  the 
newly  constructed  rifle-pits,  the  extreme  right  of  the  battalion  being  about  400  yards  north 
of  the  Williamsburg  road;  the  85th  Penna.  Regiment  in  rear  of  the  rifle-pits,  extended 
from  the  redoubt  across  the  Williamsburg  road,  the  right  flank  almost  to  the  left  of  the 
101st ;  the  96th  New  York  Regiment,  and  Companies  F  and  I,  of  the  103d  Penna.,  were 
placed  in  advance  of  the  rifle-pits  and  to  the  left  of  the  redoubt;  the  85th  New  York  Regi- 
ment m  rear  of  the  rifle-pits,  to  the  left  of  the  redoubt;  Capt.  Bates'  battery.  Company  A, 
1st  New  York  Artillery,  commanded  by  Lieut.  George  P.  Hart,  six  guns,  light  brass  twelve- 
pounders,  was  placed  in  the  redoubt;  Capt.  Peter  C.  Regan's  battery,  7th  New  York,  Inde- 
pendent, north  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  in  rear  of  the  101st  Regiment;  Capt.  Butler 
Fitch's  8th  New  York  Independent  Battery  was  placed  in  rear  of  the  rifle-pits,  two  guns 
south  and  four  guns  north  of  the  redoubt.  This  is  what  is  known  as  Casey's  intrenched 
line,  although  the  rifle-pits  did  not  extend  either  north  or  south  of  the  Williamsburg  road 
more  than  300  yards. 

Capt.  Joseph  Spratt's  battery.  Company  H,  1st  New  York  Artillery,  consisting  of 
four  ten-pounders,  was  advanced  about  400  yards  in  advance  of  the  rifle-pits,  and  unlim- 
bered  for  action  immediately  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road.  This  battery  was  supported 
on  the  right  by  the  104th  Penna.  and  three  companies  of  the  11th  Maine;  and  later  by  a 
fragment  of  the  103d  Penna.;  on  the  left  by  the  100th  New  York  and  the  92d  New  York, 
the  right  flank  of  the  100th  resting  a  few  yards  south  of  the  Williamsburg  road.  The  81st 
New  York  was  deployed  on  the  extreme  left  of  the  advanced  line  to  protect  the  left  flank, 
and  the  98th  New  York  was  deployed  a  short  distance  to  the  right  of  the  81st  and  the 
96th  New  York,  and  two  companies  of  the  103d  Penna.  were  advanced  to  guard  the  gap 
between  the  92d  and  98th  New  York  Regiments.  The  52d  Penna.,  56th  New  York  and 
seven  companies  of  the  11th  Maine  were  isolated  from  the  main  body  of  the  division,  and 
did  not  come  under  the  direction  of  Gen.  Casey  at  any  time  during  the  battle.  Two  com- 
panies of  the  52d  Penna.  were  on  fatigue  duty  with  the  pioneers  of  the  division  at  the 
Chickahominy  river,  under  the  command  of  Lieut.-Col.  Hoyt  of  that  regiment,  and  the 
remainder  of  the  regiment  was  either  on  picket,  or  supporting  the  picket  line  between  the 
Nine-miles  road  and  the  Chickahominy.    Seven  companies  of  the  11th  Maine  were  on  picket 


duty,  four  companies  near  the  railroad,  and  three  companies  on  the  extreme  right,  extending 
to  the  Chickahominy  river.  The  56th  New  York,  in  rear  of  the  picket  line,  200  yards  south 
of  the  railroad. 

The  100th  and  92d  New  York  Regiments,  south  of  the  road,  moved  up  to  the  eastern 
border  of  the  abatis,  some  little  distance  in  advance  of  the  position  of  Spratt's  guns.  The 
104th  Penna.  at  first  took  position  along  the  edge  of  the  woods,  in  rear  and  north  of 
Spratt's  guns,  but  was  moved  forward  in  advance  of  the  battery,  but  some  distance  to  the 
right;  the  three  companies  of  the  11th  Maine  and  fragment  of  the  103d  Penna.  deploying 
on  its  left. 

The  picket  line  where  it  crossed  the  Williamsburg  road  was  three-fourths  of  a  mile 
in  advance  of  the  redoubt,  and  about  a  half  mile  in  advance  of  Casey's  first  line  of  battle. 
By  the  time  Maj.  Gazzam,  who  was  in  command  of  the  103d  Penna.  Regiment,  received  the 
command  to  take  his  regiment  to  the  support  of  the  pickets,  the  firing  had  become  quite 
brisk,  and  no  time  was  lost  in  rushing  the  men  forward  in  double  quick  order.  The  regi- 
ment was  hurriedly  placed  in  line  about  fifty  yards  in  rear  of  the  picket  line,  immediately 
north  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  with  two  companies,  B  and  G,  under  command  of  Capt. 
G.  W.  Gillespie,  south  of  the  road,  to  protect  the  left  flank.  The  pickets  having  had  strict 
orders  to  maintain  their  position,  unless  attacked  by  an  overwhelming  force,  still  retained 
their  advanced  posts,  firing  with  great  rapidity,  checking  the  advance  of  the  enemy's  skirmish 
until  the  regiments  of  the  attacking  brigade  were  brought  into  line  of  battle  to  support  them. 
Before  Maj.  Gazzam  had  succeeded  in  properly  aligning  his  regiment,  which,  owing  to  the 
heavy  undergrowth  and  briers  in  the  woods,  was  a  difficult  task,  the  enemy  opened  a  terrific 
fire  on  the  pickets,  the  full  eflfect  of  which  fell  upon  the  103d.  This  was  immediately 
returned,  the  regiment  maintaining  its  position  until  flanked  on  the  right,  when  it  was 
ordered  to  fall  back  slowly,  again  making  a  stand  on  a  road  through  the  woods,  which 
was  nearly  perpendicular  to  the  Williamsburg  road.  However,  only  two  or  three  volleys 
had  been  fired  from  this  position,  when  Capt.  Laughlin,  who  commanded  Company  A, 
noticed  the  enemy  closing  in  on  the  right  flank;  he  called  down  the  line  for  the  men  to 
fall  back  as  rapidly  as  they  could,  Maj.  Gazzam  repeating  the  command.  The  dense  and 
tangled  condition  of  the  undergrowth  prevented  the  regiment  from  falling  back  in  any 
kind  of  order,  and  before  it  emerged  from  the  woods  it  was  broken  into  fragments.  How- 
ever, Capts.  Gillespie,  Mackey  and  Laughlin  succeeded  in  rallying  about  one  hundred  men 
and  formed  them  on  the  left  flank  of  the  11th  Maine,  immediately  to  the  right  of  Spratt's 
battery,  where  they  remained  until  the  first  line  was  driven  back. 

The  attack  on  Casey's  division  was  made  by  Longstreet's  command  of  ten  brigades, 
the  division  of  Gen.  D.  H.  Hill  leading,  consisting  of  four  brigades.  Garland's  brigade, 
which  led  the  advance  north  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  comprised  the  following  regiments: 
2d  Florida,  2d  Miss.  Battalion,  5th  North  Carolina,  23d  North  Carolina,  24th  Virginia,  and 
38th  Virginia.  Attached  to  this  brigade  was  the  Jeff  Davis  Battery  of  Artillery,  from 
Alabama,  commanded  by  Capt.  J.  W.  Bondurant.  (It  was  evidently  this  battery  that  fired 
the  sig-nal  guns.)  Garland's  brigade  was  closely  followed  by  Featherstone's  brigade,  com- 
manded by  Col.  George  B.  Anderson,  of  the  4th  North  Carolina  regiment,  which  consisted 
of  the  following  regiments:  27th  and  28th  Georgia,  4th  North  Carolina,  and  49th  Virginia. 
South  of  the  road  the  advance  attack  was  made  by  Rodes'  brigade,  which  embraced  the 
following  regiments :  5th,  6th,  and  12th  Alabama ;  12th  Miss.,  and  4th  Virginia  Battalion. 
Attached  to  this  brigade  was  Carter's  Battery  of  Artillery.  Closely  following  Rodes' 
brigade  was  Rains'  brigade,  consisting  of  four  regiments,  as  follows:  13th  and  26th  Ala- 
bama, and  6th  and  23d  Georgia. 

Garland's  brigade  was  the  first  to  receive  the  fire  of  the  pickets,  and  it  was  this 
brigade  that  was  closing  in  on  the  right  flank  of  the  103d  Penna.  in  the  woods,  and  which 
succeeded  in  driving  it  back  and  finally  routing  it.  When  it  reached  the  edge  of  the  woods, 
it  met  a  terrific  fire  from  Spratt's  battery,  from  the  guns  in  Casey's  redoubt,  and  from  the 
infantry  supporting  Spratt's  battery,  and  it  was  forced  to  a  halt  until  Anderson's  brigade 
reen  forced  it.  South  of  the  road,  Rodes'  brigade  of  four  regiments  and  a  battalion,  soon 
reenforced  by  Rain's  brigade  of  four  regiments,  made  its  appearance  and  formed  in  line 

AT    SEVEN    PINES.  153 

along  the  western  side  of  the  abatis,  returning  the  fire  it  was  receiving  from  Casey's  men 
on  the  east  side  of  the  abatis.  The  Confederates  on  both  sides  of  the  road  sought  the 
protection  of  the  fallen  trees  and  stumps  of  the  abatis,  and  were  gradually  penetrating  it, 
when  Gen.  Casey  gave  an  order  for  the  regiments  supporting  the  advance  battery  to  charge, 
which  was  done,  but  at  such  a  terrific  sacrifice  that  the  line  both  north  and  south  of  the 
road  was  soon  thereafter  overpowered  and  routed.  Before  leaving  this  position,  however, 
four  line  officers  of  the  92d  New  York  were  wounded,  three  line  offiQers  of  the  98th  New 
York  were  disabled  and  two  line  officers  of  the  100th  New  York  were  killed  and  three 
wounded;  these  casualties  occurred  south  of  the  Williamsburg  road.  North  of  the  road, 
the  103d  Penna.  had  one  line  officer  killed;  the  11th  Maine  (only  three  companies  present, 
aggregating  93  men)  had  one  line  officer  kille'd  and  three  wounded;  the  104th  Penna.  had 
one  line  officer  killed,  and  the  two  field  officers  present,  disabled,  the  major,  John  M.  Gries, 
mortally  wounded,  dying  a  few  days  subsequently;  the  colonel,  W.  W.  H.  Davis,  wounded 
m  the  left  elbow  and  left  breast,  and  four  line  officers  wounded.  Capt.  Spratt  and  Lieut. 
John  H.  Howell,  of  Company  H,  1st  New  York  Artillery,  were  wounded  early  in  the 
action,  the  command  of  the  battery  devolving  upon  First  Lieut.  C.  E.  Mink,  assisted  by 
Second  Lieut.  E.  H.  Clark.  The  regiments  engaged  in  Casey's  first  line  of  battle,  which 
was  nearly  a  mile  in  advance  of  Gen.  Couch's  line,  lost  8  officers  killed,  28  wounded;  and 
91  men  killed,  479  wounded,  and  243  captured  or  missing;  yet  this  line  of  battle  is  entirely 
ignored  in  Gen.  Keyes'  official  report,  and  also  in  the  official  report  of  Gen.  McClellan. 
Owing  to  the  horses  being  killed,  and  the  miry  condition  of  the  ground,  making  it  im- 
possible for  the  men  to  haul  it,  one  gun  of  Spratt's  battery  had  to  be  abandoned  to  the 
enemy.  From  the  beginning  of  the  attack  on  Casey's  first  line,  the  six  guns  in  the  redoubt. 
Company  A,  1st  New  York  Artillery,  commanded  by  Lieut.  Hart,  and  Capt.  Fitch's  8th 
New  York  Independent  Battery  were  in  continuous  action,  firing  with  rapidity  and  pre- 
cision, under  the  personal  supervision  of  Col.  Bailey,  Chief  of  Artillery  of  Casey's  division. 
These  batteries  opened  fire  on  the  woods  in  advance  of  the  abatis  as  soon  as  the  103d 
Penna.  emerged  from  the  woods,  and  when  the  enemy  came  in  sight,  playd  havoc  with 
his  ranks. 

When  the  advanced  line  was  driven  back,  the  96th  New  York  and  Companies  F  and 
I  of  the  103d  Penna.  formed  in  rear  of  the  rifle-pits  south  of  the  redoubt,  between  a  detach- 
ment of  the  103d  Penna.  and  the  85th  New  York;  the  98th  New  York  took  position  behind 
the  rifle-pits,  to  the  left  of  the  85th  New  York;  the  81st  New  York  took  position  in  the 
woods  south  of  Palmer's  camp. 

The  104th  Penna.  and  11th  Maine  retired  on  the  right  and  made  a  halt  at  their 
camp,  while  the  92d  and  100th  New  York  Regiments  were  so  broken  up  and  scattered  that 
only  small  fragments  were  rallied  at  the  intrenched  line. 

Spratt's  battery  and  the  advanced  line  gone,  the  enemy  now  concentrated  his  fire  and 
attention  to  the  insignificant  earthworks.  Twice  the  enemy  charged  on  the  redoubt  and 
was  forced  to  fall  back  to  the  abatis  for  protection,  once  approaching  within  30  or  40 
yards.  After  repeated  assaults  on  the  85th  and  101st  Penna.  Regiments,  on  the  right  of 
the  redoubt,  the  enemy  moved  on  the  right  fiank,  when  Companies  A  and  F  were  quickly 
deployed  by  Lieut.  SheafFer,  of  Company  A,  parallel  with  the  Williamsburg  road,  checking 
the  advance  of  the  enemy  from  that  direction,  until  he  was  heavily  reenforced,  when  his 
enfilading  fire  became  too  heavy,  and  the  regiment  was  compelled  to  retire,  but  not  until 
after  the  commanding  officer,  Lieut.-Col.  D.  B.  Morris,  had  been  borne  from  the  field 
severely  wounded.  The  enemy  advancing  on  the  left  flank  and  in  front  at  the  same  time, 
the  entire  intrenched  line  was  compelled  to  give  way.  At  this  juncture  Col.  Bailey  was 
killed  by  a  rifle  ball  piercing  his  brain  as  he  was  directing  the  guns  in  the  redoubt  to  be 
spiked;  the  horses  of  the  battery  having  been  killed  or  disabled. 

Some  commotion  prevailed  when  Wessells'  brigade  retired  from  the  intrenchraents. 
However,  Gens.  Casey  and  Wessells  assisted  the  officers  in  rallying  the  men,  forming  a 
line  south  of  the  road  in  the  abatis,  east  of  Wessells'  camp,  from  which  point  they  delivered 
a  murderous  fire  on  the  enemy  until  they  were  flanked  and  overwhelmed,  when  they  were 
again   compelled   to   retire  through  the  abatis.    In   falling  back  through   the  abatis   great 


confusion  ensued,  and  the  various  commands  intermingled,  so  that  it  was  difficult  to  preserve 
the  identity  of  the  respective  regiments.  However,  Col.  Howell,  of  the  85th  Penna.,  rallied 
quite  a  force,  and  charged  through  the  camp  of  the  brigade,  forcing  the  enemy  to  retire 
from  the  rifle-pits,  but  was  soon  driven  back  by  overwhelming  numbers. 

After  Col.  Bailey  fell,  Maj.  Van  Valkenburgh  assumed  command  of  the  artillery. 
With  great  difficulty,  owing  to  its  horses  being  killed  and  disabled  by  the  enem/s  fire,  the 
six  gurs  of  the  8th  New  York  Independent  Battery  and  three  guns  of  Spratt's  battery 
were  taken  to  the  rear,  after  having  done  as  effective  and  heroic  work  as  was  performed 
by  any  batteries  during  the  war.  The  same  statement  will  apply  with  equal  force  to  Battery 
A,  the  guns  of  which  later  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

The  7th  New  York  Independent  Battery  was  in  position  on  the  right  of  the  road,  in 
rear  of  the  101st  Penna.,  which  compelled  its  guns  to  remain  silent.  Although  not  per- 
mitted 10  fire  during  the  first  two  or  three  hours  of  the  battle,  it  was  compelled  to  remain 
under  a  severe  fire,  losing  both  men  and  horses.  When  it  became  evident  that  the  troops 
along  the  intrenchments  would  give  way,  Maj.  Van  Valkenburgh  ordered  the  battery  to  fall 
back  and  take  a  position  commanding  the  Williamsburg  road.  Two  guns  were  placed  in 
the  road  and  four  in  the  field  north  of  the  road,  and  a  rapid  fire  was  kept  up  until  the 
enemy  was  within  a  few  yards  of  the  battery.  Shortly  after  giving  an  order  for  the  four 
guns  in  the  field  to  limber  up,  Maj.  Van  Valkenburgh  was  killed,  while  between  the  two 
guns  in  action  on  the  road.  The  two  guns  on  the  road  remained  in  action  until  the  pieces 
in  the  field  were  extricated  and  removed,  the  wheels  of  the  carriages  having  become  so 
mired  in  the  soft  ground  in  the  field  that  these  four  guns  were  saved  with  great  difficulty. 
One  of  the  pieces  on  the  road  fired,  retiring  by  prolonge,  while  the  other  five  were  going 
to  the  rear.  In  retiring  with  this  piece,  Capt.  Regan,  now  the-  senior  officer  of  Casey's  artil- 
lery, and  in  command,  acted  as  gunner.  None  of  the  guns  of  this  battery  was  lost,  but  two 
caissons,  the  battery  wagon  and  forge  were  abandoned,  owing  to  the  horses  being  killed; 
however,  with  the  exception  of  one  caisson  limber,  all  were  recovered.  Considering  the 
enormous  loss  of  horses  in  Casey's  artillery,  the  miry  condition  of  the  ground,  and  the 
overwhelming  force  of  the  enemy,  it  was  a  remarkable  feat  to  save  fifteen  of  the  twenty-two 
guns  of  the  division.  Capt.  Fitch's  battery,  8th  New  York  Independent,  went  into  action 
in  rear  of  Couch's  line  and  did  effective  service  before  Couch's  troops  gave  way.  The 
final  action  of  the  division  in  the  action  of  May  31  can  be  best  described  in  the  words 
of  the  commanding  general  of  the  division : 

"On  my  arrival  at  the  second  line,  I  succeeded  in  rallying  a  small  portion  of  my 
division,  and  with  the  assistance  of  Gen.  Kearny,  who  had  just  arrived  at  the  head  of  one 
of  the  brigades  of  his  division,  attempted  to  regain  possession  of  my  works,  but  it  was 
found  impracticable." 

According  to  the  official  reports  of  the  three  brigade  commanders,  the  actual  icrce  of 
the  division  in  action  was  less  than  4,253  men.  The  official  reports  show  the  casualties  to 
be:  Officers  killed,  14;  wounded,  55;  captured  or  missing,  9;  total  casualties  among  the 
officers,  78 ;  enlisted  men  killed,  163 ;  wounded,  872 ;  captured  or  missing,  316 ;  total  casualties 
among  the  enlisted  men,  1,351;  aggregate  loss,  1,429. 

It  may  appear  on  the  face  of  the  returns  that  the  captured  and  missing  percentage  is 
inordinately  large  in  proportion  to  the  number  killed.  It  should  be  remembered  that  these 
reports  were  made  immediately  after  the  battle,  when  all  the  records  were  lost,  and  were, 
at  best,  imperfect;  that  the  battle  was  fought  over  a  large  area  of  ground,  a  great  part  of 
it  wooded,  and  that  the  enemy  had  possession  of  the  field  for  two  days;  and  that  many 
of  those  marked  captured  or  missing  were  killed  or  left  on  the  field  mortally  wounded. 
The  record  of  one  regiment,  the  103d  Penna.,  will  illustrate  this  point.  The  official  report 
of  the  casualties  at  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  gives  the  aggregate  loss  of  this  regiment  as  93, 
as  follows:  Rilled,  1  officer  and  7  men;  wounded,  2  officers  and  67  men;  captured  or 
missing,  1  officer  and  15  men.  The  final  papers  in  the  auditor-general's  office  of  the  War 
Department  show  that  2  officers  and  33  enlisted  men  of  this  regiment  were  killed  in  action 
or  died  of  wounds  received  in  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks.  This  indicates  that  37.6  per  cent 
of  the  casualties   of  the   regiment  were   fatal,  instead  of  8.6  per   cent,   as   shown   by  the 

AT     SEVEN     PINES.  155 

official  report.  If  the  mortality  of  casualties  of  the  division  was  as  great  in  proportion  as 
in  this  regiment,  it  would  be  773.  However,  the  conditions  surrounding  this  regiment 
were  different  from  the  other  regiments.  It  first  received  the  fire  of  the  enemy  a  half 
mile  in  advance  of  the  first  line  of  battle,  (and  yet  more  than  two-thirds  of  Casey's  division 
were  nearly  a  mile  in  advance,  and  the  other  third  over  half  a  mile  in  advance  of  the 
second  line  of  battle)  and  the  wounded  who  were  left  on  the  advanced  battle-ground  were 
in  the  hands  of  the  enemy  for  practically  two  full  days.  The  official  report  made  by  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  103d  Penna.  was  made  on  June  2,  before  the  advance  battle- 
ground had  been  explored,  and  there  is  not  much  doubt  that  the  casualty  reports  from 
every  regiment  of  Casey's  division  was  made  before  there  had  been  any  return  from  the 
battle-field  of  Saturday.  It  is,  therefore,  safe  to  estimate  the  mortality  at  least  at  50  per 
cent  of  what  careful  investigation  shows  the  increased  mortality  to  be  over  that  at  first 
reported.  On  this  basis  the  total  mortality  of  Casey's  division  at  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks 
would  be  330.  The  brigade  commanders  estimate  the  number  of  officers  and  men  in  action 
on  the  31st  of  May  as  about  4,250.  This  makes  the  mortality  more  than  7%  per  cent  of 
those  engaged,  the  aggregate  casualties  being  over  33%  per  cent. 

In  an  address  by  Maj.-Gen.  D.  H.  Hill,  whose  division  routed  Casey's  troops  at  Fair 
Oaks,  at  the  reunion  of  the  Virginia  Division,  Army  of  the  Northern  Virginia  Association, 
in  the  State  Capitol  of  Virginia,  on  the  22d  day  of  October,  1885,  he  said: 

"The  battle  of  Seven  Pines  was  a  fine  illustration  of  the  prowess  of  untrained, 
untutored  and  undisciplined  soldiers.  The  great  battles  of  Europe,  in  which  veterans  vvere 
engaged,  show  a  loss  of  from  one-tenth  to  one-fourth  of  those  engaged.  At  Seven  Pines 
our  raw  troops  lost  one-third  of  their  number  without  flinching,  moving  steadily  on  to 
victory.  The  true  test  of  the  loss  in  battle  is  the  number  of  casualties  before  shouts  of 
triumph  rend  the  sky;  for  it  has  often  happened  that  the  chief  loss  of  the  defeated  has  been 
from  the  murderous  fire  upon  their  disorganized,  unresisting  and  huddled  together  masses. 
This  has  always  been  so  when  the  defeat  has  been  the  result  of  a  flank  movement,  or  when 
a  brilliant  cavalrv  charge  has  followed  up  the  rout."  (Southern  Historical  Society  Papers, 
Vol.  1.3,  page  266.) 

There  has  been  a  wonderful  diversity  of  statements  as  to  when  the  battle  of  Fair 
Oaks  began.  Some  of  these  differences  are  due  as  to  when  the  firing  assumed  the  pro- 
portion; of  a  battle.  Gen.  Keyes  speaks  with  some  positiveness  on  this  point,  as  he  repeats 
the  statement  in  his  official  report,  saying :  "At  about  12 :30  P.  M.  it  became  suddenly 
apparent  that  the  attack  was  real  and  in  great  force."  In  another  paragraph  he  says : 
"Casey's  division,  holding  the  front  line,  was  first  seriously  attacked  at  about  12  :30  P.  M." 
Prior  to  this,  in  his  report,  he  says :  "Having  sent  orders  for  the  troops  to  be  under  arms 
precisely  at  11  o'clock  A.  M.,  I  mounted  my  horse  and  rode  along  the  Nine-miles  road  to  Fair 
Oaks  Station.  *  *  *  Finding  nothing  unusual  at  Fair  Oaks,  I  gave  some  orders  to  the 
troops,  and  returned  quickly  to  Seven  Pines.  The  firing  was  becoming  brisk,  but  there  was 
yet  no  certainty  of  a  great  attack."  The  writer  has  knowledge  which  convinces  him  that  Gen. 
Keyes  was  somewhat  confused  as  to  his  statements  as  to  how  the  firing  began  and  will  refer 
to  it  at  another  place.  However,  his  statement  as  to  the  beginning  of  the  battle  is  approxi- 
mately correct.  In  another  paragraph  of  his  report  he  says ;  "Casey's  division  held  its  line 
of  battle  for  more  than  three  hours,  and  the  execution  done  upon  the  enemy  was  shown 
by  the  number  of  rebel  dead  left  upon  the  field  after  the  enemy  had  held  possession  of  that 
part  of  it  for  upward  of  twenty-four  hours."  He  also  says  that  Gen.  Heintzelman  arrived 
on  the  field  about  3  P.  M.  The  latter  says  in  his  report  that  on  reaching  the  front  he 
found  Casey's  position  was  lost,  but  he  makes  no  statement  as  to  the  time  of  day  it  was 
when  he  arrived,  but  he  infers  that  the  arrival  of  Kearny's  troops  v,ras  simultaneous  with 
his.  That  would  clearly  indicate  the  time  at  about  4  o'clock.  Gen.  Keyes,  in  his  book, 
"Fifty  Years'  Observation  of  Men  and  Events,"  published  in  1884,  admits  he  made  an  error 
in  stating  the  time  of  Gen.  Heintzelman's  arrival,  and  places  the  time  at  4  o'clock,  not  five 
minutes  either  vray  from  that  hour.  Whatever  the  hour  of  the  attack,  it  was  fully  three 
hours  later  when  the  enemy  captured  the  redoubt.  Gen.  Hill  was  approximately  correct 
when  he  said  "the  works  were  captured  at  3  o'clock."  Casey's  troops  fought  for  some 
time  after  falling  back  from  the  intrenchments,  before  retiring  to  Couch's  line;  that  is,  a 



portion  of  them  did.    There  is  abundant  evidence  to  substantiate  this  paragraph  from  Gen. 
Wessells'  report: 

"u\  ?^*  (Penna.)  and  96th  (New  York)  having  fallen  back,  were  again  formed 
on  the  left  of  the  road  in  rear  of  the  camp  in  the  fallen  timber  and  delivered 
their  fire  with  great  effect,  but  being  again  flanked  and  overwhelmed,  were  compelled  again 
to  retire.  The  right  wing  of  the  101st  (Penna.),  after  retiring  deployed  to  the  left,  and 
passing  the  left  wing,  opened  its  fire,  and  for  some  time  maintained  its  position,  but  at 
length  was  compelled  to  fall  back."     CO.  R.  Ser.  I,  Vol.  XI,  part  I,  p.  927). 

It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  article  to  give  a  detailed  account  of  the  battle  of  Fair 
Oaks  or  Seven  Pines.  However,  to  fully  answer  the  aspersions  cast  upon  Casey's  division 
It  will  be  necessary  to  call  attention  to  the  conduct  of  the  troops  comprising  the  other  di- 
visions participating  in  the  battle.  It  should  be  remembered  that  in  the  commanding  gen- 
eral's dispatch  censuring  Casey's  division,  unstinted  praise  was  given  to  all  the  other  troops 
engaged  m  the  battle.  With  but  very  few  exceptions,  the  newspaper  accounts  sent  from 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  while  exaggerating  all  the  camp  gossip  detrimental  to  Casey's 
troops,  were  silent  as  to  any  questionable  conduct  of  the  troops  belonging  to  the  other 
divisions.  This  is  practically  true  of  most  of  the  histories  and  sketches  written  of  the  bat- 
tle. The  excerpts  from  the  official  reports  and  documents  submitted  here  are  not  garbled 
and  cover  all  the  essential  features  of  the  battle.  The  writer  does  not  intend  to  reflect 
upon  the  conduct  of  the  troops  of  other  divisions  engaged  in  the  battle;  the  official  reports 
can  tel!  the  story: 

From  report  of  Gen.  McClellan : 

"On  the  28th  Gen.  Keyes  was  ordered  to  advance  Casey's  division  to  Fair  Oaks,  on 
the  Williamsburg  road,  some  three-quarters  of  a  mile  in  front  of  the  Seven  Pines,  leaving 
Gen.  Couch's  division  at  the  line  of  rifle-pits.  A  new  line  of  rifle-pits  and  a  small  redoubt 
for  six  field  guns  were  commenced,  and  much  of  the  timber  in  front  of  this  line  was 
felled  on  the  two  days  following.  **********  Xhe  picket  line  was 
established,  reachin(j  from  the  Chickahominy  to  White  Oak  Swamp.  On  the  30th,  Gen. 
Hemtzelman  *  *  ♦  advanced  two  brigades  of  Kearny's  division  about  the  fourth  of  a 
**  '*  V?"'  '^^  Savage  Station  *  *  *  within  supporting  distance  of  Casey's  division 
On  the  30th  the  troops  on  the  south  side  of  the  Chickahominy  were  in  position 
as  follows:  Casey's  division  on  the  right  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  at  right  angles  to  it; 
the  center  at  Fair  Oaks;  Couch's  division  at  the  Seven  Pines;  Kearny's  division  on  the 
railroad  from  near  Savage  Station  toward  the  bridge;  Hooker's  division  on  the  borders  of 
White  Oak  Swamp.  *  *  *  The  enemy  *  *  *  threw  an  overwhelming  force  (grand 
divisions  of  Gens.  D.  H.  Hill,  Huger,  Longstreet,  and  G.  W.  Smith)  upon  the  position 
occupied  by  Casey's  division.  *  *  *  Between  11  and  12  o'clock  it  was  reported  to  Gen. 
Casey  that  the  enemy  were  approaching  in  considerable  force  on  the  Williamsburg  road. 
At  this  time  Casey's  division  was  disposed  as  follows:  Naglee's  brigade  extending  from 
the  Williamsburg  road  to  the  Garnett  field,  having  one  regiment  across  the  railroad;  Gen. 
Wessells'  brigade  in  the  rifle-pits,  and  Gen.  Palmers'  in  the  rear  of  Gen.  Wessells' ;  one  bat- 
tery of  artillerv  in  advance  with  Gen.  Naglee;  one  battery  in  rear  of  rifle-pits  to  liie 
right  of  the  redoubt;  one  battery  in  rear  of  the  redoubt,  and  another  battery  unharnessed, 
in  the  redoubt.  Gen.  Couch's  division,  holding  the  second  line,  had  Gen.  Abercrombie's 
brigade  on  the  right  along  the  Nine-mile  road,  with  two  regiments  and  one  battery  across 
the  railroad  near  Fair  O^s  Station;  Gen.  Peck's  brigade  on  the  right,  and  Gen.  Deven's 
in  the  center.  On  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  Gen.  Casey  sent  forward  one  of  Gen.  Palmer's 
regiments  to  support  the  picket  line,  but  the  regiment  gave  way  without  making  much,  if 
any,  resistance.  Heavy  firing  at  once  commenced  and  the  pickets  were  driven  in.  Gem. 
Keyes  ordered  Gen.  Couch  to  move  Gen.  Peck's  brigade  to  occupy  the  ground  on  the 
left  of  the  Williamsburg  road,  which  had  not  before  been  occupied  by  our  forces,  and 
thus  to  support  Gen.  Casey's  left  where  tlie  first  attack  was  the  most  severe.  The 
enemy  now  came  on  in  heavy  force,  attacking  Gen.  Casey  simultaneously  in 
front  and  both  flanks.  Gen.  Keyes  sent  to  Gen.  Hdntzelman  for  reenforce- 
ments,  but  the  messenger  was  delayed,  so  that  orders  were  not  sent  to  Gens. 
Kearny  and  Hooker  until  nearly  3  o'clock,  and  it  was  nearly  S  P.  M.  when 
Gens.  Jameson  and  Berry's  brigades,  of  Gen.  Kearny's  division,  arrived  on  the  field.  *  *  * 
In  the  meantime  Gen.  Naglee's  brigade,  with  the  batteries  of  Gen.  Casey's  division,  which 
Gen.  Naglee  directed,  struggled  gallantly  to  maintain  the  redoubt  and  rifle-pits  against 
the  overwhelming  masses  of  the  enemy.  They  were  reenforced  by  a  regiment  from  Gen. 
Peck's  brigade.  The  artillery,  under  command  of  Col.  G.  D.  Bailey,  1st  New  York  Artillery, 
and  afterward  of  Gen.  Naglee,  did  good  execution  on  the  advancing  column.  The  left  of 
this  position  was,  however,  soon  turned,  and  a  sharp  cross-fire  opened  upon  the  gunners 



and  men  in  the  rifle  pits.  Col.  Bailey,  Maj.  Van  Valkenburgh,  and  Adjt.  Runjsey,  of  the 
same  regiment,  were  killed ;  some  of  the  guns  in  the  redoubt  were  taken,  and  the  whoJe 
line  was  driven  back  upon  the  position  occupied  by  Gen.  Couch.  The  brigades  ot  uens. 
Wessells  and  Palmer,  with  the  reenforcements  which  had  been  sent  them  from  (jei^ 
Couch,  had  also  been  driven  from  the  field  with  heavy  loss,  and  the  whole  position  occupied 
by  Gen.  Casey's  division  was  taken  by  the  enemy.  Previous  to  this  time  Gen.  K-eyes 
ordered  Gen.  Couch  to  advance  two  regiments  to  relieve  the  pressure  upon  Gen.  Case/s 
right  flank.  *  *  *  This  was  followed  up  by  a  bayonet  charge,  led  by  Gen  t<rencn 
in  person  *  *  *  which  turned  the  confusion  of  the  enemy  into  precipitate  flight.  One 
gun  captured  the  previous  day  was  retaken.  Our  troops  pushed  forward  as  far  as  the 
lines  held  by  them  on  the  31st,  before  the  attack.  On  the  battle-field  there  were  found 
many  of  our  own  and  the  Confederate  wounded,  arms,  caissons,  wagons,  subsistence 
stores,  and  forage  abandoned  by  the  enemy  in  his  rout.  The  state  of  the  roads  and  im- 
possibiUty  of  maneuvering  artillery  prevented  further  pursuit.  On  the  next  morning  a 
reconnoissance  was  sent  forward,  which  pressed  back  the  pickets  of  the  enemy  to  within 
5  miles  of  Richmond;  but  again  the  impossibility  of  forcing  even  a  few  batteries  forward 
precluded  our  holding  permanently  this  position.  The  lines  held  previous  to  the  battle 
were  therefore  resumed.  *  *  *  Our  loss  was  in  Gen.  Sumner's  corps,  1,223;  Gen. 
Heintzelman's  corps,  1,394;  Gen.  Keyes'  corps,  3,120;  total,  5,737. 

Previous  to  the  arrival  of  Gen.  Sumner  on  the  field  of  battle,  on  the  31st  of 
May,  Gen.  Heintzelman,  the  senior  corps  commander  present,  was  in  the  immedi- 
ate command  of  the  forces  engaged.  The  first  information  I  received  that  the  battle  was 
in  progress  was  a  dispatch  from  him  stating  that  Casey's  division  had  given  way.  During 
the  night  of  the  31st  I  received  a  dispatch  from  him,  dated  8 :45  P.  M.,  in  which  he  says : 
T  am  just  in.  When  I  got  to  the  front  the  most  of  Gen.  Casey's  division  had  dispersed. 
*  *  *  jjjg  J.QU).  of  Qgp  Casey's  men  had  a  most  dispiriting  effect  on  the  troops  as 
they  came  up.  I  saw  no  reason  why  we  should  have  been  driven  back.'  This  official  state- 
ment, together  with  other  accounts  received  previous  to  my  arrival  upon  the  battle-field, 
to  the  effect  that  Casey's  division  had  given  way  without  making  proper  resistance,  caused 
me  to  state  in  a  telegram  to  the  Secretary  of  War  on  the  1st,  that  this  division  'gave  way 
unaccountably  and  discreditably.'  Subsequent  investigations,  however,  greatly  modified  the 
impressions  first  received,  and  I  accordingly  advised  the  Secretary  of  War  of  this  in  a  dis- 
patch on  the  5th  of  June.  The  official  reports  of  Gen.  Keyes,  Casey,  and  Naglee  show 
that  a  very  considerable  portion  of  this  division  fought  well,  and  that  the  brigade  of  Gen. 
Naglee  is  entitled  to  credit  for  its  gallantry.  This  division,  among  the  regiments  of  which 
were  eight  of  comparatively  new  troops,  was  attacked  by  superior  numbers;  yet,  accord- 
ing to  the  reports  alluded  to,  it  stood  the  attack  'for  three  hours  before  it  was  reenforced.' 
A  portion  of  the  division  was  thrown  into  great  confusion  upon  the  first  onslaught  of  the 
enemy,  but  the  personal  efforts  of  Gea  Naglee,  Col.  Bailey,  and  other  officers,  who  boldly 
went  to  the  front  and  encouraged  the  men  by  their  presence  and  example  at  this  critical 
juncture  rallied  a  great  part  of  the  division,  and  thereby  enabled  it  to  act  a  prominent 
part  in  this  severely  contested  battle.  It  therefore  affords  me  great  satisfaction  to  with- 
draw the  expression  contained  in  my  first  dispatch,  and  I  cordially  give  my  indorsement  to 
the  conclusion  of  the  division  commander,  'that  those  parts  of  his  command  which  behaved 
discreditably  were  exceptional  cases.'"     (O.  R.,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  XI,  part  I,  pp.  38-48.) 

From  Gen.  McCIellan's  testimony  before  the  Joint  Congressional  Committee  on  the 
Conduct  of  the  War,  March  2,  1863 : 

"The  battle  occurred,  I  think,  on  the  last  of  May  and  the  first  of  June.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  battle  Gen.  Keyes'  corps  was  encamped  in  the  vicinity  of  Seven  Pines ;  Casey's 
division  was  in  front;  Couch's  division  a  short  distance  in  the  rear,  on  the  main  road  to 
Bottom's  Bridge;  Heintzelman's  corps  was  on  the  same  side  of  the  Chickahominy,  in  the 
general  vicinity  of  Savage's  Station;  Sumner's  corps  was  on  the  left  bank,  about  half  way 
between  Bottom's  Bridge  and  New  Bridge ;  the  corps  of  Franklin  and  Porter  were  also  on 
theleft  bank  of  the  Chickahominy,  near  New  Bridge.  The  attack  commenced  on  Casey's 
division,  I  think,  about  one  o'clock.  I  was  at  the  time  confined  to  my  bed  by  illness,  and  the 
first  intimation  I  received  of  the  affair  was  the  sound  of  the  musketry.  Without  waiting 
to  hear  from  Gen.  Keyes  or  Gen.  Heintzelman,  I  sent  instructions  to  Gen.  Sumner  to  hold 
his  corps  in  readiness  to  move  to  the  scene  of  action.  I  did  not  hear  anything  for  a  long 
time  from  the  field.  I  think  the  first  I  heard  was  from  Gen.  Heintzelman,  who  reported 
that  Casey's  division  had  been  completely  broken  and  was  in  full  retreat.  I  ordered  Sumner 
over  as  soon  as  I  learned  that  his  services  were  needed  and  the  affair  serious.  The  main  part 
of  his  force  crossed  at  the  bridge  near  Dr.  Trent's  farm,  and  moved  by  the  shortest  route 
upon  Fair  Oaks,  near  which  point  he  came  in  contact  with  the  enemy's  left,  and  drove  them 
some  little  distance,  thus  relieving  the  pressure  upon  the  right  of  Heintzelman,  who  had 
moved  up  to  support  Keyes.  The  enemy  renewed  the  attack  on  Sunday  morning  but  with 
much  less  vigor  than  the  day  before.  Question.  'What  was  the  strength  of  the'left  win-' 
of  your  army— that  part  of  the  army  which  was  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Chickahominy  at 


that  time?'  Answer.  'Without  the  returns  I  could  merely  guess  at  it.  There  were  four 
divisions— one  a  very  weak  one.  I  should  think  the  four  divisions  must  have  had  30,000 
men,  perhaps.'  "     (Report  Conduct  of  the  War,  part  I,  pp.  432-433.) 

From  Gen.  Heintzelman's  report  (comdg.  Third  Corps;  also  all  the  troops  south  of 
the  Chickahominy,  May  31)  : 

"About   1   P.   M.   I   first   heard  firing,  more  than  there   had  been   for  several  days. 

*    At  2  P.  M.  I  received  a  note  from  Lieut.  Jackson,  of  Gen.  Keyes'  staff,  informing 
me  that  the  enemy  were  pressing  them  very  hard,  especially  on  the  railroad,  and  asking 
me  to  send  two  brigades.    *    *    *    On  this  I  sent  orders  for  a  brigade  to  advance  up  the 
railroad   as    a    support.     The   one   selected   by   Gen.   Kearny   was   Gen.    Birney's   brigade. 
Previous  to  this   I   had   received  instructions   from  the  commanding   general  to  hold  the 
Seven  Pines  at  all  hazards,  but  not  to  move  the  troops  guarding  the  approaches  of  Bot- 
tom's Bridge  and  crossing  of  the  White  Oak  Swamp,  unless  it  became  absolutely  necessary 
to  hold  the  position  in  front  at  the  Seven  Pines.     Believing   the  position  in  front  of  the 
Seven  Pines  to  be  a  critical  one,  and  not  having  entire  confidence  in  the  raw  troops  com- 
prising the  division  of  Gen.  Casey,  I  sought  and  obtained  permission  on  Friday  afternoon 
to  advance  a  portion  of  my  corps  from  its  position  near  Bottom's  Bridge.     The  order  was 
to^  make  such   disposition  of  the  troops   of   my   corps   as   I   saw  fit.     *    *    * 
Lieuls.  Hunt  and  Johnson  returned  about  2:30  P.  M.,  having  seen  Gen.  Keyes,  by  whom 
they  were  directed  to  report  that  his  front  line,  which  was  held  by  Case/s  division,  was 
being  driven  in.     The  road  from  the  front  was  at  this  time  filled  with  fugitives.     I  mounted 
my  horse  and  rode  briskly  to  the  front.     ♦    *     +     j  had  already  given  orders  for  all  the 
available  troops   to  advance,    *    *    *    On   reaching  the   front,  I   met  our  troops  fiercely 
engaged     *    *     *    near  the   Seven  Pines,  having  lost  the  first  position,  three-fourths  of  a 
mile  in  advance.     *     *    *     Our  reenforcements  now  began  to  arrive.     *    *    *    This  brought 
the  time  to  about  5  o'clock,  at  which  hour  the  enemy  received  a  reenforcement  of  a  division, 
and  began  to  drive  our  troops  out  of  the  woods  on  the  right  of  the  road.    The  fire  had 
increased  so  much  that   I  went  to  the   left  to  order  two    *    *    *    regiments  to  support 
this  line.     I  met  them  coming.     *     *     *    They  went  into  the  woods,  but,  together  with  the 
troops  already  there,  were   driven  out  by  the  overwhelming  masses   of  the   enemy.     Gen. 
Jameson   rode  across  to   rally  them,  but   was   met  by  a  volley  from  the   enemy.     ♦    *    * 
Their    exertions,    however,    partially    rallied    the    retiring    regiments,    and    they    fell    back 
fighting.     This  brought  us  into   a  narrow  strip  of  wood  along  the  main  road.    With  the 
assistance  of  my  staff  and  other  officers,  we  succeeded  in  rallying  fragments  of  regiments 
to  the  number  of  about  1,800  men.     *    *    *    ^  ^^y,  [jne  was  formed  in  some  unfinished 
rifle-pits  about  one-half   mile   in   rear,  and   occupied  by  the  troops  of  Gens.   Couch's   and 
Kearny's  divisions,  and  such  troops  of  Gen.  Casey  as  could  be  collected.   When  the  troops 
on  the  right  of  the  road  near  the  Seven  Pines  gave  way  the  enemy  pushed  several  regi- 
ments across  the  main  road,  placing  them  between  Gen.  Berry's  brigade,  part  of  Jameson's, 
and  the  portion  of  our  troops  who  gave  way  from  the  right  of  the  road.    *    *    *    The 
defensive  works  of  Gen.   Casey's  position,   in  consequence  of  the  increasing  rains  and  the 
short  time  allowed  him  for   labor  with  trenching  tools,  were  in  a  very  unfinished   state, 
and  could  oppose  but  a  feeble  resistance  to  the  overwhelming  mass  thrown  upon  them. 
The   artillery  was   well   served,   and   some   of  the   regiments   fought  gallantly  until   over- 
whelmed by  numbers.    After  they  were  once  broken  they  could  not  be  rallied.    The  road 
was  filled  with  fugitives   (not  all  from  this  division)   as  far  as  Bottom's  Bridge.    *    *    ♦ 
A  guard  placed  at  Bottom's  Bridge  stopped  over  1,000  men.     An  officer  informed  me  that 
after   we   had   driven  the   enemy   beyond  our   first   intrenchments   he  visited   Gen.    Casey's 
camp   and   found   more   men    bayoneted   and    shot   within   their   shelter  tents   than   outside 
of   them.     As   Gen.   Casey   in   his    report   has   not   designated  tjie   regiments   who  did   not 
behave   well.   I   do  not   feel  called  upon  to  mention  them.    The   104th    Penna.,   100th   and 
92d   New  York,   and   11th   Maine,  Gen.   Casey  says,   made   a   charge   on   the   enemy  under 
his  eye  and  by  his   express   orders  that  would  have  honored  veteran  troops.    The   101st 
Penna.   and   86th    (evidently   85th)    New   York   fought   well.     There   is   one    statement   in 
Gen.  Palmer's  report  which  it  is  necessary  to  notice.    No  portion  of  Gen.  Hooker's  division 
was  engaged  on   Saturday.   *   *   *   The  heavy  loss   in  Gen.  Kearny's   division  will  attest 
how  much  his  division  felt  the  enemy.    After  Gen.  Kearny's  division  arrived  on  the  field 
our  forces  did  not  fall  back  a  third  of  a  mile  before  they  checked  the  enemy.     The  next 
day  they  drove  them  back,  and  before  night  a  portion  of  Sickles'  brigade    *    *     *     occupied 
at  least  a  portion  of  Gen.  Casey's  camps.   *   *   *   Couch's,  Casey's  and  Kearny's  divisions 
on  the  field  numbered  but  18,500  men.     Deducting  from  this   force   Casey's  division,  5,000 
dispersed  when  I  came  on  the  field,  and  Birney's  2,300  not  engaged,  we,  with  less  than 
11,000  men,  after  a  struggle  of  three  and  a  half  hours,  checked  the  enemy's  heavy  masses. 
When  I  arrived  on  the  field,  I  met  Samuel  Wilkeson,  Esq.,  the  chief  correspondent  of  the 
New  York  Tribune.    I  accepted  his  services  as  volunteer  aid,  and  I  wish  to  bear  testimony 
to  his  gallantry  and  coolness  during  the  battle.    When  the  rebel  reenforcements  arrived, 
about  5  o'clock  P.  M.,  and  our  troops  commenced  to  give  way,  he  was  conspicuous  in  the 

SCftVt  ov    w\v,ts 



Map  sTtoy/m^Fositiojis  preltmi-nary  to  Seven  Tines  orFair  Oaks,MtLy  31  if  June  1  7362 

The  above  map,  which  gives  the  position  of  the  troops  of  both  armies  prior  to  the  battle 
of  Seven  Pines  or  Fair  Oaks,  appeared  in  the  "Century  War  Series,"  and  in  "Battles  and 
Leaders  of  the  Civil  War."  By  courtesy  of  the  Century  Company  this  and  other  sketches 
bearing  on  this  battle  are  reproduced  in  this  volume. 

AT     SEVEN     PINES.  159 

throng  aiding  in  rallying  the  men.  *  *  *  The  greatest  distance  the  enemy,  with  their 
overwhelming  numbers,  claim  to  have  driven  us  back  is  but  a  mile  and  a  half.  The 
distance  was  less.  *  *  ♦  In  every  instance  in  which  our  troops  used  the  bayonet  our 
loss  was  comparatively  light,  and  the  enemy  was  driven  back,  suffering  heavily.  Our  troops 
pushed  as  far  forward  as  the  battle-field  of  the  previous  day.  *  *  *  On  the  next  morn- 
ing I  sent  forward  Gen.  Hooker  *  *  *  to  make  a  reconnaissance,  which  he  did  in  a 
most  gallant  manner  far  beyond  the  position  we  had  on  Saturday.  In  the  after- 
noon our  troops  fell  back  and  occupied  the  positions  we  held  before  the  battle.  Our  loss 
on  the  first  day  was  seven  pieces  of  artillery  from  Gen.  Casey's  division  and  one  *  *  * 
from  Gen.  Couch's.  As  the  enemy  +  ♦  *  was  driven  bacK  with  immense  loss,  *  *  * 
we  may  well  claim  a  victory,  and  such  it  certainly  was."  (O.  R.,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  XI,  part  I, 
pp.  813-818.) 

From  Gen.  Heintzelman's  testimony  before  the  Joint  Congressional  Committee  on  the 
Conduct  of  the  War: 

"Saturday,  the  31st  of  May,  was  the  first  day  of  the  battle  of  Seven  Pines.  During 
the  week  before  I  had  felt  that  the  troops  were  too  much  scattered;  but  as  I  had  positive 
orders  to  keep  a  certain  number  of  them  at  and  around  Bottom's  Bridge,  and  watching 
White  Oak  Swamp,  I  did  not  venture  to  move  them  without  authority  from  Gen.  McClellan. 
After  repeated  efforts,  I  got  authority  on  Friday  afternoon  to  dispose  of  the  troops  as  I 
saw  fit.  I  immediately  ordered  them  all  forward  with  the  exception  of  half  of  Hooker's 
division.    I  was  ordered  to  leave  one  brigade  there  to  hold  those  positions. 

"The  next  day,  the  31st  of  May,  about  i  o'clock,  there  was  considerable  heavy  firing  of 
artillery  and  musketry.    As  we  had  it  before,  it  did  not  cause  me  much  uneasiness,  until  I 
found  it  was  continued.     *    *     *    A  few  minutes  after  they  left  I  got  a  note  from  Gen. 
Keyes,  informing  me  that  the  enemy  had  attacked  him  in  considerable  force,  and  asking  me 
to  send  a  brigade  or  two  up  the  railroad  to  assist  him.     In  a  few  minutes  more  ray  staff 
officers  returned  and  informed  me  that  the   enemy  had  driven  back  some  of  our  troops. 
I  at  once  rode  forward.    Before  I  had  got  a  mile,  at  the  edge  of  the  cleared  ground  in  front, 
I  met  the  fugitives  from  Casey's  division  retreating.     I  rode  to  the  front,  saw  Gen.  Keyes, 
and  got  all  the  information  I  could  from  him.     Before  this,  however,  I  had  ordered  the 
troops  forward,  and  as  they  came  up  I  placed  them  in  position.     We  had  then  lost  our 
advanced  position.     All  the  troops  had  been  driven  back,  and  Gen.  Casey  had  lost  several 
pieces  of  artillery.     When  the  troops  I  had  ordered  up  came  into  position,  they  checked  the 
enemy.   In  a  little  while,  however,  they  attacked  us  again  with  an  overwhelming  force  on 
our  right  flank  and  that  began   to  give  way.    They  drove  us  back  from  a  half  to   three- 
quarters  of  a  mile,  when  we  finally  checked  them.    About  this  time  Gen.  Sumner's  corps 
had  crossed  the  Chickahominy,  and  came  in  on  our  right,  and  aided  us  in  repulsing  the 
enemy.     As  soon  as   I   had   found  the   attack  was   serious   I   had   sent  an  officer   over  to 
inform  Gen.  Sumner  and  Gen.  McClellan.    *    *    *    There  was  one  brigade  of  Gen.  Casey's 
division,  under  Gen.  Naglee,  on  our  extreme  right,  that  held  its  position  pretty  well.     The 
center  gave  way  and  fell  back  some  distance.    We  succeeded  in  rallying  them,  and  repulsed 
the  enemy.     My  right  held  the  ground  until  some  time  after  dark,  when  it  fell  back  and 
joined  us  in  the  field-works  we  had  thrown  up  a  little  west  of  the  Chickahominy.     In  the 
night  I  got  a  telegram  from  Gen.  McClellan,  that  he  wanted  to  see  me  at  the  railroad  station 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Chickahominy.     I  got  on  a  locomotive  and  went  down  there  and 
saw  him.    I  told  him  what  had  occurred  and  what  we  could  do.    He  said  that  he  relied  upon 
my  holding  the  position  we  then  occupied  and  that  he  would  spend  the  night  with  Gen. 
Sum.ner,  or  come  over  the  next  morning,  to  keep  rank  off  me,  as  he  said.     Gen.  Sumner 
ranked  me.     When  I  got  back  I   got  a  note  from  Gen.   Sumner,  saying  that  from  all  he 
could  learn,  he  expected  to  be  attacked  by  an  overwhelming  force  in  the  morning  and  wanted 
me  to  assist  him.    I  replied  that  any  aid  I  could  give  him  he  should  have. 

"In  the  morning  I  went  to  the  front  and  had  not  been  there  long  before  I  heard  firing 
in  the  direction  of  Gen.  Sumner's  forces.  I  had  the  half  of  Gen.  Hooker's  division  there; 
the  other  half  was  at  Bottom's  Bridge.  I  immediately  sent  that  half  division  forward  in 
the  direction  of  the  firing.  They  soon  met  the  enemy,  who  were  repulsed  by  Gen.  Sumner's 
troops  and  mine.     The  whole  affair  was  over  in  a  very  short  time. 

"That  day  after  the  enemy  gave  way  I  gave  orders  to  pursue  them.  Casey's  division 
was  utterly  broken  up.  Some  of  the  regiments  behaved  very  gallantly,  but  after  they  gave 
way,  none  of  them  could  be  rallied ;  and  Couch's  division  was  a  little  shaky.  When  Kearny 
found  out  that  I  had  ordered  the  troops  to  advance,  he  came  to  me  and  begged  me  to  stop. 
He  asked  me  where  my  supports  were  and  I  pointed  to  them.  He  asked  me  if  I  had  con- 
fidence in  them.  I  said  no.  He  said  I  had  better  let  well  enough  alone ;  that  Gen.  McClellan 
would  order  a  general  advance  in  two  or  three  days.  I  then  countermanded  the  order. 
The  next  morning  I  learned  the  enemy  had  retreated  in  very  great  confusion  and  on  Sunday 
we  gained  nearly  all  the  ground  we  had  lost  the  day  before.  I  sent  Gen.  Hooker's  half 
division  forward,  and  sent  an  officer  to  Gen.  Richardson,  who  commanded  one  of  Gen. 
Sumner's  divisions,  and  asked  him  to  co-operate  with  us,  and  find  out  what  the  enemy  were 


doing  He  saw  Gen.  Sumner  but  he  said  he  could  make  no  reconnoissance  without  orders 
from  Gen.  McClellan.  I  sent  my  troops  forward  and  they  got  within  four  miles  of  Rich- 
mond. They  sent  word  back  how  far  they  had  got,  and  I  sent  word  to  Gen.  McClellan.  He 
ordered  me  to  stop  and  fall  back  to  the  old  lines.  From  information  we  got  from  the 
rebels,  I  had  no  doubt  but  we  might  have  gone  right  into  Richmond."  (Report  on  the 
Conduct  of  the  War,  pp.  351-352.) 

From  report  of  Brig.  Gen.  Erasmus  D.  Keyes   (comdg.  Fourth  Corps). 

'The  Fourth  Corps,  being  in  the  advance,  crossed  the  Chickahominy  at  Bottom's  Bridge 
the  23rd  of  May,  and  encamped  2  miles  beyond.  Two  days  later  I  received  orders  to  ad- 
vance on  the  Williamsburg  road  and  take  up  and  fortify  the  nearest  strong  position  to 
a  fork  of  roads  called  the  Seven  Pines.  The  camp  I  selected,  and  which  was  the  next  day 
approved_  by  Maj.-G'en.  McClellan,  stretches  across  the  Williamsburg  road  between  Bot- 
tom's Bridge  and  the  Seven  Pines,  and  is  distant  about  a  mile  from  the  latter.  I  caused 
that  camp  to  be  fortified  with  rifle  pits  and  breastworks  extending  to  the  left  about  1,000 
yards  and  terminating  in  a  crotchet  to  the  rear.  Similar  works  about  800  yards  farther  in 
advance,  were  constructed  on  the  right,  extending  toward  the  Richmond  and  West  Point 

"Having  been  ordered  by  Gen.  McClellan  to  hold  the  Seven  Pines  strongly,  I  designed  to 
throw  forward  to  that  neighborhood  two  brigades  of  Casey's  division,  and  to  establish 
my  picket  line  considerably  in  advance  and  far  to  the  right.  The  lines  described  above  are 
those  where  the  main  body  of  the  troops  engaged  near  the  Seven  Pines  spent  the  night  of 
the  31st,  after  the  battle.  Examinations  having  been  made  by  several  engineers,  I  was 
ordered  on  the  28th  of  May  to  advance  Casey's  division  to  a  point  indicated  by  a  large 
wood  pile  and  two  houses,  about  three-fourths  of  a  mile  beyond  the  Seven  Pines  *  * 
and  to  establish  Couch's  division  at  the  Seven  Pines.  Accordingly  Casey's  division  bivou- 
acked ori  the  right  and  left  of  Williamsburg  road  and  wood  pile,  and  Couch  established 
his  division  at  the  Seven  Pines  and  along  the  Nine-mile  road.  Both  divisions  set  to  work 
with  the  few  intrenching  tools  at  hand  to  slash  the  forests  and  to  dig  a  few  rifle  pits.  Casey 
erected  a  small  pent-angular  redoubt  and  placed  within  it  six  pieces  of  artillery.  The 
countrjr  is  mostly  wooded  and  greatly  intersected  with  marshes.  The  Nine-mile  road 
branching  to  the  right  from  the  Seven  Pines  slants  forward,  and  at  the  distance  of  a 
mile  crosses  the  railroad  at  Fair  Oaks.  A  mile  beyond  it  reaches  an  open  field,  where  the 
enemy  was  seen  in  line  of  battle  on  the  29th  and  30th  days  of  May. 

"Casey's  pickets  were  only  about  1,000  yards  in  advance  of  his  line  of  battle,  and  I  de- 
cided, after  a  personal  inspection  with  him,  that  they  could  go  no  farther,  as  they  were 
stopped  by  the  enemy  in  force  on  the  opposite  side  of  an  opening  at  that  point.     *    *    * 

When  the  battle  commenced  Casey's  division  was  in  front  of  the  abatis;  Naglee's  brigade 
on  the  right,  having  two  regiments  beyond  the  railroad ;  Palmer's  brigade  on  the  left,  and 
Wessells'  brigade  in  the  center.  Couch's  division  was  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  Williams- 
burg road,  near  the  forks,  and  along  the  Nine-mile  road.  Peck's  brigade  was  on  the  left, 
Devens'  brigade  in  the  center,  and  Abercrombie's  on  the  right,  having  two  regiments 
and  Brady's  battery  across  the  railroad,  near  Fair  Oaks,  thus  forming  two  lines  of  battle. 

Through  all  the  night  of  the  30th  of  May  there  was  raging  a  storm  the  like  of  which 
I  cannot  remember.  Torrents  of  rain  drenched  the  earth,  the  thunderbolts  rolled  and  fell 
without  intermission,  and  the  heavens  flashed  with  a  perpetual  blaze  of  lightning,  From 
their  beds  of  mud  and  the  peltings  of  this  storm  the  Fourth  Corps  rose  to  fight  the  battle 
of  the  31st  of  May,  1862.  At  about  10  o'clock  A.  M.,  it  was  announced  to  me  that  an  aide- 
de-camp  of  Maj.  Gen.  J.  E.  Johnston,  C.  S.  Army,  had  been  captured  by  our  pickets  on  the 
edge  of  the  field  referred  to  above,  beyond  Fair  Oaks  Station.  While  speaking  with  the 
young  gentleman,  at  the  moment  of  sending  him  away,  a  couple  of  shots  fired  in  front  of 
Casey's  headquarters  produced  in  him  a  very  evident  emotion.  I  was  perplexed,  because 
having  seen  the  enemy  in  force  on  the  right  where  the  aide  was  captured,  I  supposed  his 
chief  must  be  there.  Furthermore,  the  country  was  more  open  in  that  direction  and  the 
road  in  front  of  Casey's  position  was  bad  for  artillery.  I  concluded,  therefore,  in  spite  of 
the  shots,  that  if  attacked  that  day  the  attack  would  come  from  the  right.  Having  sent 
orders  for  the  troops  to  be  under  arms  precisely  at  11  o'clock  A.  M.,  I  mounted  my  horse 
and  rode  along  the  Nine-mile  road  to  Fair  Oaks  Station.  On  my  way  I  met  Col.  Bailey, 
chief  of  artillery  of  Casey's  division,  and  directed  him  to  proceed  and  prepare  his  artillery 
for  action  Finding  nothing  unusual  at  Fair  Oaks,  I  gave  some  orders  to  the  troops  there, 
and  returned  quickly  to  Seven  Pines.  The  firing  was  becoming  brisk,  but  there  was  yet 
no  certainty  of  a  great  attack.  As  a  precaution  to  support  Casey's  left  flank,  I  ordered  Gen. 
Couch  to  advance  Peck's  brigade  in  that  direction.  This  was  promptly  done,  and  the  93rd 
Pennsylvania,  Col.  McCarter,  was  advanced  considerably  beyond  the  balance  of  that  brigade. 
At  about  12:30  P.  M.  it  became  suddenly  apparent  that  the  attack  was  real  and  in  great 
force  All  niy  corps  was  under  arms  and  in  position.  I  sent  immediately  to  Gen.  Heintzel- 
man  for  re-enforcements,  and  requested  him  to  order  one  brigade  up  the  railroad.  My 
messenger  was  unaccountably  delayed,  and  my  dispatch  appears  not  to  have  reached  its 
destination  till  much  later  than  it  should  have  done.     Gen.   Hemtzelman  arrived  on  the 

AT    SEVEN    PINES.  161 

field  at  about  3  P.  M.,  and  the  two  brigades  of  his  corps,  Berry's  and  Jameson's,  of  Kear- 
ny's division,  which  took  part  in  the  battle  of  the  31st,  arrived,  successively,  but  the  exact 
times  of  their  arrival  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy  I  am  unable  to  fix  with  certainty;  and 
in  this  report  I  am  not  always  able  to  fix  times  with  exactness,  but  they  are  nearly  exact. 

"Casey's  division,  holding  the  front  line,  was  first  seriously  attacked  at  about  12  ;30  P. 
M.  The  103d  Penna  Vols.,  sent  forward  to  support  the  pickets,  broke  shortly  and  re- 
treated, joined  by  a  great  many  sick.  The  numbers  as  they  passed  down  the  road  as  strag- 
glers conveyed  an  exaggerated  idea  of  surprise  and  defeat.  There  was  no  surprise  how- 
ever. All  the  effective  men  of  that  division  were  under  arms,  and  all  the  batteries  were  in 
position,  with  their  horses  harnessed  (except  some  belonging  to  the  guns  in  the  redoubt), 
and  ready  to  fight  as  soon  as  the  enemy's  forces  came  into  view.  Their  numbers  were 
vastly  disproportionate  to  the  mighty  host  which  assailed  them  in  front  and  on  both  flanks. 

"As  remarked  above,  the  picket  line  being  only  about  1,000  yards  in  advance  of  the 
line  of  battle  and  the  country  covered  with  forests,  the  Confederates,  arriving  fresh  and 
confident,  formed  their  lines  and  masses  under  the  shelter  of  woods,  and  burst  upon  us 
with  great  suddenness,  and  had  not  our  regiments  been  under  arms  they  would  have  swept 
through  our  lines  and  routed  us  completely.  As  it  was,  however,  Casey's  division  held  its 
line  of  battle  for  more  than  three  hours,  and  the  execution  done  upon  the  enemy  was  shown 
by  the  number  of  rebel  dead  left  upon  the  field  after  the  enemy  had  held  possession  of  that 
part  of  it  for  upward  of  twenty-four  hours. 

"For  the  details  of  the  conflict  with  Casey's  line  I  must  refer  to  his  report,  and  to  the 
reports  of  Brig.-Gens.  Naglee,  Palmer,  and  Wessells,  whose  activity  I  had  many  opportuni- 
ties to  witness.  When  applied  to  for  them,  I  sent  re-enforcements  to  sustain  Casey's  line 
until  the  numbers  were  so  much  reduced  in  the  second  line  that  no  more  could  be  spared. 
I  then  refused,  though  applied  to  for  further  aid. 

"I  shall  now  proceed  to  describe  the  operations  of  the  second  line,  which  received  my 
uninterrupted  supervision,  composed  principally  of  Couch's  division,  second  line.  As  the 
pressure  on  Casey's  division  became  greater  he  applied  to  me  for  re-enforcements.  I  con- 
tinued to  send  them  as  long  as  I  had  troops  to  spare.  Col.  McCarter,  with  the  93d  Penna. 
Peck's  Brigade,  engaged  the  enemy  on  the  left,  and  maintained  his  ground  above  two  hours, 
until  overwhelming  numbers  forced  him  to  retire,  which  he  did  in  good  order. 

"At  about  2  o'clock  P.  M.  I  ordered  the  55th  New  York  *  *  *  to  "save  the  guns," 
meaning  some  of  Casey's.  The  regiment  moved  up  the  Williamsburg  road  at  double-quick, 
conducted  by  Gen.  Naglee,  where  it  beat  off  the  enemy,  on  the  point  of  seizing  some  guns, 
and  held  its  position  more  than  an  hour.  *  *  *  At  a  little  past  2  o'clock  I  ordered  NeiU's 
23d  and  Rippey's  61st  Penna.  Regiments  to  move  to  the  support  of  Casey's  right.  Neill 
attacked  the  enemy  twice  with  great  gallantry.  In  the  first  attack  the  enemy  were  driven 
back.  In  the  second  attack,  and  under  the  immediate  command  of  Gen.  Couch,  these  two 
regiments  assailed  a  vastly  superior  force  of  the  enemy  and  fought  with  extraordinary 
bravery,  though  compelled  at  last  to  retire.  They  brought  in  35  prisoners.  Both  regiments 
were  badly  cut  up.  Col.  Rippey,  of  the  61st,  and  his  adjutant,  were  killed.  The  lieutenant- 
colonel  and  major  were  wounded  and  are  missing.  The  casualties  in  the  61st  amount  to  263, 
and  are  heavi